The Voyage of Verrazzano - Appendix



APPENDIX 

I. 

LETTERA DI FERNANDO CARLI A SUO PADRE. 

From the Archivo Storico Italiano. Appendice Tomo IX. 58-5 Firenze 1858. 

Al nome di Dio 

a di 4 Agosta 1524. 

"Onorando padre,--Considerando che quando fui in la armata di Barbaria 
alle Gierbe vi furono grate le nuove advisatevi giornalmente per lo 
illustre sig. Don Ugo di Moncada, capitano generale della Cesarea Maesta 
in quelle barbare parti, seguite certando,* solo con 60 uomini, con 
intenzione di, giusta sua possa discoprire il Oataio, tenendo cammino per 
altri climati di quelli usano li Portughesi in lo discoprire di verso la 
parte di Calicut, ma andando verso coro e settentrione omnino tenendo, che 
ancora [Ancorche] Tolomeo ed Aristotile ed altri cosmografi descrivano 
verso tali climati non trovarsi terra, di trovarvene a ogni modo; e cosi 
gli ha Dio concesso, come distintamente descrive per una sua lettera a 
questa S. M.; della quale in questa ne e una copia. E per mancargli le 
vettovaglie, dopo molti mesi giunto navigando, assegna essergli stato 
forza tornare da quello in questo emisperio; e in sette mesi suto in 
viaggio mostrare grandissimo ed accelerato cammino, aver fatto cosa 
miranda e massima a chi intende la marinera del mondo. Della quale al 
cominciamento di detto suo viaggio si fece male iuditio,** e molti 
pensorno che non piu nedilui ne del vascello si avesse nuova, ma che ei 
dovesso perdere da quella banda della Norvegia per il grands diaccio che e 
per quello oceano settentrionale; ma come disse quel Moro, lo Dio grande, 
per darca ogni giorno piu notizie di sua infinita possanza e mostrarci di 
quanto sia admirabile questa mundiale machina, gli ha discoperto una 
latitudine di terra, come intenderete, di tauta grandezza cbe, secondo le 
buone ragioni e gradi, per latitudine (et) altezza, assegna e mostra piu 
grande che l'Europa, Africa e parte di Asia: ergo mundus novus; e guesto 
senza lo che*** hanno discoperto in piu auni gli Spani per l'occidente, 
che appena e nn anno torno Ferrando Maga-ghiana, quale discoperse grande 
paese con una nave meno delle cinque**** a discoprire. Donde addusse 
garofani molto piu eccellenti delli soliti; e le altro sue navi in 5 anui 
mai nuova ci e trapelata. Stimansi perae. Quello***** che questo nostro 
capitano abbia condotto non dice per questa sua lettera, salvo uno uomo 
giovanetta preso di quelli paesi; ma stimansi che abbia portato mostra di 
oro, poicbe da quelle bande non lo etimano, e di droghe e di altri liquori 
aromatici, per conferie qua con mold mercatanti di poi che sara stato alla 
presenza della Serenissima Maesta. E a questa ora doverra. essarvi, a di 
qua trasferirsi in breve, per che e molto desiato, par ragionare seco; 
tanto piu che trovers qui la Maesta del Re nostro sire, Che fra tre o 
quattro giorni vi si attende: e speriamo She S. M. lo rimetta. di mezza 
dozzina di buoni vascelli, e che tornera al viaggio. E se Francesco Carli 
nostro ci fosse tornato dal Cairo, advisate che alla ventura vorra andere 
seco a detto viaggio, e credo si conoschino al Cairo dove e stato piu 
anni; e non solo in Egitto ed Soria, ma quasi per tutto il cognito mondo; 
e di qua mediante sua virtu e stimato un altro Amerigo Vespucci, un altro 
Ferrando Magaghiana, e davantaggio; e speriamo che rimontandosi delle 
altre buone navi e vascelli ben conditi a vettovagliati come si richiede, 
abbia ad iscoprire qualche profittoso traffico e fatto; e fara, 
prestandogli nostro Signore Dio vita, onore alla nostra patria da 
acquistarne immortale fama e mamoria. E Alderotto Brunelleschi che parti 
con lui, e per fortuna tornando indietro nou volse piu seguire, come di 
costa lo intende, sara malcontento. Ne altro per ora mi occorre, perche 
per altre vi ho avvisato il bisogno. A voi di continuo mi raccomando, 
pregandovi ne facciate parte agli amici nostri, non dimenticando 
Pierfrancesco Dagaghiano,****** che per essere persona perita, tengo che 
na prendera grande passatempo; ed u lui mi raccomanderete. Simile al 
Rustichi, al quale non dispiacera se si diletta, come suole, intendere 
cose di cosmografia. Che Dio tutti di male vi guardi. 

Vostro figliuoio FERNANDO CARLI in Lione.

(* Combattendo (Nota dell edisione Romana) con li Mori di detta isola; per 
la quale mostrasi haver fatto piacere a molti nostri padroni ed amici, e 
con quelli della conseguita vittoria congratulatovi, pertanto, essendo 
nuovamente qui nuova della giunta del capitano Giovanui da Verrazzano 
nostro fiorentino allo porto di Diepa in Normandia con sua nave Delfina, 
con la quale si parti dalle insule Canarie fino di Gennaio passato, per 
andare in busca di terre nuove per questa serenissima corona di Francia, 
in che mostro coraggio troppo nobile e grande a mettersi a tanto incognito 
viaggio con una sola nave che appena e una caravella di tonelli 
[L'amanuense ha lasciato il numero delle lonnellate di cui era capace la 
nave (Nota come sopra)]] 

(** L'ediz. romana ha indizio, una crediamo per errore di stampa.)

(*** Quello che (Nota come sopra.))

(**** Forse venne qui omesso ite o simile; e sembra accennarsi al 
naufragio di una di quelle cinque navi.)

(***** nelle romana si legge: "stimansi per se quello ec."; ma ci sembra 
che il senso glustifichi abbastanza la nostra correzione.)

(****** Forse, da Gagliano.)



II. 

AGREEMENT OF PHILIPPE CHABOT, ADMIRAL OF FRANCE WITH CERTAIN ADVENTUREERS 
INCLUDING VERRAZZANO. 

From the Fontette Collection, XXI, 770, fol. 60, in the Bibliotheque 
Nationale in Paris. First printed by M. Marguy, and her corrected 
according to the MS. 

Nous, Philippe Chabot, baron d'Apremont, chevalier de l'ordre du Roi, son 
gouverneur et lieutenant general de Bourgoingne, admiral de France et de 
Bretaine. Avons ce jourdhuy delibere que, pour le bien, prouffict et 
utilite de la chose publieque du royaulme de France, mettre sur deux de 
nos gallyons estant de present au Havre de Grace avec une nef appartenant 
a Jehan Ango, de Dieppe, du port soixantedix tonneaulx ou environ, por 
iceulx troys veseaulx, esquipper, vitailler et convinyr, pour faire le 
voiaige des espiceryes aux Indies.--Dont pour icelluy voiage faire avons 
accorde avec les personnes cidessoubz nommes et signez en la maniere qui 
ensuict pour fournyr lesd. trois navyres de marchandises, victailles et 
avance de compaignons ainsi qu'il sera requis et necessaire. 

Et pour ce faire avons conclud et delibere, avec iceulx, mectre et 
employer jusqnes a la somme de vingt mil livres tour, c'est assavoir, pour 
nous Admiral quatre mille livres tour, maistre Guillaume Preudhomme, 
general de Normandye, deux mil livres tour; Pierre Despinolles, mil livres 
tour; Jehan Ango; deux mil livres tour; Jacques Boursier, pareille somme 
de deux mil livres tournoys, messire Jehan de Varesam, principalle pilote, 
semblable somme de deux mil livres tournoys. 

Lesd. parties revenans ensemble a la somme de vingt mil livres tournoys. 
Por icelle employer aux vitailles, marchandises et avance, loyer de 
compagnons. Et nous Amyral et Ango prometons bailler lead. gallyons et 
nef, bien et deuement radoubees et accoustrees, comme il appartient a 
faire led voyaige, tant da calfadages, cables, ancres, doubles appareilz, 
tous cordages, artilleries, pouldres, boullets, et tout ce qui est requiz 
a telz navires pour faire ung tel et si long voiaige que cestuy et rendre 
iceulx galyons et nefs prestz, et apareillez a faire led. voiaige dedans 
deux moys de ce jourduy Par ainsy que nous Admiral et Ango, prenderons au 
retour dud. voiaige, pour le fret et noleage desd. gallyous et nef, le 
cart de toutes les marchandises qui reviendront et seront rapportes par 
iceulx, sans aucune chose payer. 

Et pour le loyer dudict messire Jehan pillote, lequel s'est submis et 
oblige de fournyr deux pillotes bons et suffisans pour conduire les deux 
aultres navires, prendra pr son dict loyer et de ses deux pillotes, le 
sixiesme de tout se qui reviendra de marchandises, led. cart por nolliage, 
les frais et mises des marchandises et loyers desa copaignons en prealable 
prins et leves avant que prendre led. sixiesme. 

Et se, par cas de fortune, aucuns d'iceulx gallyons on nef feussent pdus 
aud. voiaige, ou que l'ung p quelque incovenient et les deux aultres 
feissent leur voiaige, la marchandise qui reviendroit se pteroit comme 
dessus et y ptiroit led. navire qui n'ayroit este audict voyaige et les 
marchans, chacun au marc la livre, car tout va a commun profit. 

Et se aucun butin se faict a la mer sur les Mores, ou aultres ennemys de 
la Foy et du Roy; monseigneur l'Amyral prendera en prealable sur icelluy 
butin son xme, et le reste qui revenderoit dud. butin se ptira comme 
l'autre marchandise, sanf quelque portion d'icelluy butin, que ong 
baillera aux copagnons ainsi qu'il sera avise. 

Et fera mond. sr Lamyral expedier letres du Roy en patent pour avoir 
license et conge faira led. voiaige, et que aucun empeschement ne leur 
sera fet ou donne par aucune nation des aliez, amys ou cofenderez du Roy 
nore d sr. 

Pour le voiage de messire Joan. 

[Translation.] 

We, Philippe Chabot, Baron d'Apremont, Knight of the Ordre du Roi, his 
Governor and Lieutenant-general of Burgundy, Admiral of France and of 
Brittany, 

Have this day determined for the good, advantage, and utility of the 
public affairs of the Kingdom of France, to put two of our galleons, at 
present at Havre de Grace, with one ship belonging to Jehan Ango of 
Dieppe, of seventy tons burden or thereabouts, to equip, victual and fit 
these three vessels, to make the voyage for spices to the Indies. To make 
the aforesaid voyage we have agreed with the persons hereinafter named and 
signed, in the manner following, to furnish the said three vessels with 
goods, victuals, and advance money for the crew, as shall be requisite and 
necessary. 

And to do this we have concluded and determined with the aforesaid, to put 
and employ as large a sum as twenty thousand pounds, Tours currency, that 
is to say, for ourself, Admiral, four thousand pounds, Tours; Master 
Guillaume Preudhomme, General of Normandy, two thousand pounds, Tours; 
Pierre Despinolles, one thousand pounds, Tours; Jehan Ango, two thousand 
pounds, Tours; Jacques Boursier, an equal sum of two thousand pounds, 
Tours; Messire Jehan de Varesam, Chief pilot, a like sum of two thousand 
pounds, Tours. 

The said parts together amounting to the said sum of 20,000 pounds,
Tours,* to be employed for provisions, merchandise, and advance money to 
hire the crew. And we, Admiral and Ango, promise to deliver the said 
galleons and ship well and properly refitted and accoutred, as befits to 
make the said voyage, as well as caulkings, cables, anchors, duplicate 
furniture, all cordage, artillery, powder, shot, and all that is required 
by such vessels, to make such a long voyage as this; and to have these 
galleons and ship ready and prepared to make the said voyage within two 
months from this day. Also, that we, Admiral and Ango, will take, on the 
return from the said voyage, for the freight and freighting of the said 
galleons and ship, the fourth part of all the merchandise which shall 
return and shall be brought back by the aforesaid, without any cost. 

(* The sums here named do not make twenty thousand pounds.--TRANSLATOR.)

And for the hire of the said pilot, Messire Jehan, who has agreed and 
bound himself to provide two good and competent pilots to steer the other 
two vessels, he shall take for his hire and that of his two pilots, the 
sixth of all the goods which shall be brought back; the said fourth for 
freightage, expenses and disposing of the goods, and the wages of the 
crew, being previously taken and levied, before taking the said sixth. 

And if, in case of accident, any of those galleons or ship should be lost 
on the said voyage, or if one by any mischance does not, and the other two 
do make their voyage, the merchandise which should he brought back, would 
be divided as above, and the said vessel which might not have been on the 
said voyage shall share, and the merchants each one a mark to the pound, 
for all goes to the common profit. 

And if any booty be taken at sea, from the Moors or others enemies of the 
faith and the King, my Lord; the Admiral, shall take previously, of the 
aforesaid booty, his tenth; and the balance which would accrue from the 
said booty, shall be divided like the other goods, except some portion of 
that booty, which shall be given to the crew as shall be advised. 

And my aforesaid Admiral shall have letters-patent from the king 
expedited, in order to have permission and leave to make the said voyage; 
and no obstruction shall be made or given to these letters, by any allies, 
friend, or confederate of the king, our said Lord. 

For the voyage of Sir Joan. 



III. 

LETTER OF JOAO DA SILEIRA, THE PORTUGUESE AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE, TO KING 
DOM JOAO III. 

Translated from the original at Lisbon, in Archivo de Torre de Tambo, 
Corp. Chron. Part I. Ma. 29. Doc. 54. 

Sire: 

I received a letter from Your Highness on the 19th of this month, through 
Joao Francisco, wherein I am directed what is to be done respecting the 
galleon and caravel, taken at the deira Islands,* by the galleys of 
France. As soon as I received the instruction, which was about the 
beginning of Christmas, I spoke on the subject in a manner befitting the 
nature of the case. At once they were released,--the caravel with her 
artillery and the brocades and silks.** By this time they must have 
arrived at Lisbon. As respects the merchandise, I had the promise that if 
it was found to be the property of Your Highness or of your subjects it 
should not be sold. After a few days, discovering that it belonged to Joao 
Francisco, an ample order was given to his agents for its entire 
restitution, which orders set forth that as he lives in the kingdoms of 
Your Highness, and there is an old friendship existing with the King of 
France which he was no less desirous of preserving, in this he would favor 
that king. After this order was promulgated another came from the chief 
official, in consequence of which nothing was delivered, and the goods 
moreover were sold. From that time to the present, nothing has been 
accomplished. I will strive the best I can for despatch, in the manner 
that Your Highness points out, and will give account of what I do. 

(* Probably Madeira Islands.--TRANSLATOR.)

(** That is to say, the hangings, tapestry, and awnings of the vessel.--
TRANSLATOR.)

When the matter of the galleon occurred, the Licentiate Pero Gomez had 
already embarked at Anaflor. I advised the Doctor, Maestro Diogo, who was 
about going to Reuao* that he ought not to leave before writing, and to 
give Your Highness a statement of the facts in that regard; as he at once 
wrote that he would do so, I have said nothing further in my letters. 

(* i.e. Rouen.--TRANSLATOR.)

By what I hear, Maestro Joao Verazano, who is going on the discovery of 
Cathay, has not left up to this date, for want of opportunity and because 
of differences, I understand, between himself and men; and on this topic, 
though knowing nothing positively, I have written my doubts in 
accompanying letters. I shall continue to doubt unless he take his 
departure. 

The Doctor Maestro Diogo de Gouvea is now going to Ruao* where he is going 
to find out everything with the greatest exactness possible, and, as I 
have requested, report at great length. May our Lord prolong the life of 
Your Highness many days and prosper the royal estate. 

(* i.e. Rouen.--TRANSLATOR.)


From Poessi the xxv of April 1523. 

JOAO DA SILVEIRA. 



IV. 

I. LETTER OF ALONSO DAVILA TO THE EMPEROR CHARLES V, RELATING TO THE 
CAPTURE OF THE TREASURE SENT FROM MEXICO BY CORTES. 

Translated from the original in the Archivo de Indias at Seville. 

VERY HIGH AND VERY POWERFUL CATHOLIC LORD KING: 

Captain Domingo Alonso, who was commander of the three caravels that 
sailed as guard on the coast of Andalusia, gave a cedula to Antonio 
Quinones and myself at the Island of Azores, in which Your Majesty was 
pleased to state to us that, from the news of our fear of the French who 
were said to run the coast, we had remained at the island of Santa Maria 
until your Highness should direct what might be for the royal service, in 
so doing we had acted well; that to secure the gold and articles we had 
brought, the three caravels were sent to us under that captain; and we 
were enjoined to embark in them at once and come with every thing to the 
city of Seville, to the House of Contratacion, and the officers who by the 
royal command reside there, for which favor we kiss your feet and hands. 

The caravels arrived the xvth of May, and directly in fulfilment of the 
order we embarked, sailing for the Portuguese coast, which the pilots 
deemed the safer course, and coming within ten leagues of Cape St. 
Vincent, six armed French ships ran out upon us. We fought them from two 
caravels, until we were overpowered, when everything eminently valuable on 
the way to Your Majesty was lost; the other caravel not being disposed to 
fight escaped to carry the news; and but for that perhaps the captain 
might better have staid with his additional force aid our defence than to 
carry back such tidings. Quinones died, and I am a prisoner at Rochelle in 
France. 

I should desire to come, would they but let me, to kiss your royal feet, 
and give a complete history of all; for I lost everything I possessed in 
the service of Your Majesty, and have wished that my life had been as 
well. I entreat that privileges be granted to the residents and 
inhabitants of New Spain and that you will consider services to have been 
rendered, since that people have loyally done their duty to this moment, 
and will ever do as true vassals. 

I beseech that Your Majesty be pleased to order good protection placed on 
the coast of Andalusia for the ships coming from the Indies; for now all 
the French, flushed as they are, desire to take positions whence they may 
commit mischief. Let it be an armament that can act offensively, and which 
will not flee, but seek out the enemy. 

I entreat, prisoner and lost as I am, yet desiring still to die in the 
royal service, that Your Highness will so favor me, that if any ship 
should be sent to New Spain, an order be directed to Hernando Cortes, 
requiring that the Indians I have there deposited in the name of Your 
Majesty be not taken, but that they be bestowed on me for the period that 
is your pleasure. 

Our Lord augment the imperial state of Your Royal Majesty to the extent 
your royal person may require. 

From Rochela of France, the XVIth day of June of M. d. XXIIJ years. 

Of Y.C.Ca. Ma. the loyal vassal who kisses your very royal feet and hands, 

ALONSO DAVILA. 


STATEMENT CONCERNING THE FRENCH VESSELS OF WHICH CRUISE THE SEA OF SPAIN, 

Translated from the original in the Archivio de Indias, Seville, in the 
same hand, says Dr. D. Francisco Xmarez, the ancient archivero, as the 
letter of Alonso Davilla addressed from Rochelle to the emperor. The hand 
writing is most difficult to make out. The amounts marked CII may intend 
coo, and CI two CO. 

The French vessels of war which cruise the sea of Spain as far as 
Andalusia, of which Jn. Florin le Diepa is captain. 

First, a largo ship CII. tons, in which are CII men--the half soldiers, 
and the other half sailors; carries XX pieces of artillery of brass, 
besides others of iron, with munitions and victuals in large quantity. 

Another vessel, built in Vizcaya, captured by the French of CI tons. 

Another vessel of CI tons, made in Britany. 

Five galleons-the largest of LXX tons, another of IX, another of L, 
another of XL, made in Vizcaya, another of XL, which are also provided 
with CC men of war, being of the French soldiers who were in Tuenteravia, 
They have besides full supply of man & of artillery, munition and victuals 
for one year; and, it is said, that this armada goes direct to Andalusia, 
to ran that coast and take what may come from the Indias; for this is the 
same armada that last year took the CXXM ducats that were coming, 
consequently, it is necessary that His Majesty should have an armada in 
Andalusia to go to meet this one of France, and not suffer to do mischief. 



V. 

1. LETTER FROM THE JUDGE OF CADIZ TO CHARLES V, GIVING THE NAMES OF THE 
PRINCIPAL PERSONS CAPTURED WITH JUAN FLORIN; AND OF HIS DEATH. 

Translated from the original, in the Archivo general in Simancos. Estado: 
Legajo 13, fol. 316. 

Sacred Caesarean Catholic Majesty. 

The Licentiate Juan de Giles your Resident Judge in the City of Cadiz 
reports what has been done in the taking of Juan Florin, a French corsair, 
and others, made prisoners with him. Before receiving a cedula signed by 
Your Majesty at Lerma, the thirteenth of last month, knowing that there 
were some differences of opinion among those making the capture, I 
labored, and with success, to induce them to bring Juan Florin, Mons. de 
la Saia, loner Juan de Mensieris, Hichel and a page of Juan Florin before 
Your Majesty, to avoid certain difficulties that were impending. This was 
done by Bartolome del Alamo, high-sheriff of said City, with six persons, 
one from each ship engaged in the capture. These took their departure on 
the 15th of last month, carrying their prisoners to court; and by virtue 
of the cedula of Your Majesty, I caused the delivery to me of the 
remaining French to be kept securely as Your Highness required. One 
hundred and twenty or one hundred and thirty of them were given up, and 
were in custody when a certain dispatch, came to hand from your Counsel on 
the twenty seventh of last month. In obedience thereto, I ordered the 
chief Alcalde of said city to proceed against these in my power, agreeably 
to what was commanded me by your Counsel; and with the utmost speed I came 
on in pursuit of Juan Florin to Colmenar de Arenas where were executed on 
his person the laws of your kingdom, Mon de Mensieris, Michel and Gile I 
condemned perpetually to the galleys; and because the High Sheriff and the 
Vizcaynos left Mons de la Sale at the point of death with Juan Lopez de 
Cumaya, a Vizcaino, who go by another road, I send the High Sheriff for 
him while I return to Cadiz to make provision for things not done in a 
manner beat befitting the royal service. 

In pursuance of your Majesty's order I take especial care that no person 
ransom or conceal himself. Those of consideration, captured with Juan 
Florin are Mons de la Sala, doctor indiscretis, a native of Paris, Mons 
Juan de Mensieris, a native of Turenne, son of Martin Mensieris, who has 
an income of two hundred ducats, Mons de Londo, a native of Lombardy, son 
of a gentleman, a Baron, native of Venice, Mons de Lane, second son of 
Mons de Lane, Mons Vipar, a native of Drumar, son of Mons Vipar, who is 
rich, and Mons Fasan. 

S. C. C. M. I kiss the sacred feet of Your Majesty, 

Licenclado Giles 

2. LETTER OF THE JUDGE OF CADIZ IN ANSWER TO A ROYAL MISSIVE, STATING BY 
WHOM JUAN FLORIN WAS CAPTURED, AND HIS EXECUTION. 

Translated from the original in the Archivo general in Sijoncas Astado: 
Legajo 18, fol. 845. 

Sacred Caesarean Catholic Majesty: 

The Licentiate Giles, Resident Judge in the City of Cadiz, in compliance 
with what your Majesty required by your cedula that it should be stated 
who captured Juan Florin and his accomplices, answers that Martin Yricar, 
Antonio de Cumaya, Juan Martinez de Aricabalo, Martin Perez de Leabnr, 
Saba de Ysasa, Juan de Galarza, Captains of their galleons and ships, with 
their people, were those who captured Juan Florin in the manner that they 
will relate, and brought him to the Bay of Cadiz. I went directly to their 
galleons, and to my requirement they answered that they would keep him in 
safety, that they desired all for your service; and this notwithstanding 
that the said Juan Florin promised them thirty thousand ducats to be 
released. The captains of the fleet of Portugal who were cruising at sea 
in quest of him at the same place in which he was taken also offered ten 
thousand ducats for him that they might take him to their king, and other 
offers were made, none of which they would accept, but, unitedly, with the 
sheriff of that city, took him to Your Majesty, like good and loyal 
servants. And when they arrived at Puerto del Pico, finding Your Majesty 
had commanded that he and his said accomplices should be given up to me at 
once, they delivered and I executed the law upon them. 

Those captains have sustained much injury and have been at much cost, as I 
am witness. They arrived with their ships broken, the sails rent, the 
castles carried away. They had spent much in munition and powder, and for 
the sustenance of those French before they delivered them to me. When they 
arrived in the bay they were greatly reduced and hungered, having 
exhausted their stores by giving to the French. Much would it be for the 
service of Your Majesty that those Captains should be satisfied for their 
losses and rewarded which I have promised them, as Your Highness desired 
by your cedula, that others seeing how they are honored may be encouraged 
in the royal service. Thus much I entreat that Your Majesty will order 
done for the loyalty I know those captains tear to your service, and 
because they are persons by whom you may he much served. 

S. C. C. M. I kiss the sacred feet of your Highness. LICENCLADO GILES. 



VI. THE VERRAZZANO LETTER ACCORDING TO THE ORIGINAL VERSION 

Translated by Dr. J. G. Cogswel, from a copy of the MS. in the 
Magliahechian Library in Florence, and printed in the Collections of the 
New York Historical Society. Second Series. Vol.1, pp. 41-51 

CAPTAIN JOHN DE VERRAZZANO to His Most Serene Majesty the KING OF FRANCE, 
writes:*

(* This introduction reads in the original: "Captain John Da Verrazzano 
Florentine, of Normandy, to the most Serene Crown of France, relates:")

Since the tempests which we encountered on the northern coasts, I have not 
written to your most Serene and Christian Majesty concerning the four 
ships sent out by your orders on the ocean to discover new lands, because 
I thought yon must have been before apprized of all that had happened to 
us--that we had been compelled by the impetuons violence of the winds to 
put into Brittany in distress with only the two ships Normandy and
Dolphin;* and that after having repaired these ships, we made a cruise in 
them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty must have 
heard, and also of our new plan of continuing our begun voyage with the 
Dolphin alone; from this voyage being now returned, I proceed to give your 
Majesty an account of our discoveries, 

(* The significtion of Delfina, the name of the Verazzano ship of 
discovery, is differently given by the translators. Hakluyt renders it 
into English by the Word Dolphin and Dr. Cogswel here does the same. But 
this is not correct. The Italian for dolphin is delfino; which also 
signifies the dauphin, or oldest son of the King of France, so called 
because upon the cession of Dauphiny to the crown of France, he became 
entitled to wear the armorial device, which was a dolphin, of the princes 
of that province. Delfina is the feminine noun of Delfino, in that sense, 
that is the Dauphiness, M. Margry has so interpreted it in this case, and 
accordingly gives the vessel the name of Dauphine (Nav. Fran. 209), which 
as she is represented to have belonged to France, would have been her 
actual name.)

On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock near the 
island of Madeira, belonging to his most Serene Majesty the King of 
Portugal, with fifty men, having provisions sufficient for eight months, 
arms and other warlike munition and naval stores. Sailing westward with a 
light and pleasant easterly breeze, in twenty-five days we ran eight 
hundred leagues. On the 24th of February we encountered as violent a 
hurricane as any ship ever weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the 
divine assistance and goodness, to the praise of the glorious and 
fortunate name of our good ship, that had been able to support the violent 
tossing of the waves. Pursuing our voyage towards the west, a little 
northwardly, in twenty-four days more, having run four hundred leagues, we 
reached a new country, which had never before been seen by any one, either 
in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared to be very low, but on 
approaching it to within a quarter of a league from the shore we 
perceived, by the great fires near the coast, that it was inhabited. We 
perceived that it stretched to the south, and coasted along in that 
direction in search of some port, in which we might come to anchor, and 
examine into the nature of the country, but for fifty leagues we could 
find none in which we could lie securely. Seeing the coast still stretched 
to the south, we resolved to change our course and stand to the north-
ward, and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the land 
and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen coming to the sea-side 
fled at our approach, but occasionally stopping, they looked back upon us 
with astonishment, and some were at length induced, by various friendly 
signs, to come to us. These showed the greatest delight on beholding us, 
wondering at our dress, countenances and complexion. They then showed us 
by signs where we could more conveniently secure our boat, and offered us 
some of their provisions. That your Majesty may know all that we learned, 
while on shore, of their manners and customs of life, I will relate what 
we saw as briefly as possible. They go entirely naked, except that about 
the loins they wear skins of small animals, like martens fastened by a 
girdle of plaited grass, to which they tie, all round the body, the tails 
of other animals hanging down to the knees; all other parts of the body 
and the head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds' feathers. 

The complexion of these people is black, not much different from that of 
the Ethiopians; their hair is black and thick, and not very long, it is 
worn tied back upon the head in the form of a little tail. In person they 
are of good proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own, broad 
across the breast, strong in the arms, and well formed in the legs and 
other parts of the body; the only exception, to their good looks is that 
have broad faces, but not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp 
ones, with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very 
strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift of foot, as far as we 
could judge by observation. In these last two particulars they resemble 
the people of the east, especially those the most remote. We could not 
learn a great many particulars of their usages on account of our short 
stay among them and the distance of our ship from the shore. 

We found not far from this people another whose mode of life we judged to 
be similar. The whole shore is covered with fine sand, about fifteen feet 
thick, rising in the form of little hills about fifty paces broad. 
Ascending farther, we found several arms of the sea which make in through 
inlets, washing the shores on both aides as the coast runs. An 
outstretched country appears at a little distance rising somewhat above 
the sandy shore in beautiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense 
forests of trees, more or less dense, too various in colours, and too 
delightful and charming in appearance to be described, I do not believe 
that they are like the Hercynian forest or the rough wilds of Scythia, and 
the northern regions full of vines and common trees, but adorned with 
palms, laurels, cypresses, and other varieties unknown in Europe, that 
send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great distance, but which, we could 
not examine more closely for the reasons before given, and not on account 
of any difficulty in traversing the woods, which, on the contrary, are 
easily penetrated. 

As the "East" stretches around this country, I think it cannot be devoid 
of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various riches of gold and 
the like, as is denoted by the colour of the ground. It abounds also in 
animals. as deer, stags, hares, and many other similar, and with a great 
variety of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful sports. It is 
plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds of running water, and being in 
the latitude of 34. the air is salubrious, pure and temperate, and free 
from the extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in 
these regions, the most prevalent are the north-west and west. In summer, 
the season in which we were there, the sky is clear, with but little rain: 
if fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the south wind, they are 
instantaneously dissipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright 
again. The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. Although 
the whole coast is low and without harbours, it is not dangerous for 
navigation, being free from rocks And bold, so that within four or five 
fathoms from the shore there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of 
tide, and this depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. The 
holding ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, however violent 
the wind, as we proved by experience; for while riding at anchor on the 
coast, we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March, when the 
winds are high, as is usual in all countries, we found our anchor broken 
before it started from its hold or moved at all. 

We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along the shore, which we 
found stretching out to the west (east?); the inhabitants being numerous, 
we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. While at anchor on this coast, 
there being no harbour to enter, we sent the boat on shore with twenty-
five men to obtain water, but it was not possible to land without 
endangering the boat, on account of the immense high surf thrown up by the 
sea, as it was an open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, 
indicating by various friendly signs that we might trust ourselves on 
shore. One of their noble deeds of friendship deserves to be made known to 
your Majesty. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore through the 
surf to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells, looking-glasses, 
and other like trifles; when he came near three or four of them he tossed 
the things to them, and turned about to get back to the boat, but he was 
thrown over by the waves, and so dashed by them that he lay as it were 
dead upon the beach When these people saw him in this situation, they ran 
and took him up by the head, legs and anus, and carried him to a distance 
from the surf; the young man, finding himself borne off in this way 
uttered very loud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered as they 
could in their language, showing him that he had no cause for fear. 
Afterwards they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, when they took 
off his shirt and trowsers, and examined him, expressing the greatest 
astonishment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in the boat seeing 
a great fire made up, and their companion placed very near it, full of 
fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, imagined that the native were 
about to roast him for food. But as soon as be had recovered his strength 
after a short stay with them; showing by signs that he wished to return 
aboard, they hugged him with great affection, and accompanied him to the 
shore, then leaving him, that he might feel more secure, they withdrew to 
a little hill, from which they watched him until he was safe in the boat. 
This young man remarked that these people were black like the others, that 
they had shining skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very 
delicate bodies and limbs, and that they were inferior in strength, but 
quick in their minds; this is all that he observed of them. 

Departing hence, and always following the shore, which stretched to the 
north, we came, in the space of fifty leagues, to another land, which 
appeared very beautiful and full of the largest forests. We approached it, 
and going ashore with twenty men, we went back from the coast about two 
leagues, and found that the people had fled and hid themselves in the 
woods for fear. By searching around we discovered in the grass a very old 
woman and a young girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed 
themselves for the same reason; the old woman carried two infants on her 
shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy eight Sending Completed Page, 
Please Wait ... as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around them, 
wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We found also wild 
roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of plants and fragrant flowers 
different from our own. We cannot describe their habitations, as they are 
in the interior of the country, but from various indications we conclude 
they must be formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also many grounds for 
conjecturing that they often sleep in the open air, without any covering 
but the sky. Of their other usages we know nothing;--we believe, however, 
that all the people we were among live in the same way. 

After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the coast, as 
we could find no harbour, we determined to depart, and coast along the 
shore to the north-east, keeping sail on the vessel, only by day, and 
coming to anchor by night. After proceeding one hundred leagues, we found 
a very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through which a very 
large river, deep at its mouth, forced its way to the sea; from the sea to 
the estuary of the river, any ship heavily laden might pass, with the help 
of the tide, which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a 
good berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, without a knowledge of 
the mouth; therefore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found 
the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much 
from the others, being dressed out with feathers of birds of various 
colours. They came towards us with evident delight, raising loud shouts of 
admiration, and showing us where we could most securely land with our 
boat. We passed up this river, about half a league, when we found it 
formed a most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon which they 
were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from one shore to the 
other, filled with multitudes who came to see us. All of a sudden, as is 
wont to happen to navigators, a violent contrary wind blew in from the 
sea, and forced us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this 
region which seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed 
must also contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of 
minerals. Weighing anchor, we sailed eighty (ottanta) leagues towards the 
east, as the coast stretched in that direction, and always in sight of it; 
at length we discovered an island of a triangular form, about ten leagues 
from the mainland, in size about equal to the island of Rhodes, having 
many hills covered with trees, and well peopled, judging from the great 
number of fires which we saw all around its shores; we gave it the name of 
your Majesty's illustrious mother. 

We did not land there, as the weather was unfavourable, but proceeded to 
another place, fifteen leagues distant from the island, where we found a 
very excellent harbour. Before entering it, we saw about twenty small 
boats full of people, who came about our ship, uttering many cries of 
astonishment, but they would not approach nearer than within fifty paces; 
stopping, they looked at the structure of our ship, our persons and dress, 
afterwards they all raised a loud shout together, signifying that they 
were pleased. By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure 
with confidence, BO that they came near enough for us to toss to them some 
little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and looked at, 
laughing, and then came on board without fear. Among them were two kings 
more beautiful in form and stature than can possibly be described; one was 
about forty years old, the other about twenty- four, and they were dressed 
in the following manner: The oldest had a deer's skin around his body, 
artificially wrought in damask figures, his head was without covering, his 
hair was tied back in various knots; around his neck he wore a large chain 
ornamented with many stones of different colours. The young man was 
similar in his general appearance. This is the finest looking tribe, and 
the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage, They 
exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair complexion (?); some of 
them incline more to a white (bronze?), and others to a tawny colour; 
their faces are sharp, their hair long and black, upon the adorning of 
which they bestow great pains; their eyes are black and sharp, their 
expression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. I say 
nothing to your Majesty of the other parts of the body, which are all in 
good proportion, and such as belong to well- formed men. Their women are 
of the same form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and 
pleasing appearance in manners and modesty; they wear no clothing except a 
deer skin, ornamented like those worn by the men; some wear very rich lynx 
skins upon their arms, and various ornaments upon their heads, composed of 
braids of hair, which also hang thrown upon their breasts on each side. 
Others wear different ornaments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria use. 
The older and the married people, both men and women, wear many ornaments 
in their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them 
several pieces of wrought copper, which is more esteemed by them than 
gold, as this is not valued on account of its colour, but is considered by 
them as the most ordinary of the metals--yellow being the colour 
especially disliked by them; azure and red are those in highest estimation 
with them. Of those things which we gave them, they prized most highly the 
bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang in their ears and about 
their necks; they do not value or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or 
other kinds of cloth, nor implements of steel or iron. When we showed them 
our arms, they expressed no admiration, and only asked how they were made; 
the same was the case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, 
smiling, as soon as they had looked at them. They are very generous, 
giving away whatever they have. We formed a great friendship with them, 
and one day we entered into the port with our ship, having before rode at 
the distance of a league from the shore, as the weather was adverse. They 
came off to the ship with a number of their little boats, with their faces 
painted in divers colours, showing us real signs of joy, bringing us of 
their provisions, and signifying to us where we could best ride in safety 
with our ship; and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We remained 
among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which we 
were in want, during which time they came every day to see our ship, 
bringing with them their wives, of whom they were very careful; for, 
although they came on board themselves, and remained a long while, they 
made their wives stay in the boats, nor could we ever get them on board by 
any entreaties or any presents, we could make them. One of the two kings 
often came with his queen and many attendants, to see us for his 
amusement; but he always stopped at the distance of about two hundred 
paces and sent a boat to inform us of his intended visit, saying they 
would some and see our ship--this was done for safety, and as soon as they 
had an answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around; 
but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent the queen, 
with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, near an island a 
quarter of a league distant from us, while he remained a long time on 
board, talking with us by signs, and expressing his fanciful notions about 
every thing in the ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our 
modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously took leave of 
us. Sometimes, when our men staid two or three days on a small island, 
near the ship, for their various necessities, as sailors are wont to do, 
he came with seven or eight of his attendants, to enquire about our 
movements, often asking us if we intended to remain there long, and 
offering us every thing at his command, and then he would shoot with his 
bow, and run up and down with his people, making great sport for us. We 
often went five or six leagues into the interior, and found the country as 
pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultivation of every kind, 
whether of corn, wine or oil; there are open plains twenty- five or thirty 
leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or other hinderances, and of 
so great fertility, that whatever is sown there will yield an excellent 
crop. On entering the woods, we observed that they might all be traversed 
by an army ever so numerous; the trees of which they were composed, were 
oaks, cypresses, and others, unknown in Europe, We found, also, apples, 
plumbs, filberts, and many other fruits, but all of a different kind from 
ours. The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and 
many other species, are taken by snares, and by bows, the latter being 
their chief implement; their arrows are wrought with great beauty, and for 
the heads of them, they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp 
stones, in the place of iron. They also use the same kind of sharp stones 
in cutting down trees, and with them they construct their boats of single 
logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufficiently commodious to 
contain ten or twelve persons; their oars are short, and broad at the end, 
and are managed in rowing by force of the arms alone, with perfect 
security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are 
of a circular form, of about ten or twelve paces in circumference, made of 
logs split in halves, without any regularity of architecture; and covered 
with roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from wind and rain. 
There is no doubt that they would build stately edifices if they had 
workmen as skilful as ours, for the whole sea- coast abounds in shining 
stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same reason it has ports and 
retreats for animals. They change their habitations from place to place as 
circumstances of situation and season may require; this is easily done, as 
they have only to take with them their mats, and they have other houses 
prepared at once. The father and the whole family dwell together in one 
house in great numbers; in some we saw twenty-five or thirty persons. 
Their food is pulse, as with the other tribes, which is here better than 
elsewhere, and more carefully cultivated; in the time of sowing they are 
governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient 
usages. They live by hunting and fishing, and they are long- lived. If 
they fall sick, they cure themselves without medicine, by the heat of the 
fire, and their death at last comes from extreme old age. We judge them to 
be very affectionate and charitable towards their relatives--making loud 
lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all 
their good fortune. At their departure out of life, their relations 
mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long while. This is 
all that we could learn of them. This region is situated in the parallel 
of Rome, being 41 degrees 40' of north latitude, but much colder than 
accidental circumstances, and not by nature, as I shall hereafter explain 
to your Majesty, and confine myself at present to the description of its 
local situation. It looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is 
half a league broad; afterwards upon entering it, the extent between the 
east (oriente) and north is twelve leagues,* and than enlarging itself it 
forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in which are five 
small islands, of great fertility and beauty, covered with large and lofty 
trees. Among these islands any fleet, however large, might ride safely, 
without fear of tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at 
the entrance of the harbour, on both sides, there are very pleasant hills, 
and many streams of clear water, which flow down to the sea. In the midst 
of the entrance there is a rock of freestone, formed by nature, and 
suitable for the construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the 
defence of the harbour. 

(* See ante, p.51, note.)

Having supplied ourselves with every thing necessary, on the sixth (sei) 
of May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty 
leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from our sight; 
the nature of the country appeared much the same as before, but the 
mountains were a little higher, and all in appearance rich in minerals. We 
did not stop to land as the weather was very favourable for pursuing our 
voyage, and the country presented no variety. The shore stretched to the 
east, and fifty leagues beyond more to the north, where we found a more 
elevated country, full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses and the 
like, indicative of a cold climate. The people ware entirely different 
from the others we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle, but these 
were so rude and barbarous that we were unable by any signs we could make, 
to hold communication with them. They clothe themselves in the skins of 
bears, lynxes, seals and other animals. Their food, as far as we could 
judge by several visits to their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and 
fishing, and fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous growth. They 
have no pulse, and we saw no signs of cultivation; the land appears 
sterile and unfit for growing of fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished 
at any time to traffick with them, they came to the sea shore and stood 
upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by a cord to our boats 
beneath whatever they had to barter, continually crying out to us, not to 
come nearer, and instantly demanding from us that which was to be given in 
exchange; they took from us only knives, fish books and sharpened steel. 
No regard was paid to out courtesies; when we had nothing left to exchange 
with them, the men at our departure made the moat brutal signs of disdain 
and contempt possible. Against their will we penetrated two or three 
leagues into the interior with, twenty-five men; when we came to the 
shore, they shot at us with their arrows, raising the most horrible cries 
and afterwards fleeing to the woods. In this region we found nothing 
extraordinary except vast forests and some metalliferous hills, as we 
infer from seeing that many of the people wore copper ear-rings. Departing 
from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north-east, and found the 
country more pleasant and open, free from woods, and distant in the 
interior we saw lofty mountains, but none which extended to the shore. 
Within fifty leagues we discovered thirty-two islands, all near the main 
land, small and of pleasant appearance, but high and so disposed as to 
afford excellent harbours and channels, as we see in the Adriatic gulph, 
near Illyria and Dalmatia. We had no intercourse with the people, but we 
judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those we were last 
among. After sailing between east and north the distance of one hundred 
and fifty leagues more, and finding our provisions and naval stores nearly 
exhausted, we took in wood and water and determined to return to France, 
having discovered 502,* that is 700 (sic) leagues of unknown lands. 

(* see ante. p.58, note.)

As to the religions faith of all these tribes, not understanding their 
language, we could not discover either by sign or gestures any thing 
certain. It seemed to us that they had no religion or laws, or any 
knowledge of a First Cause or Mover, that they worshipped neither the 
heavens, stars, sun, moon nor other planets; nor could we learn if they 
were given to any kind of idolatry, or offered any sacrifices or 
supplications, or if they have temples or houses of prayer in their 
villages; our conclusion was, that they have no religious belief whatever, 
but live in this respect entirely free. All which proceeds from ignorance, 
as they are very easy to be persuaded, and imitated us with earnestness 
and fervour in all which they saw us do as Christians in our acts of 
worship. 

It remains for me to lay before your Majesty a Cosmographical exposition 
of our voyage. Taking our departure, an I before observed, from the above 
mentioned desert rocks, which lie on the extreme verge of the west, as 
known to the ancients, in the meridian of the Fortunate Islands, and in 
the latitude of 32 degrees north from the equator, and steering a westward 
course, we had run, when we first made land, a distance of 1200 leagues or 
48OO miles, reckoning, according to nautical usage, four miles to a 
league. This distance calculated geometrically, upon the usual ratio of 
the diameter to the circumference of the circle, gives 92 degrees; for if 
we take 114 degrees as the chord of an arc of a great circle, we have by 
the same ratio 95 deg., as the chord of an arc on the parallel of 34 
degrees, being that on which we first made land, and 3OO degrees as the 
circumference of the whole circle passing through this plane. Allowing 
then, as actual observations show, that 62 1/2 terrestrial miles 
correspond to a celestial degree, we find the whole circumference of 300 
deg., as just given, to be 18,759 miles, which divided by 360, makes the 
length of a degree of longitude in the parallel of 34 degrees to be 52 
miles, and that is the true measure. Upon this basis, 1200 leagues, or 
4800 miles meridional distance, on the parallel of 34, give 92 degrees, 
and so many therefore have we sailed farther to the west than was known to 
the ancients. During our voyage we had no lunar eclipses or like celestial 
phenomenas, we therefore determined our progress from the difference of 
longitude, which we ascertained by various instruments, by taking the 
sun's altitude from day to day, and by calculating geometrically the 
distance run by the ship from one horizon to another; all these 
observations, as also the ebb and flow of the sea in all places, were 
noted in a little book, which may prove serviceable to navigators; they 
are communicated to your Majesty in the hope of promoting science. 

My intention in this voyage was to reach Cathay, on the extreme coast of 
Asia, expecting however, to find in the newly discovered land some such an 
obstacle, as they have proved to be, yet I did not doubt that I should 
penetrate by some passage to the eastern ocean. It was the opinion of the 
ancients, that our oriental Indian ocean is one and without interposing 
land. Aristotle supports it by arguments founded on various probabilities; 
but it is contrary to that of the moderns and shown to be erroneous by 
experience; the country which has been discovered, and which was unknown 
to the ancients, is another world compared with that before known, being 
manifestly larger than our Europe, together with Africa and perhaps Asia, 
if we might rightly estimate its extent, as shall now be briefly explained 
to your Majesty. The Spaniards have sailed south beyond the equator on a 
meridian 20 degrees west of the Fortunate Islands to the latitude of 54, 
and there still found land; turning about they steered northward on the 
same meridian and along the coast to the eighth degree of latitude near 
the equator, and thence along the coast more to the west and north-west, 
to the latitude of 21 Degrees, without finding a termination to the 
continent; they estimated the distance run as 89 degrees, which, added to 
the 20 first run west of the Canaries, make 109 degrees and so far west; 
they sailed from the meridian of these islands, but this may vary somewhat 
from truth; we did not make this voyage and therefore cannot speak from 
experience; we calculated it geometrically from the observations furnished 
by many navigators, who have made the voyage and affirm the distance to be 
1600 leagues, due allowance being made for the deviations of the ship from 
a straight course, by reason of contrary winds. I hope that we shall now 
obtain certain information on these points, by new voyages to be made on 
the same coasts. But to return to ourselves; in the voyage which we have 
made by order of your Majesty, in addition to the 92 degrees we run 
towards the west from our point of departure, before we reached land in 
the latitude of 34, we have to count 800 leagues which we ran north-east-
wardly, and 400 nearly east along the coast before we reached the 50th 
parallel of north latitude, the point where we turned, our course from the 
shore towards home. Beyond this point the Portuguese had already sailed as 
far north as the Arctic circle, without coming to the termination of the 
land. Thus adding the degrees of south latitude explored, which are 54, to 
those of the north, which are 66, the sum is 120, and therefore, more than 
are embraced in the latitude of Africa and Europe, for the north point of 
Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, is in 71 north, and the Cape of 
Good Hope, which is the southern extremity of Africa, is in 35 south, and 
their sum is only 106, and if the breadth of this newly discovered country 
corresponds to its extent of sea coast, it doubtless exceeds Asia in size. 
In this way we find that the land forms a much larger portion of our globe 
than the ancients supposed, who maintained, contrary to mathematical 
reasoning, that it was less than the water, whereas actual experience 
proves the reverse, so that we judge in respect to extent of surface the 
land covers as much space as the water; and I hope more clearly and more 
satisfactorily to point out and explain to your Majesty the great extent 
of that new land, or new world, of which I have been speaking. The 
continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain is joined to Europe at 
the north in Norway and Russia, which disproves the idea of the ancients 
that all this part had been navigated from the Cimbric Chersonesus, 
eastward as far as the Caspian Sea. They also maintained that the whole 
continent was surrounded by two seas situate to the east and west of it, 
which seas in fact do not surround either of the two continents, for as we 
have seen above, the land of the southern hemisphere at the latitude of 54 
extends eastwardly an unknown distance, and that of the northern passing 
the 66th parallel turns to the east, and has no termination as high as the 
7oth. In a short time, I hope, we shall have more certain knowledge of 
these things, by the aid of your Majesty, whom I pray Almighty God to 
prosper in lasting glory, that, we may see the most important results of 
this our cosmography in the fulfilment of the holy words of the Gospel. 

On board the ship Dolphin, in the port of Dieppe in Normandy, the 8th of 
July, 1524. 

Your humble servant, 

JANUS VERRAZZANUS. 

We have received from Mr. Henry Harrisse of Paris copies, taken from the 
archives of the Parliament of Rouen, of two powers of attorney made by 
Verrazzano. They do not relate to his reputed voyage of discovery, but 
apparently refer to the projected voyage to the Indies for spices, and 
serve to establish the authenticity of the agreement with Chabot in regard 
to the latter voyage. They are important in so far as they fix the year 
1526 as that in which the contract was made, corroborating the opinion 
which we expressed in that particular,* and conforming to the documents 
from the archives in Simancas in regard to the capture and execution of 
Verrazzano by the Spaniards. They also prove that Verrazzano had a brother 
Hieronimo, a relationship conceded** to the author of the map, in the 
Borgian collection,*** bearing his name, though not ascertained, but 
regarded as of no practical importance, inasmuch as the mere consanguinity 
of these parties could not verify the representations on the map, even if 
they were made by Hieronimo, of which as yet there is no positive proof. 
Indeed on the contrary we are assured from Rome, on high authority, that 
this map appears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550, and is regarded 
by its custodians is only a copy at the best. 

This note with the two papers from Rouen appended are intended as a 
supplement to the Memoir on the "Voyage of Verrazzano." H. C. M, Brooklyn, 
April, 20, 1876. 

(* page 35.)

(** Page 91.)

(*** The Propaganda College in which this collection is found, is not in 
the Vatican, as inadvertently stated, but in the Via Due Macelli on the 
opposite side of the river.)



DOCUMENTS FROM THE ARCHIVES OF THE OF ROUEN. 

"Du vendredi onze mai 1526 

Noble homme Jehan de Varasenne, capitain des navires esquippez pour aller 
au voyage des Indes, lequel fist, nomma, ordonna, counstitua et estably 
son procureur general et certains messagiers eapeciaulx cest asscavoir 
Jerosme de Vurasenne son frere et heritier et Zanobis do Rousselay en 
plaidoirie et par eapeciaL de recevoir tout ce qui au dit constituant est, 
sera peult et pourra estre den par quelque personne et pour quelque cause 
ou causes que ce soit on puisse estre tant a raison du dit voyage des 
Indes qur autrement, du dit deu ensemble de ses descords et procez 
traicter, composer et appoincter par tels prix moiens et conditions que 
les dita Jerosme et de Rousselay pourront et de receu et bailler quictance 
et discharge telle que mestier sera et generalemeat promettre, tenir et 
obliger biens et heiritages--presents m Gales et Nieolaa Doublet Janus 
Verrazanus" 

Sur le meme feuillet-- 

"Du samedi douzieme jour de mai 1526. 

Noble homme Messire Jehan de Varasenne, capitaine des navires esquippez 
pour uller au voiage des Indes, confessa avoir commis, constitue et 
estably Adam Godeffroy, bourgeois de Rouen auqel il a donne et donne par 
ces presentes pouvoir et puissauce de faire pour le dit de Verrassane* en 
ung dea dits navires nomme la Barque de Fescamp, du port de quatre vingt 
et dix tonneualx ou environ dont est maistre, aprez Dieu, Pierre Cauuay 
pour ouicelluy navire faire traffiquer et negossier par le dit Varrassenne 
en toutes choses pour le dit voiage des Indes ainsi que par le dit de 
Varrassene sera baille par articles et memoires soubz son seing audit 
Grodeffroy. Et pour ce faire le dit de Varrasene a promis payer au dit 
Godeffroy pour sa peine et vaccation de farie et accomplir les dits 
articles et memoirs a son pouvoir en faisant le dit voiage de la dite 
barque la somme de cinq ceuts livres tournois icelle somme payer au retour 
du dit voiage a quoi faire le dit de Varassene a oblige et oblige tous ses 
biens meublea et heritages et iceulx prendre par execution incontinent le 
dit retour.--Etaussai le dit Godefroy s'est submis faire le dit voyage et 
deuement et loyaument servir le dit de Varassenne et accomplir a son 
pouvoir les dits articles et memoires qui ainsi lui seront baillez par le 
dit de Varraesenne.--Et est ce sans prejudice des biens, deniers et 
merchandises que le dit Godeffroy aura et pourra mettre es dites navirea 
pour faire le dit voiage, lesquels lui et les siens auront avec eux 
emportez pour le profit d'icculx oultre la dite somme de cinq ceuts livres 
tournois pour le dit voyage et a ce tenir obligent par l'uu et l'autre 
chacun en son regard leurs biens et heritages.-- Presents Jehan Desvaulx 
et Robert Bouton." 

(* Les mots "en sa charge de capitaine es dits navires," sont ici rayes 
dans l'original, et l'on ajoute en marge ceux ci: "et pour le dit 
Godeffroy.")

(Translation.) 

Friday the Eleventh of May, 1526. 

Jehan de Varasenne, nobleman, captain of the ships equipped to go on the 
voyage to the Indies, has made, named, ordained, constituted and 
instituted his attorney, and certain special commissioners that is to say, 
Jerosme de Varasenne his brother and heir and Zanobis de Rousselay, to sue 
and especially to receive all which to the said principal is, shall be, 
may and may become due by any person and for any cause or causes 
whatsoever as regards what is thus due as well by reason of the said 
voyage to the Indies as otherwise; and also his disagreements and law 
suits to treat compound and settle by such prices, means and conditions as 
the said Jerosme and de Rousselay shall be able to do, and to receive and 
receipt for and discharge according as the case may be, and generally to 
pledge, hold and bind chattels and lands. 

Present mol Gales and Nicolas Doublet. 

JANUS VERRAZANUS. 

On the same leaf: 

Saturday the Twelfth day of May, 1526. Messire Jehan de Varasenne, 
nobleman, captain of the ships equipped to go on the voyage to the Indies 
acknowledged that he had appointed, constituted and instituted Adam 
Godeffroy citizen of Rouen, to whom be has given and gives by these 
presents power and authority to act for the said de Varrasenne* in one of 
the said ships named the barque of Fescamp of the burthen of ninety tons 
or thereabouts, of which the master is, after God, Pierre Cauvay, the 
which ship to employ in trading and traffic for the said Varrasenne in all 
things for the said voyage of the Indies as by the said de Varrassenne 
shall be directed by articles and memoranda under his sign manual to the 
said Godeffroy. And for doing this the said de Varrasenne has promised to 
pay to the said Godeffroy for his trouble and time and attention in doing 
and fulfilling the said articles and memoranda according to his ability in 
making the said voyage of the said barque, the sum of five hundred pounds 
Tours currency, and this sum to pay on the return from the said voyage, to 
do which the said de Varrasenne has bound and binds all his chattels and 
lands, and to take them by execution immediately on the said return. And 
in like manner the said Godeffroy has undertaken to make the said voyage 
and duly and loyally to serve the said de Varrasenne, and to carry out 
according to his power the said articles and memoranda which thus shall be 
given by the said de Varrasenne. 

(* The words "in his quality of captain of the said ships" are here erased 
in the original, and they have added in the margin these; "and for the 
said Godeffroy.")

And it is without prejudice of the goods, funds and merchandise which the 
said Godeffroy shall have and might place on the said ships to make the 
said voyage, which he and his shall have carried away with them, for their 
profit, besides the said sum of five hundred pounds Tours currency for the 
said voyage. And to keep this, each for himself, both parties bind 
themselves, their chattels and lands. 

Present Jehan Desvaulx and Robert Bouton.