35 Of The FBI's Most Famous Closed Cases - Chapters 28-31



CHAPTER 28
ALDRICH HAZEN AMES 

Aldrich Hazen Ames was arrested by the FBI in Arlington, Virginia on 
espionage charges on February 24, 1994. At the time of his arrest, Ames 
was a 31-year veteran of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), who had 
been spying for the Russians since 1985. Arrested with him was his wife, 
Rosario Ames, who had aided and abetted his espionage activities.

Following guilty pleas by both Ames and his wife on April 28, 1994, Ames 
was sentenced to incarceration for life without the possibility of parole. 
Rosario Ames was sentenced on October 20, 1994 to 63 months in prison.

Ames was a CIA case officer, who spoke Russian and specialized in the 
Russian intelligence services, including the KGB, the USSR's foreign 
intelligence service. His initial overseas assignment was in Ankara, 
Turkey, where he targeted Russian intelligence officers for recruitment. 
Later, he worked in New York City and Mexico City, Mexico. On April 16, 
1985, while assigned to the CIA's Soviet/ East European Division at CIA 
Headquarters in Langley, Virginia, he secretly volunteered to KGB officers 
at the USSR Embassy, Washington, D.C. Shortly thereafter, the KGB paid him 
$50,000. During the summer of 1985, Ames met several times with a Russian 
diplomat to whom he passed classified information about CIA and FBI human 
sources, as well as technical operations targeting the Soviet Union. In 
December 1985, Ames met with a Moscow-based KGB officer in Bogota, 
Colombia. In July 1986, Ames was transferred to Rome, Italy.

In Rome, Ames continued his meetings with the KGB, including a Russian 
diplomat assigned in Rome and a Moscow-based KGB officer. At the 
conclusion of his assignment in Rome, Ames received instructions from the 
KGB regarding clandestine contacts in the Washington, D.C. area, where he 
would next be assigned. In addition, the KGB wrote to Ames that he had 
been paid $1.88 million by them in the four years since he volunteered.

Upon his return to Washington, D.C. in 1989, Ames continued to pass 
classified documents to the KGB, using "dead drops" or prearranged hiding 
places where he would leave the documents to be picked up later by KGB 
officers from the USSR Embassy in Washington. In return, the KGB left 
money and instructions for Ames, usually in other "dead drops."

In the meantime, the CIA and FBI learned that Russian officials who had 
been recruited by them were being arrested and executed. These human 
sources had provided critical intelligence information about the USSR, 
which was used by U.S. policy makers in determining U.S. foreign policy. 
Following analytical reviews and receipt of information about Ames's 
unexplained wealth, the FBI opened an investigation in May, 1993.

FBI Special Agents and Investigative Specialists conducted intensive 
physical and electronic surveillance of Ames during a ten-month 
investigation. Searches of Ames's residence revealed documents and other 
information linking Ames to the Russian foreign intelligence service. On 
October 13, 1993, Investigative Specialists observed a chalk mark Ames 
made on a mailbox confirming to the Russians his intention to meet them in 
Bogota, Colombia. On November 1st, Special Agents observed him and, 
separately, his Russian handler in Bogota. When Ames planned foreign 
travel, including a trip to Moscow, as part of his official duties, a plan 
to arrest him was approved.

Following their arrest and guilty pleas, Ames was debriefed by FBI Special 
Agents, at which time he detailed compromising the identities of CIA and 
FBI human sources, some of whom were executed by USSR authorities. 
Pursuant to his plea agreement, he forfeited his assets to the United 
States, and $547,000 was turned over to the Justice Department's Victims 
Assistance Fund. Ames is serving his sentence in the federal prison 
system. Rosario Ames completed her sentence and was released.



CHAPTER 29
THE ATOM SPY CASE

The Government of the Soviet Union, as it was then known, publicly 
announced the detonation of an atomic bomb. Past experience taught 
Americans to treat Moscow pronouncements lightly. However, the White 
House, in a solemn statement in September, 1949, related the disheartening 
news which startled and shocked the nation.

The Kremlin had finally come to understand the secrets of the atom. 
Russian ingenuity in the scientific field probably contributed 
considerably to this discovery. But what of the part played by American 
traitors Julius and Ethel Rosenberg? This is their story.

In the summer of 1949, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) learned 
that the secret of the construction of the atom bomb had been stolen and 
turned over to a foreign power. An immediate investigation was undertaken 
which resulted in the identification of Emil Julius Klaus Fuchs, a German-
born British atomic scientist. British intelligence authorities were 
advised, and Fuchs was arrested by British authorities on February 2, 
1950. He admitted his involvement in Soviet atomic espionage, but he did 
not know the identity of his American contact.

This contact was subsequently identified through FBI investigation as 
Harry Gold, a Philadelphia chemist. On May 22, 1950, Gold confessed his 
espionage activity to the FBI.

Investigation of Harry Gold's admissions led to the identification of 
David Greenglass, a U.S. Army enlisted man, and Soviet Agent, who had been 
assigned by the Army to Los Alamos, New Mexico, in 1944 and 1945. Gold 
stated that he had picked up espionage material from Greenglass during 
June, 1945, on instructions of "John," his Soviet principal. "John" was 
subsequently identified as Anatoli Yakovlev, former Soviet vice-consul in 
New York City, who left the United States in December, 1946. Interrogation 
of Greenglass and his wife, Ruth, resulted in admissions of espionage 
activity under the instructions of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, brother-in -
law and sister, respectively, of David Greenglass. Max Elitcher, a Naval 
Ordnance engineer and an admitted Communist, was interviewed. He disclosed 
that Morton Sobell, radar engineer and former classmate of Elitcher and 
Rosenberg at a college in New York City, was also involved in the 
Rosenberg espionage network.


Background Of Principal Subjects

Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

Julius Rosenberg was born on May 12, 1918, in New York City, the son of 
immigrants, both of whom were born in Russia. He had one brother and three 
sisters.

Ethel Rosenberg, nee Greenglass, was born September 28, 1915, in New York 
City, the daughter of immigrants. Her father was born in Russia and her 
mother was born in Austria. Other members of her family included David, 
Bernard, and a half brother.

Ethel and Julius Rosenberg were married June 18, 1939, in New York City 
and had two sons, Micahel Allen, born March 10, 1943, and Robert Harry, 
born May 14, 1947.

Julius and Ethel Rosenberg lived in the lower east side of Manhattan most 
of their lives and both attended the same high school, Ethel graduating in 
1931 and Julius graduating in 1934. Julius Rosenberg attended the school 
of engineering at a New York college from September, 1934, until February, 
1939, when he graduated with a bachelor's degree in electrical 
engineering. He also took various courses at other New York Universities.

At the time of his apprehension he was operating a machine shop in New 
York City manufacturing all types of parts for various manufacturing 
concerns.

Investigation revealed that Julius Rosenberg began associating with Ethel 
Greenglass around 1932. Julius was disliked by Ethel's parents and was not 
allowed to visit her parents' home from about 1932 until 1935. During that 
period Ethel and her two younger brothers, Bernard and David, occupied an 
apartment on a floor above the home of their parents. Julius Rosenberg 
would visit Ethel frequently at this upstairs apartment, which was 
littered with copies of Communist Party literature and the "Daily Worker." 
Julius and Ethel became devoted Communists between 1932 and 1935, after 
which they maintained that nothing was more important than the Communist 
cause.

Information obtained in March, 1944, reflected that Julius Rosenberg was a 
member of the Communist Party. This information was furnished to the 
Security and Intelligence Division, Second Service Command, Governors 
Island, New York, in view of Rosenberg's employment by the War Department 
at that time. This investigation also established that his wife, Ethel, 
had signed a Communist Party petition. Rosenberg's position with the 
United States Government was terminated in December, 1945.

A search of the Rosenberg apartment at the time of the arrest of Julius 
Rosenberg disclosed that Ethel and Julius Rosenberg were members of the 
International Workers Order.

In May, 1940, the FBI's New York Office learned, after Ethel Rosenberg 
received an appointment as an employee of the Census Bureau in Washington, 
D.C., that she was a devout communist. Further, Ethel Rosenberg and 
another woman, alleged to have been Communist sympathizers, had 
distributed Communist literature and and signed nominating petitions of 
the Communist Party. Ethel Rosenberg had also signed a Communist Party 
nominating petition, dated August 13, 1939, in New York City.

Investigation reflected that Julius Rosenberg claimed to have joined the 
Young Communist League when he was 14 years of age. Also, he was secretary 
of the Young Communist League while in college.


David Greenglass

David Greenglass, younger brother of Ethel Rosenberg, was born on March 3, 
1922, in New York, where he attended public schools. After graduating from 
high school in 1940, he began attending college for a short period, 
studying mechanical engineering. He attended another school for a short 
period in 1948, studying mechanical designing. While he was young, he 
worked in his father's shop.

David Greenglass reportedly had come under the influence of his sister 
when he was about 12 years old and when the 19-year-old Ethel was being 
courted by Julius Rosenberg. At first David opposed the efforts of Ethel 
and Julius to convert him to Communism and disliked Julius, but after 
Julius brought David a chemistry set, the two became very friendly and 
Julius was able to influence David considerably. Julius Rosenberg, until 
he married Ethel in 1939, continued to be a frequent visitor at David and 
Ethel's apartment. David became extremely fond of Julius. Having become 
fully converted to Communist ideals expounded by Ethel and Julius, David 
joined the Young Communist League at the age of 14.

David Greenglass had admitted that he was indoctrinated with Communist 
principles in his youth by Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and was a member of 
the Young Communist League in New York from 1936 to 1938. He continued his 
belief in Communism, but never joined the Communist Party. He claimed to 
have become disillusioned with Communism when Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia 
was expelled from Cominform, the Communist Information Bureau created to 
share information among communist parties, for defying Soviet supremecy. 
This incident, he said, brought home to him that Communism was being used 
as a tool by the Soviet Union for the purpose of world conquest instead of 
a means of reaching a panacea.

Soon after her marriage to Julius Rosenberg, Ruth Greenglass claimed she 
was converted to the principles of Communism by her husband. A member of a 
branch of the Young Communist League for about one year in 1943 and 
president of that branch for about three weeks, she reportedly became 
disillusioned with communism following World War II, when it became 
apparent that Russia had embarked on a program of world conquest.


Morton Sobell

Morton Sobell was born the son of Russian-born immigrants on April 11, 
1917, in New York City. He married Helen Levitov Gurewitz in Arlington, 
Virginia, on March 10, 1945.

A classmate of Julius Rosenberg and Max Elitcher, Sobell graduated from 
college in June, 1938, with a bachelor's degree in electrical engineering. 
In 1941 and 1942 he attended a graduate school at a university in 
Michigan, from which he received a master's degree in electrical 
engineering.

Sobell was employed during the summers of 1934 through 1938 as a 
maintenance man at Camp Unity, Wingdale, New York, reportedly a Communist-
controlled camp. On January 27, 1939, he secured the position of junior 
electrical engineer with the Bureau of Naval Ordnance, Washington, D.C., 
and was promoted to the position of assistant electrical engineer. He 
resigned from this position in October, 1940, to further his studies. 
While employed at an electric company in New York State, he had access to 
classified material, including that on fire-control radar. After resigning 
from this company, he secured employment as an electrical engineer with an 
instrument company in New York City, where he had access to secret data. 
He remained in this position until June 16, 1950, when he failed to appear 
at work. On that date, Sobell and his family fled to Mexico. He was 
subsequently located in Mexico City. On August 18, 1950, after his 
deportation from Mexico by the Mexican authorities, he was taken into 
custody by FBI agents in Laredo, Texas.

Max Elitcher, an admitted Communist, said that in 1939, when he roomed 
with Morton Sobell in Washington, D.C., Sobell induced him to join the 
Communist Party.

Sobell was reported to have been active in the American Peace Mobilization 
and the American Youth Congress, both of which were cited by the Attorney 
General as coming within the purview of Executive Order 10450. Sobell also 
appeared on the active indices of the American Peace Mobilization and was 
listed in the indices of the American Youth Congress as a delegate to that 
body from the Washington Committee for Democratic Action.

A resident of an apartment building in Washington, D.C., reported that 
Sobell and Max Elitcher were among those who attended meetings in the 
apartment of one of the tenants during 1940 and 1941. This individual 
believed that these were Communist meetings.

The FBI's New York Office located a Communist Party nominating petition 
which was filed in the name of Morton Sobell. The signature on this 
petition was identified by the FBI Laboratory as being in Sobell's 
handwriting.

Contact with the instrument company where Sobell was employed showed that 
he failed to report for work after June 16, 1950. The company received a 
letter from Sobell on or about July 3, 1950, stating that he needed a rest 
and was going to take a few weeks off to recuperate. A neighborhood 
investigation by the FBI revealed that Sobell, his wife, and their two 
children were last seen at their home on June 22, 1950, and that they had 
left hurriedly without advising anyone of their intended departure.

Through an airlines company at La Guardia Field, it was determined that 
Sobell and his family had departed for Mexico City on June 22, 1950. Round-
trip excursion tickets for transportation between New York City and Mexico 
had been purchased on June 21, 1950, in Sobell's name.

During Sobell's stay in Mexico, he communicated with relatives through the 
use of a certain man as a mail drop. This man was interviewed and 
reluctantly admitted receiving and forwarding letters to Sobell's 
relatives. This admission was made after he was advised that the FBI 
Laboratory had identified his handwriting on the envelopes used in 
forwarding letters to Sobell's relatives.

In August, 1950, the Mexico authorities took Sobell into custody and 
deported him as an undesirable alien. On the early morning of August 18, 
1950, FBI Agents apprehended Sobell at the International Bridge in Laredo, 
Texas.

Armed with the information supplied by a man named Harry Gold, the FBI 
moved swiftly to bring to justice those responsible for stealing secrets 
of the U.S. Government.


Authorities File Charges

On June 16, 1950, the Criminal Division of the Justice Department was 
advised of David Greenglass's admissions and authorized the filing of a 
complaint in Albuquerque, New Mexico, charging him with espionage 
conspiracy to violate Title 50, U.S. Code, Section 34. On the same date, 
Greenglass was arraigned before a U.S. Commissioner of the Southern 
District of New York and was remanded to the custody of a U.S. Marshal in 
default of $100,000 bail. On July 6, 1950, Greenglass was indicted by a 
Federal grand jury in Santa Fe, New Mexico, and charged with espionage 
conspiracy.

A complaint charging Julius Rosenberg with espionage conspiracy was filed 
on July 17, 1950. Rosenberg was arrested at his home in Knickerbocker 
Village, New York City, the same day and was arraigned that evening before 
a U.S. District judge, Southern District of New York. Rosenberg was 
remanded to the custody of the U.S. Marshal in default of $100,000 bail 
for further hearing.

On August 3, 1950, the U.S. Attorney, Southern District of New York, 
authorized the filing of a sealed complaint against Morton Sobell, 
charging him with espionage conspiracy.

On August 7, 1950, Ethel Rosenberg appeared before a Federal grand jury in 
the Southern District of New York pursuant to a subpoena. A complaint 
charging her with espionage conspiracy was filed on August 11, 1950. Ethel 
Rosenberg was taken into custody on the same day by FBI Agents. Later, on 
the afternoon of August 11, 1950, she was arraigned before the U.S. 
Commissioner of the Southern District of New York and remanded to the 
custody of the U.S. Marshal, in default of $100,000 bail for further 
healing.

On August 17, 1950, a Federal grand jury in the Southern District of New 
York returned an indictment alleging 11 overt acts. Julius Rosenberg, 
Ethel Rosenberg, and Anatoli Yakovlev were charged with violation of Title 
50, U.S. Code, section 34.

Following Morton Sobell's August 18, 1950, arrest by FBI Agents in Laredo, 
Texas, he was arraigned before the U.S. Commissioner, Southern District of 
Texas, waived removal to New York, and was remanded to the custody of the 
U.S. Marshal on August 23, 1950.

The Rosenbergs were arraigned before a U.S. District judge, Southern 
District of New York, and entered pleas of not guilty on August 23, 1950. 
Bail in the amount of $100,000 was continued for both of them.

The next day, Morton Sobell was arraigned before the U.S. Commissioner, 
Southern District of New York, and his hearing was adjourned. Bail of $100,
000 was continued. On September 18, 1950, Sobell again appeared for a 
hearing before the U.S. Commissioner, which was adjourned to enable the 
Government to present its case to a Federal grand jury. 

On October 10, 1950, a superseding indictment was returned by a Federal 
grand jury in the Southern District of New York. Morton Sobell, Ethel 
Rosenberg, Julius Rosenberg, David Greenglass, and Anatoli Yakovlev were 
charged with conspiracy to violate the Espionage Statutes.

On October 17, 1950, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg pleaded not guilty. Bail 
of $100,000 was continued for Julius Rosenberg; Ethel Rosenberg's bail was 
reduced to $50,000. They were remanded to the custody of the U.S. Marshal 
in default of bail.

David Greenglass pleaded guilty to the superseding indictment on October 
18, 1950. His plea was accepted by the presiding judge, and bail of $100,
000 was continued pending sentencing.

Morton Sobell entered a plea of not guilty on December 5, 1950. His plea 
was accepted by a U.S. District judge, Southern District of New York, and 
his bail was continued in the sum of $100,000.

On January 31, 1951, a Federal grand jury handed down a second superseding 
indictment charging Julius Rosenberg, Ethel Rosenberg, Anatoli Yakovlev, 
Mortin Sobell, and David Greenglass with conspiracy to commit espionage 
between June 6, 1944, and June 16, 1950. This indictment was similar in 
all respects to the previous superseding indictment, except that it 
changed the start of the conspiracy from November, 1944, to June, 1944.

On February 2, 1951, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and Morton Sobell entered 
pleas of not guilty before a U.S. District judge, Southern District of New 
York. David Greenglass entered a guilty plea to the above indictment and 
withdrew his plea of guilty to the previous superseding indictment. The 
judge directed that Greenglass's sentencing be postponed until the end of 
the trial.

Morton Sobell applied for a writ of habeas corpus on Febrary 5, 1951, 
claiming the indictment of January 31, 1951, was vague and that his 
incrimination was a violation of his constitutional rights. The 
application was denied.

On March 6, 1951, the Rosenbergs-Sobell espionage conspiracy trial on the 
superseding indictment of January 31, 1951, commenced in the Southern 
Distict of New York. At the outset of the case the U.S. Attorney moved to 
sever Anatoli A. Yakovlev from the trial, and the motion was granted. The 
selection of a jury of 12 with 2 alternates was completed on March 7, 
1951. Counsel for the defendants made motions to dismiss the indictment on 
various grounds, which were denied by the court. A motion was then made 
and granted to sever David Greenglass from the indictment because he had 
already pleaded guilty.

Some of the espionage activities of the Rosenbergs with their 
ramifications were brought out at the trial of the atom spies. 
Greenglass's testimony revealed that he entered the U.S. Army in April, 
1943, and in July, 1944, was assigned to the Manhattan Project in Oak 
Ridge, Tennessee. He did not know at that time what the project was but he 
received security lectures about his duties and was told it was a secret 
project. Two weeks later, again being told that his work was secret, he 
was assigned to Los Alamos, New Mexico, and reported there in August, 1944.

In November, 1944, his wife, Ruth Greenglass, who came to Albuquerque to 
visit him, told him that Julius Rosenberg advised her that her husband was 
working on the atom bomb. Greenglass stated that he did not know that he 
was working on such a project. He stated that he worked in a group at Los 
Alamos under a professor of a New England university and described to the 
court the duties of his shop at Los Alamos. He stated that while at Los 
Alamos, he learned the identity of various noted physicists and their 
cover names.

Greenglass testified that the Rosenbergs used to speak to him about the 
merits of the Russian Government. He stated that when his wife came to 
visit him at Los Alamos on November 29, 1944, she told David that Julius 
Rosenberg had invited her to dinner at the Rosenberg home in New York 
City. At this dinner Ethel told Ruth that they had not been engaging in 
Communist activities, buying the "Daily Worker" any more, or attending 
club meetings because Julius finally was doing what he always wanted to 
do, which was giving information to the Soviet Union.

After Ethel told Ruth that David was working on the atom bomb project at 
Los Alamos, and said that she and Julius wanted him to give information 
concerning the bomb, Ruth told the Rosenbergs that she did not think it 
was a good idea and declined to convey their requests to David. Ethel and 
Julius remarked that she should at least tell David about it and see if he 
would help. During this conversation, Julius pointed out to Ruth that 
Russia was an ally and deserved to obtain the information that was not 
being provided for its use.

At first, David refused to have anything to do with the Rosenbergs' 
request, but on the next day he agreed to furnish any available data. Ruth 
then asked David specific questions about the Manhattan Project and David 
gave her that information.

In January, 1945, David arrived in New York City on furlough, and about 
two days later Julius Rosenberg came to David's apartment to ask him for 
information on the A-Bomb. He requested David to write up the information 
and said he would pick it up the following morning. 

That evening Greenglass wrote up the information he had. The next morning 
he gave this material to Rosenberg, along with a list of the scientists at 
Los Alamos and the names of possible recruits working there who might be 
sympathetic to Communism.

Greenglass further stated that at the time he returned this material over 
to Rosenberg, Ruth Greenglass remarked that David's handwriting was bad 
and would need interpretation. Rosenberg answered that it was nothing to 
worry about because Ethel, his wife, would retype the information.

A day or two later David and his wife went to the Rosenberg apartment for 
dinner where they were introduced to a woman friend of the Rosenbergs. 
After she left, Julius told the Greenglasses that he thought this person 
would come to see David to receive information on the atom bomb. They 
discussed a tentative plan wherein Ruth Greenglass would move to 
Albuquerque; this woman would also meet Ruth in a movie theater in Denver, 
Colorado, to exchange purses. Ruth's purse would contain the information 
from David concerning Los Alamos.

To identify the perosn who would come to see Ruth, it was agreed that Ruth 
would use a side piece of a jello box. Julius held the matching piece of 
the Jello box. David suggested that meeting be held in front of a certain 
grocery store in Albuquerque. The date of the meeting was left to depend 
upon the time that Ruth would depart for Albuquerque.

During this visit, Julius said that he would like to have David meet a 
Russian with whom he could discuss the project on which David was working. 
A few nights later Julius made an appointment for David to meet a Russian 
on First Avenue between 42nd and 59th streets in New York City. David 
drove up to the appointed meeting place and parked the car near a saloon 
in a dark street. Julius came up to the car, looked in, went away, and 
came back with a man who got into David's car. Julius stayed on the 
street, and David drove away with the unknown man. The man asked David 
about some scientific information, and after driving around for a while, 
David returned to the original meeting place and let the man out. This man 
was then joined by Rosenberg, who was standing on the street, and David 
observed them leaving together.

In the spring of 1945, Ruth Greenglass came to Albuquerque to live, and 
David visited her apartment on weekends. On the first Sunday of June, 
1945, a man, subsequently identified by David as Harry Gold, came to visit 
him and asked if David's name was Greenglass. David said that it was, and 
Gold then said, "Julius sent me." David went to his wife's wallet and took 
out the piece of the Jello box and compared it with the piece offered by 
Gold. They matched.

When Gold asked David if he had any information, Greenglass said that he 
did but would have to write it up. Gold then left, stating he would be 
back. David immediately started to work on a report, made sketches of 
experiments, wrote up descriptive material regarding them, and prepared a 
list of possible recruits for espionage. Later that day Gold returned and 
David gave him the reports. In return, Gold gave David an envelope 
containing $500, which he turned over to Ruth.

The Court accepted copies of the sketches prepared by Greenglass at the 
time of the trial to describe the information Greenglass had turned over 
to Gold. These sketches were admitted into evidence.

In September, 1945, David Greenglass, who was on furlough, returned to New 
York City with Ruth. The next morning Julius Rosenberg came to the 
Greenglass apartment and asked what David had for him. David informed 
Julius that he had obtained a pretty good description of the atom bomb.

At this point in Greenglass's testimony the Government prosecutor reverted 
to Rosenberg's contact with David in January, 1945. David reiterated that 
in January, 1945, Rosenberg gave him a description of an atom bomb, which 
David later learned had been subsequently dropped on Hiroshima, in order 
that David would know what information to look for.

Greenglass continued to relate what transpired in September, 1945. At 
Julius' request, he drew up a sketch of the atom bomb, prepared 
descriptive material on it, drew up a list of scientists and possible 
recruits for Soviet espionage and thereafter delivered this material to 
the Rosenberg apartment. He stated that at the time he turned this 
material over to Rosenberg, Ethel and Ruth.

At the trial, Greenglass prepared a sketch of a cross section of an atom 
bomb to indicate what he gave to Rosenberg, an this was made Government 
exhibit #8. At this point, Rosenberg's lawyer asked the court to impound 
the sketch of the bomb so that no one but the court, jury defendents, and 
attorneys would be able to see it. Rosenberg's lawyer stated the he was 
making this request in the interest of national security. The judge 
ordered the sketch impounded, pointing out that, inasmuch as the defense 
requested it, the defense would have no grounds for objection to the 
impounding in case of an appeal.

Greenglass then continued his testimony as to the composition of the atom 
bomb, using the sketch for reference. He stated that he told Rosenberg how 
the bomb was set off by a barometric pressure device. Rosenberg remarked 
that the information was very good and it should be typed immediately. 
Ethel then prepared the information on a portable typewriter in the 
Rosenberg apartment.

While Ethel was typing the report, Julius burned the handwritten notes in 
a frying pan, flushed them down a drain, and gave David $200. Julius 
suggested that David stay at Los Alamos after he was discharged from the 
Army so that he could continue to get information, but David declined.

From 1946 to 1949, David was in business with Julius Rosenberg, and during 
this period Julius told David that he had people going to school and that 
he had people in upstate New York and Ohio giving him information for the 
Russians.

Late in 1947, Julius told David about a sky platform project and mentioned 
he had received this information from "one of the boys." Rosenberg 
described the sky platform as a large vessel which could be suspended at a 
point in space where the gravity was low, and that the vessel would travel 
around the earth like a satellite. Rosenberg also advised David that he 
had a way of communicating with the Russians by putting material or 
messages in the alcove of a theater and that he had received from one of 
his contacts the mathematics relating to atomic energy for airplanes.

Greenglass testified that Rosenberg claimed to have received a citation 
and a watch from the Russians. Greenglass also testified that Rosenberg 
claimed to have received a console table from the Russians which he used 
for photographic purposes.

In February, 1950, a few days after the news of the arrest of Dr. Fuchs in 
England was published, Julius came to David's home and asked David to go 
for a walk. During this walk Rosenberg spoke of Fuchs and mentioned that 
the man who had come to see David in Albuquerque was also a contact of 
Fuchs. Julius stated that David would have to leave the country. When 
David answered that he needed money, Rosenberg said that he would get the 
money from the Russians.

In April, 1950, Rosenberg again told David he would have to leave the 
country, and about May 23, 1950, Rosenberg came to the Greenglass 
apartment with a newspaper containing a picture of Harry Gold and the 
story of Gold's arrest. Rosenberg said, "This is the man who saw you in 
Albuquerque." Julius gave David $1,000, and said he would come back later 
with $6,000 more for him to use in leaving the country and that Greenglass 
would have to get a Mexican tourist card. Rosenberg said that he went to 
see a doctor who told him that a doctor's letter stating David was 
inoculated for smallpox would also be needed, as well as passport photos. 
He then gave Greenglass a form letter and instructions to memorize for use 
in Mexico City.

Upon David's arrival in Mexico City, he was to send the letter to the 
Soviet Embassy and sign it "I. Jackson." Three days later after he sent 
this letter, David, carrying in his hand a guide to the city with his 
middle finger between the pages of the guide, was to go to the Plaz De La 
Colon at 5 p.m. and look at the Statue of Columbus there. He would wait 
until a man came up to him, when David would say, "That is a magnificent 
statue," and tell the man that David was from Oklahoma. The man would then 
answer, "Oh, there are much more beautiful statues in Paris," and would 
give Greenglass a passport and additional money. David was to go to Vera 
Cruz and then go to Sweden or Switzerland. If he went to Sweden, he was to 
send the same type of letter to the Soviet Ambassador or his secretary and 
sign the letter "I. Jackson." Three days later, David was to go to the 
Statue of Linnaeus in Stockholm at 5 p.m. where a man would approach him. 
Greenglass would mention that the statue was beautiful and the man would 
answer, "There are much more beautiful ones in Paris." The man would then 
give David the means of transportation to Czechoslovakia, where upon 
arrival he was to write to the Soviet Ambassador advising him of his 
presence.

Julius further advised Greenglass that he himself would have to leave the 
country because he had known Jacob Golos (a member of the Communist 
underground), and that Elizabeth Bentley (also a Communist Party member).

Sometime later, David and his family went to a photography shop and had 
six sets of passport photos taken. On Memorial Day, Greenglass gave 
Rosenberg five sets of these photos. Later Rosenberg again visited David, 
to who he gave $4,000 in $10- and $20-bills wrapped in brown paper, 
requesting Greenglass to go for a walk with him and repeat the memorized 
instructions. David gave the $4,000 to his brother-in-law for safekeeping.

On cross-examination, David testified he used the $1,000 he received from 
Julius to pay household debts and the $4,000 to pay his lawyer for 
representing him.

Ruth Greenglass also testified at the trial, and, in addition to 
corroborating her husband's testimony, gave the following information:

She stated that prior to her departure for New Mexico in November, 1944, 
she had had a conversation with Julius and Ethel Rosenberg at the 
Rosenberg apartment in New York City. Julius told her that he and Ethel 
had discontinued their open affiliation with the Communist Party because 
he had always wanted to do more than just be a Communist Party member. 
After two years, Julius had succeeded in reaching the Russians and was now 
doing the work he wanted to do. He requested her to enlist David's help 
furnishing information to him for the Russians about Los Alamos. Ruth 
declined at first, but Ethel urged her to approach David. Julius then gave 
her instructions for David as to the particular type of information he 
wanted. A few days later, he gave Ruth $150 to defray the expenses of her 
trip to New Mexico.

On her return to New York in December, 1944, after visiting David, 
Rosenberg visited her apartment, at which time she informed him of David's 
decision to cooperate. She furnished Julius oral and written information 
that David gave her and informed him of David's impending furlough. Prior 
to her departure for Albuquerque in February of 1945, Julius visited her 
and gave Ruth instructions concerning a meeting with an espionage contact 
in Albuquerque.


Gold Testifies

Harry Gold testified that he was engaged in Soviet espionage from 1935 up 
to the time of his arrest in May, 1950, and that from 1944 to 1946 his 
espionage superior was a Russian, known to him as "John." He identified a 
picture of Anatoli A. Yakovlev, former Soviet Vice-Consul in New York 
City, as "John." Yakovlev's picture was admitted into evidence.

In June, 1944, Gold had an espionage meeting with Dr. Klaus Fuchs in 
Woodside, Queens, New York. As a result of this meeting, Gold wrote a 
report and turned it over to Yakovlev about a week or so later, when he 
told Yakovlev that at Gold's next meeting with Fuchs, the latter would 
give Gold information relating to the application of nuclear fission to 
the production of military weapons.

In the latter part of 1944, Gold met Fuchs in the vicinity of Borough 
Hall, Brooklyn, and received a package from Fuchs which Gold later turned 
over to Yakovlev.

Gold's next meeting with Fuchs was in July, 1944, in the vicinity of 9th 
Street and Central Park West, New York City. About a week or two later, 
Gold gave Yakovlev a report he had written concerning this conversation 
and told Yakovlev that Fuchs had given further information concerning the 
work of a joint American and British project to produce an atom bomb. 
Subsequently, Gold had a regularly scheduled series of meetings with 
Yakovlev, who instructed Gold how to continue his contacts with Fuchs. 
Gold stated that this was to obtain information from a number of American 
espionage sources and give it to Yakovlev. He pointed out he organized his 
meetings with these sources by using recognition signals, such as an 
object or a piece of paper and a code phrase in the form of a greeting, 
always using a pseudonym. He also stated that his sources lived in cities 
other than Philadelphia (Gold's home city) and that he paid money to these 
sources which he had in turn received from Yakovlev.

Early in January, 1945, Gold met Fuchs in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and 
received a package of papers which he later turned over to Yakovlev in New 
York City. He told Yakovlev that Fuchs had mentioned that a lens was being 
worked on in connection with the atom bomb. His next meeting with Fuchs 
was to be in Santa Fe on the first Saturday of June, 1945.

In February, 1945, Gold met Yakovlev on 23rd Street between 9th and 10th 
Avenues in New York City. At this meeting, Yakovlev indicated the 
Russians' interest in the plans mentioned by Fuchs.

On the last Saturday in May of 1945, Gold met Yakovlev inside a restaurant 
on 3rd Avenue in New York City, to discuss Gold's next meeting with Fuchs 
in Santa Fe. Yakovlev instructed Gold to take on an additional mission in 
Albuquerque, New Mexico. Gold protested, but Yakovlev said it was vital, 
pointing out that a woman was supposed to go but was unable to make the 
trip. Yakovlev gave Gold an onionskin paper, on which was typed the name 
"Greenglass," an address on High Street, Albuquerque, and the recognition 
signal, "I am from Julius." Yakovlev also gave Gold a piece of cardboard 
cut from a food package. He stated that Greenglass in Albuquerque would 
have the matching piece and that if Greenglass was not in, Greenglass's 
wife would give Gold the information. Yakovlev then gave Gold $500 in an 
envelope to turn over to Greenglass and instructed Gold to follow an 
indirect route to Santa Fe and Albuquerque in order to minimize the danger 
of surveillance.

Gold arrived in Santa Fe on Saturday, June 2, 1945, and met Fuchs, who 
gave him a package of papers. Gold left Santa Fe in the afternoon on June 
2nd by bus and arrived in Albuquerque that evening. He went to the High 
Street address, found that Greenglass and his wife were not in, and stayed 
at a rooming house overnight. The next day he went to the High Street 
address and David Greenglass opened the door. Gold said, "Mr. Greenglass." 
David answered, "Yes." Gold then said, "I come from Julius," and showed 
Greenglass the piece of cardboard which Yakovlev had given him. Greenglass 
requested Gold to come into his apartment, then took a piece of cardboard 
from a woman's handbag and compared it with the piece Gold had given him. 
The pieces matched. Gold introduced himself to the Greenglasses as "Dave 
from Pittsburgh."

Greenglass told Gold that the visit was a surprise and that it would take 
several hours to prepare the A-bomb material. He started to tell Gold 
about possible recruits at Los Alamos, but Gold cut him short and pointed 
out to David that it was very hazardous and that David should be 
circumspect in his behavior. Gold left and returned later that afternoon, 
when David gave him an envelope which he said contained information on the 
atom bomb. Gold turned over to David the envelope containing the $500. 
Greenglass mentioned to Gold that he expected to get a furlough sometime 
around Christmas and gave Gold Julius's phone number in New York City in 
the event that Gold wanted to reach Greenglass.

Gold returned to New York City by train on June 5, 1945. While en route, 
he examined the material David had given him and put it in a manila 
envelope. He put the material he had received from Fuchs into a different 
manila envelope. That evening Gold met Yakovlev along Metropolitan Avenue 
in Brooklyn and gave him both envelopes.

About two weeks later Gold met Yakovlev on Main Street in Flushing, New 
York. Yakovlev told Gold that the information he had received from him on 
June 5 had been sent immediately to the Soviet Union and that the 
information he had received from Greenglass "was extremely excellent and 
valuable." At this meeting, Gold related the details of his conversation 
with Fuchs and Greenglass. Fuchs had stated that tremendous progress had 
been made on the atom bomb and that the first explosion had been set for 
July, 1945.

In early July, 1945, Gold met Yakovlev in a seafood restaurant. Yakovlev 
said it was necessary to make arrangements for another Soviet agent to get 
in touch with Gold. At Yakovlev's instructions, Gold took a sheet of paper 
from his pocket which had the heading of a company of Philadelphia. Gold 
tore off the top portion containing the name and on the reverse side of 
the sheet wrote in diagonal fashion, "Directions to Paul Street." Yakovlev 
then tore the paper in an irregular fashion. He kept one portion and Gold 
kept the other. Yakovlev said that if Gold received two tickets in the 
mail without a letter, it would mean that on a definite number of days 
after the date on the ticket Gold was to go to the roadway stop of the 
Astoria Line for a meeting which would take place in a restaurant-bar. 
Gold's Soviet contact would be standing at the bar and approach Gold, 
asking to be directed to Paul Street. They would then match the torn 
pieces of paper.

In August, 1945, Gold again met Yakovlev in Brooklyn and was told to take 
a trip in September, 1945, to see Fuchs. Gold suggested to Yakovlev that 
since he was going to see Fuchs, he might as well go to Albuquerque to see 
David Greenglass. Yakovlev answered that it was inadvisable because it 
might endanger Gold to have further contact with Greenglass.

In September, 1945, Gold met Fuchs in Santa Fe, New Mexico. On his return 
to New York City on September 22, 1945, Gold went to a prearranged meeting 
place to see Yakovlev, who failed to appear. About ten days later, Gold 
met Yakovlev at Main Street, Flushing, and turned over to him a package he 
had received from Fuchs. He told Yakovlev that Fuchs has said there was no 
longer the open and free cooperation betwen the Americans and the British 
and that many departments were closed to Fuchs. Fuchs also stated that he 
would have to return to England and that he was worried because the 
British had gotten to Kiel, Germany, ahead of the Russians and might 
discover a Gestapo dossier there on Fuchs which would reveal his strong 
Communist ties and background. Fuchs and Gold also discussed the details 
of a plan whereby Fuchs could be contacted in England.

In November, 1945, Gold had another meeting with Yakovlev at which time 
Gold mentioned that Greenglass would probably be coming home around 
Christmas for a furlough. Gold said plans should be made to get in touch 
with Rosenberg in an effort to obtain more information from Greenglass.

In January, 1946, Gold again met with Yakovlev, and was told about a man 
Yakovlev had tried to contact who was under continuous surveillance. 
Yakovlev used this story to illustrate that it was better to give up the 
contact than endanger their work.

Early in December, 1946, Gold received two tickets to a boxing match in 
New York City through the mail. The tickets were addressed to Gold's 
Philadelphia home incorrectly and too late for Gold to keep the 
appointment. At 5 p.m. on December 26, 1946, Gold received a telephone 
call at his place of employment. The voice said, "This is John." Gold then 
arranged with John to meet an unidentified man in a certain movie theater 
that night. The man identified himself by handing Gold the torn piece of 
paper containing the heading which Gold and Yakovlev had previously 
prepared. This man asked Gold to proceed to 42nd Street and 3rd Avenue, 
New York City, to meet Yakovlev.

He met Yakovlev, who asked if Gold had anything further from Fuchs, 
apologized for his ten months' absence and explained that he had to lie 
low. He stated that he was glad Gold was working in New York and told Gold 
he should begin to plan for a mission to Paris, France, in March 1947, 
where Gold would meet a physicist. He gave Gold an onionskin paper setting 
forth information for his proposed meeting in Paris. During the 
coversation with Yakovlev, Gold mentioned the name of his employer, and, 
upon hearing this, Yakovlev became very excited. He told Gold that Gold 
had almost ruined eleven years of work by working for this individual 
because he had been investigated in 1945. Yakovlev dashed away, stating 
that Gold would not see him in the United States again.

It is interesting to note that the Soviet intelligence services, in 
utilizing Gold to contact Greenglass, made a mistake in security which 
ultimately led to the uncovering of the Rosenberg spy ring, a network 
independent of the one Gold was involved in. From FBI knowledge of Soviet 
intelligence activities, it is known that the Soviets with their stress on 
security will not usually allow a member of one network to know of the 
existence of another network so that in the event one network is detected, 
the other will not be compromised. It will be recalled that Gold's protest 
to Yakovlev about contacting Greenglass in Albuquerque went unheeded. The 
Soviets undoubtedly found good reason to regret this error in judgment.

A nuclear chemist testified that from 1944 to 1947 he was associated with 
the atom bomb project at Los Alamos. He stated that his own work was 
related to implosion research and classified secret. He further stated 
that he would go to the machine shop, furnish sketches to the supervisor 
of the shop and determine what was needed. The nuclear chemist recalled 
seeing David Greenglass in the machine shop. He identified the sketches 
prepared by David Greenglass at the trial and entered as exhibits 
reasonably accurate replicas of the type of sketches he, himself, 
submitted to the machine shop. These specimens could have been of value to 
a foreign power, the nuclear chemist stated, and would reveal to any 
expert what was going on at Los Alamos and indicate to the expert its 
relation to the atom bomb.


Elitcher Testifies

Elitcher testified that he first met Sobell while both were attending a 
high school in New York City. He further stated that he and Sobell also 
attended college together in New York from 1934 to 1938. Elitcher 
graduated with a bachelor's degree in electrical engineering and pointed 
out that Julius Rosenberg also studied engineering at the same college 
during this same period. Elitcher saw Sobell daily at school but saw 
Rosenberg less frequently. After graduating, Elitcher was employed with 
the Bureau of Ordnance, Navy Department, Washington, D.C., from November, 
1938, until October, 1948.

In December, 1938, Elitcher resided in Washington, D.C. During December of 
that year Sobell came to Washington and stayed at a house next to 
Elitcher's place of residence. In April or May, 1939, Elitcher and Sobell 
took up residence in a private home, and in May of 1940, they moved into 
an apartment. During the period they lived together Sobell was also 
employed at the Bureau of Ordnance. In September, 1941, Sobell left his 
employment to go to a university in Michigan in order to continue his 
studies.

Elitcher further advised that during the period he lived with Sobell they 
had conversations concerning the Communist Party and that, at Sobell's 
request, Elitcher joined the Young Communist League. About September, 
1939, Elitcher attended a meeting with Sobell at which there was a 
discussion about forming a branch of the Communist Party. This branch was 
formed and Elitcher joined the Communist Party at the end of 1939. 
Meetings of this group were held at the homes of various members and dues 
were paid to the chairman of the group. Elitcher stated that Sobell was 
the first chairman of the group. At meetings, discussions were conducted 
of news events based on the "Daily Worker" and literature such as "The 
Communist." The group also discussed Marxist and Leninist theory. 
Suggestions were made to the members to join the American Peace 
Mobilization and to assist the American Youth Congress convention. 
Discussions were also held concerning the Hitler-Stalin Pact, and members 
were instructed to strive to get support of other people for the Russian 
position. Elitcher continued to go to these meetings until September, 
1941. In 1942, Communist Party branches were formed which contained groups 
of employees from particular Government agencies, and Elitcher joined the 
Navy branch of the Communist Party.

Elitcher testified that around June, 1944, he received a telephone call 
from Julius Rosenberg who identified himself as a former college classmate 
of Elitcher. At Elitcher's invitation Rosenberg visited the Elitcher home 
the same evening. Rosenberg told Elitcher what the Soviet Union was doing 
in the war effort and stated that some war information was being denied 
that country. Rosenberg pointed out, however, that some people were 
providing military information to assist the Soviet Union. Rosenberg asked 
Elitcher to supply him with plans, reports, or books regarding new 
military equipment and anything Elitcher thought would be of value to the 
Soviet Union, pointing out that the final choice for the Soviet Union of 
the value of the information would not be up to Elitcher, but that the 
information would be evaluated by someone else.

In September, 1944, Elitcher went on a one-week vacation in a state park 
in West Virginia with Morton Sobell and his future wife. During this 
vacation, Elitcher told Sobell about Rosenberg's visit and request for 
information to be given to the Soviet Union. When he remarked that 
Rosenberg had said Sobell was helping in this, Sobell became angry and 
said that Rosenberg should not have mentioned his name.

In the summer of 1945, Elitcher was in New York on vacation and stayed at 
the apartment of Julius Rosenberg. Rosenberg mentioned to Elitcher that 
Rosenberg had been dismissed from his employment for security reasons and 
that his membership in the Communist Party seemed to be the basis of the 
case against him. Rosenberg had been worried about this matter because he 
thought his dismissal might have had some connection to his espionage 
activity, but he was relieved when he found out it concerned only his 
Communist activity.

Elitcher also testified that in September, 1945, Rosenberg came to 
Elitcher's home and told him that even though the war was over, Russia's 
need for military information continued. Rosenberg asked Elitcher about 
the type of work he was doing, and Elitcher told him he was working on 
sonar and anti-submarine fire-control devices.

In the early part of 1946, Elitcher visited an electric company in 
connection with official business and stayed at the home of Sobell in 
Schenectady. At the time, Sobell was working at this electric company. On 
this occasion Sobell and Elitcher discussed their work.

Later that year Elitcher again saw Sobell, and Sobell asked about an 
ordnance pamphlet, but Elitcher said it was not yet ready. Sobell 
suggested that Elitcher see Rosenberg again.

At the end of 1946 or in 1947, Elitcher telephoned Rosenberg and said he 
would like to see him. At this time Rosenberg advised Elitcher that there 
had been some changes in the espionage work, that he felt there was a 
leak, and that Elitcher should not come to see him until further notice. 
He also advised Elitcher to discontinue his Communist activities.

Elitcher testified that in 1947, Sobell had secured employment at an 
instrument company in New York City doing classified work for the Armed 
Forces. Elitcher saw Sobell there several times and on one occasion had 
lunch with him at a restaurant in New York City. Sobell asked Elitcher on 
this occasion if he knew of any progressive students or graduates and if 
so, whether he would put Sobell in touch with them. Elitcher said he did 
not know any.

In October, 1948, Elitcher left the Bureau of Ordnance and went to work 
for the instrument company in New York City where Sobell was employed. He 
lived in a house in Flushing, New York, and Sobell lived on a street 
behind him. They went to work together in a car pool. During a trip home 
from work one evening, Sobell again asked Elitcher about individuals 
Elitcher might know who would be progressive. Sobell pointed out to 
Elitcher that because of security measures being taken by the Government, 
it was necessary to find students to provide information whom no one would 
suspect.

Elitcher further testified that prior to leaving the Bureau of Ordnance, 
he had discussed with Sobell his desire to secure new employment during a 
visit Elitcher made to New York City in the summer of 1948. Sobell told 
Elitcher not to leave the Bureau of Ordnance until Elitcher had talked to 
Rosenberg.

Thereafter, Sobell made an appointment for Elitcher to meet with 
Rosenberg. They met on the street in New York, and Rosenberg told Elitcher 
that it was too bad Elitcher had decided to leave because Rosenberg needed 
someone to work at the Bureau of Ordnance for espionage purposes. Sobell 
was present at this meeting and urged Elitcher to stay at the Bureau of 
Ordnance. Rosenberg and Elitcher then had dinner together at a restaurant 
in New York City where they continued to talk about Elitcher's desire to 
leave his job. Rosenberg wanted to know where important defense work was 
being done, and Elitcher mentioned laboratories at Whippany, New Jersey. 
Rosenberg suggested that possibly Elitcher could take courses at college 
to improve his status.

Elitcher also testified that in July, 1948, he took a trip to New York 
City by car during which he believed he was being followed. He proceeded 
to Sobell's home and told him of his suspicion. Later that evening, Sobell 
mentioned to Elitcher that he had some information for Rosenberg which was 
too valuable to destroy, and he wanted to get it to Rosenberg that night. 
He requested Elitcher to accompany him.

Elitcher observed Sobell take a 35-millimeter film container with him and 
place it in the glove compartment of Sobell's car. Sobell and he then 
drove to a building in New York City and parked on Catherine Street. 
Sobell took the container out of the glove compartment and left. When he 
returned, Elitcher asked him what Rosenberg thought of Elitcher's 
suspicion that he was being followed, and Sobell answered that Rosenberg 
thought it was nothing to worry about.

Elitcher testified that Sobell possessed a camera, some 35-mm film and an 
enlarger, and that all of the material Sobell worked on in his various 
places of employment was classified. He stated he last saw Sobell in June, 
1950.

On cross-examination, Elitcher recalled that during Rosenberg's visit to 
his house in June, 1944, which was after D-Day, Rosenberg mentioned that 
he had a drink with a Russian in celebration of this event. Elitcher 
testified that Rosenberg contacted him at least nine times from 1944 to 
1948 in an attempt to persuade him to obtain information for him, but that 
he always put Rosenberg off. In 1948, Elitcher told Rosenberg that he 
definitely would not cooperate with him.


Bentley Testifies

Elizabeth Bentley, a confessed former Communist, testified that she was a 
member of the Harlem section of the Communist Party from 1935 to 1938. In 
July, 1938, she secured a job in the Italian Library of Information, and 
for the remainder of that year was instructed to go underground and to 
pretend not to know other Communists. While employed there, she came to 
know Feruccio Marini, a Communist Party official who handled Italian 
Communist activity in the United States. She knew Marini under the name of 
F. Brown. In October, 1938, she met Jacob Golos through Marini. Golos was 
in the Communist underground and operated World Tourist, Inc., a travel 
agency set up in 1927 by the Communist Party. Until his death in November, 
1943, Golos had been a member of the three-man control commission of the 
Communist Party in the United States.

According to Bentley, the Communist Party of the United States was part of 
Communist International. After Golos died, Bentley had other contacts, the 
last one being Anatole Gromov, First Secretary of the Soviet Embassy in 
the United States; her final contact with Gromov being in December, 1945. 
She stated that the information which Golos had obtained was passed on to 
the Soviet Embassy.

After Golos died, Bentley's duties consisted of collecting information 
from Communists employed in the U.S. Government and passing it on through 
Communist superiors to Moscow. She stated that the Communist Party in the 
United States served the interests of Moscow. She revealed that she 
transmitted orders to Earl Browder from Moscow which he had to accept. 
Pointing out the close relationship between the Communist Party in this 
country and Communist International, Bentley stated that this close 
relationship was preached at Communist Party meetings. Any member who did 
not adhere to the Party line, as dictated by Communist International in 
Moscow, was expelled. She revealed that all of her contacts in her work 
were obtained from the Communist Party.

In the summer of 1945, Bentley reported to the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation (FBI) all her activities and was asked if she would continue 
her activities under FBI guidance, which she did until the spring of 1947.

Bentley stated that, during her association with Golos, she became aware 
of the fact that Golos knew an engineer, named "Julius." In the fall of 
1942, she accompanied Golos to Knickerbocker Village but remained in his 
automobile. She saw Golos conferring with Julius on the street but at some 
distance. From conversations with Golos, she learned that Julius lived in 
Knickerbocker Village. She also stated that she had telephone 
conversations with Julius from the fall of 1942 until November, 1943.

In interviews with FBI Agents, Bentley had described Julius as being about 
5'10", slim, and wearing glasses. She had also advised that he was the 
leader of a Communist cell of engineers which was turned over to Golos for 
Soviet espionage purposes. Julius was to be the contact between Golos and 
the group. Golos believed this cell of engineers was capable of 
development.

Investigation by the FBI disclosed that Julius Rosenberg resided in a 
development known as Knickerbocker Village, was 5'10" tall, slim, and wore 
glasses. Bentley, however, was unable to make a positive identification of 
Julius.

Julius and Ethel Rosenberg testified and denied all espionage allegations 
against them. They admitted having a console table, but denied it was a 
gift from the Russians, as claimed by David Greenglass and his wife. They 
stated that they bought the table at a New York City department store in 
1944 or 1945. On cross-examination, they were asked questions as to their 
Communist affiliations but refused to answer on the grounds of self-
incrimination.

On March 28, 1951, counsel for each side summed up their respective case 
to the jury. On March 29, 1951, the jury rendered a verdict of guilty 
against the three defendents, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, and Morton 
Sobell.

On April 5, 1951, the following sentences were imposed: Julius Rosenberg, 
death, such sentence to be carried out during the week of May 21, 1951; 
Ethel Rosenberg, death, such sentence to be carried out during the week of 
May 21, 1951; and Morton Sobell, imprisonment for a term of 30 years.


Communist Party Front Activities And Propaganda On Behalf Of The Rosenbergs

The desperate legal struggle waged on behalf of the Rosenbergs was matched 
in intensity by an extraordinary propaganda drive to "Save the 
Rosenbergs." Significantly, the Communists' frenzied effort to rescue the 
Rosenbergs from what they termed "legal murder" was deferred for more than 
a year after their arrests and for more than four months after they had 
been found guilty in a trial which the Communists later called a 
"monstrous frame-up" and "a travesty of justice."

At first the Rosenberg trial went completely unnoticed in the usually 
vigilant Communist Party press. Not a word about the alleged Rosenberg 
"frame-up" appeared in the "Daily Worker" until the day after the jury 
returned a verdict of guilty. Moreover, the Party's first public 
recognition of the Rosenberg case gave no hint whatever of the tremendous 
propaganda storm that the Communists would later raise over the 
Rosenbergs. Buried inconspicuously on page 9 of the March 30, 1951, "Daily 
Worker," the Rosenberg conviction was reported in routine fashion.

No further notice appeared in the "Daily Worker" concerning the Rosenberg 
case until April 6, 1951, when it was announced under a feature headline 
as follows: "Rosenbergs Sentenced to Death, Made Scapegoats for Korean 
War." The article, noting that the Rosenbergs were parents of two small 
children, appeared to be aimed chiefly at condemning the severity of the 
sentence, rather than the verdict itself. The word "frame-up," later to 
become virtually synonymous with the Rosenberg trial in Communist 
propaganda, was not yet used. In the same issue of the "Daily Worker," a 
front-page editorial charging that American "panic mongers" were 
deliberately trying to create an atmosphere of war made several oblique 
references to the Rosenberg case without, however, directly questioning 
the verdict.

It was not until midsummer of 1951 that the propaganda campaign on behalf 
of the Rosenbergs began in earnest. Even at this late date, the Communist 
Party did not immediately commit itself to the task of vindicating the 
Rosenbergs and exposing the "hideous plot" against them. Instead, the 
campaign was intitiated in the form of a series of articles in the 
"National Guardian." This publication was described in 1949 by the 
California Committee on Un-American Activities as notoriously Stalinist in 
its staff, writers, management, and content.

It is evident that the clemency drive on behalf of the Rosenbergs was from 
the beginning a highly artificial affair, and was carefully promoted 
rather than a spontaneous public reaction which the Communist press sought 
to show. This was indicated from the mere fact that the "Daily Worker" was 
about to print the names and addresses of hundreds of clergymen and 
intellectuals who had written to the President asking for clemency. Unless 
the National Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case (NCSJRC), 
or the Communist Party, had solicited such letters themselves, the Party 
press would have had no way of knowing who had written to the White House 
except in a few isolated incidents. At a number of rallies sponsored by 
the NCSJRC, individuals in attendance were handed telegrams, post cards, 
or letters which were completely filled out and addressed to the President 
and which lacked only a signature. In addition, it was reported that 
representatives of the NCSJRC conducted intensive house-to-house canvasses 
in an effort to obtain signatures for clemency petitions.

From December 27, 1952, to January 17, 1953, a continuous round-the-clock 
picket line was maintained by Rosenberg sympathizers at the White House 
during the period that former President Truman was presumably studying a 
plea for executive clemency. This "White House Clemency Vigil" was called 
off on January 17, 1953, after more than 500 consecutive hours, only when 
it became evident that President Truman would not rule on the petition for 
clemency prior to his retirement from office. According to the "Daily 
Worker," this affair climaxed on January 5, 1953, when more than 2,000 
persons from 22 states arrived at the District of Columbia to take part in 
the "vigil."

As the final legal moves were being made by the Rosenbergs' defense 
attorneys, thousands of pickets formed around the White House in June, 
1953. The majority of these pickets poured into Washington, D.C., from New 
York City, where the NCSJRC had arranged for several special "clemency 
trains" to carry these Rosenberg sympathizers to the Nation's Capital.

The picketing at the White House began at approximately 1:30 p.m. on June 
14; at 4:00 p.m. the pickets marched to Ninth Street and Constitution 
Avenue, Northwest, where the NCSJRC held a "prayer meeting" at which the 
Rosenbergs were eulogized by officials of the Committee and several 
clergymen.

An official count of the pickets by the Washington, D.C., Metropolitan 
Police Department indicated that there were approximately 6,800 persons 
involved in this attempt to pressure the President of the United States 
into granting clemency for the convicted atom spies. The NCSJRC's own 
estimate of the number of pickets was set at 13,000.

Following this "prayer meeting," the majority of pickets returned to New 
York City, leaving a small handful of pickets to continue the "24-hour 
vigil" at the White House. The picketing of the White House continued 
until June 17, 1953, when after the U.S. Supreme Court recessed for the 
summer, one of the Supreme Court justices announced that he had granted a 
stay of execution in order that new points of law brought before him by 
defense attorneys could be heard by the lower courts.

Upon receiving the news that the Government was successful in petitioning 
for an extraordinary session of the U.S. Supreme Court, the NCSJRC went 
into action and again sent pickets to parade before the White House. The 
picketing continued until the execution of the Rosenbergs was announced at 
approximately 8:45 p.m. on June 19, 1953, at which time about 500 pickets 
were on hand at the White House.

This case has been used by Communist Parties thoughout the world for 
propaganda purposes against the United States. American embassies in 
Canada and Europe were flooded with petitions for clemency by various 
people and organizations. During the last few days prior to the execution 
of the Rosenbergs, demonstrations were held in major capitals of Europe, 
such as Paris, Rome and London. In a news release on June 20, 1953, 
foreign reaction to the execution was reported as follows: " 'Paris - 
Communist-led groups swarmed through European streets last night and early 
today in generally orderly demonstrations protesting the execution of atom 
spies Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. A French teenager was shot and wounded 
and 386 persons were arrested in Paris."


Court Action Following Convictions

The Communists employed every conceivable trick in their efforts to aid 
the atom spies, including high-pressuring the courts by innumerable 
appeals. The case was dragged out for a period in excess of two years.

On February 11, 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower denied the petition 
for executive clemency filed by the Rosenbergs. In denying this petition, 
President Eisenhower stated, "These two individuals have been tried and 
convicted of a most serious crime against the people of the United States. 
They have been found guilty of conspiring with intent and reason to 
believe that it would be to the advantage of a foreign power, to deliver 
to the agents of that foreign power certain highly secret atomic 
information relating to the national defense of the United States. The 
nature of the crime for which they have been found guilty and sentenced 
far exceeds that of the taking of the life of another citizen; it involves 
the deliberate betrayal of the entire Nation and could very well result in 
the death of many, many thousands of innocent citizens. By their act these 
two individuals have, in fact, betrayed the cause of freedom for which 
free men are fighting and dying at this very hour."

President Eisenhower continued, "The courts have provided every 
opportunity for the submission of evidence bearing on this case. In this 
time-honored tradition of American justice, a freely selected jury of 
their fellow citizens considered the evidence in this case and rendered 
its judgement. All rights of appeal were exercised and the conviction of 
the trial court was upheld after full judicial review, including that of 
the highest court in the land. I have made a careful examination into this 
case, and I am satisfied that the two individuals have been accorded their 
full measure of justice. There has been neither new evidence nor have 
there been mitigating circumstances which would justify altering this 
decision and I have determined that it is my duty, in the interest of the 
people of the United States, not to set aside the verdict of their 
representatives.

On May 29, 1953, the District Judge set the date of execution of the 
Rosenbergs for the week of June 15, 1953. At the time, the usual execution 
date at Sing Sing Prison was Thursday night, which meant the Rosenbergs 
were scheduled to die on June 18, 1953.

Still, additional appeals both to the Circuit Court of Appeals for the 
Second Circuit and the U.S. Supreme Court followed.

Finally, on June 16, 1953, a Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court requested 
the Rosenberg defense attorneys to submit their petitions for a stay of 
execution in writing. On that date, two attorneys appeared at the Supreme 
Court and attempted to file petitions for a writ of habeas corpus on 
behalf of the Rosenbergs. Their action in attempting to file these writs 
was opposed by attorneys for the Rosenbergs. These petitions for a writ of 
habeas corpus were heard by the Supreme Court Justice in his chambers.

The main issue made in the petition was that, under the 1946 Atomic Energy 
Act, the death sentence might be imposed only upon the recommendation of 
the jury and then only when the defendants were charged with intent to 
injure the United States. It was argued that, inasmuch as the conspiracy 
for which the Rosenbergs were convicted commenced in 1944 and existed 
until 1950, the provisions of the Atomic Energy Act applied to the 
sentencing, rather than the provisions of the Espionage Act of 1917.

On June 17, 1953, a stay of execution was granted by this Justice in order 
that the question raised could be argued in the District Court and more 
evidence received in order to determine whether there was merit to the 
argument.

On June 19, 1953, a special session of the U.S. Supreme Court, which had 
been called by the Chief Justice, vacated the stay of execution granted 
two days previously.

On June 19, 1953, the President of the United States refused to grant 
executive clemency to Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. In this refusal, the 
President stated, "Since its original review proceedings in the Rosenberg 
case by the Supreme Court of the United States, the courts have considered 
numerous further proceedings challenging the Rosenberg convictions and the 
sentences imposed. Within the last two days, the Supreme Court, convened 
in a special session, has again reviewed a further point which one of the 
justices felt the Rosenbergs should have an opportunity to present. This 
morning the Supreme Court ruled that there was no substance to this point. 
I am convinced that the only conclusion to be drawn from a history of this 
case is that the Rosenbergs have received the benefit of every safeguard 
which American justice can provide. There is no question in my mind that 
their original trial and the long series of appeals constitute the fullest 
measure of justice and due process of law. Throughout the innumerable 
complications and technicalities of this case, no judge has ever expressed 
any doubt that they committed most serious acts of espionage. Accordingly, 
only most extraordinary circumstances would warrant executive intervention 
in this case. I am not unmindful of the fact that this case has aroused 
grave concern both here and abroad. In this connection, I can only say 
that by immeasurably increasing the chances of atomic war the Rosenbergs 
may have condemned to death tens of millions of innocent people all over 
the world. The execution of two human beings is a grave matter, but even 
graver is the thought of the millions of dead whose death may be directly 
attributable to what these spies have done."

The President continued, "When democracy's enemies have been judged guilty 
of a crime as horrible as that of which the Rosenbergs were convicted; 
when the legal processes of democracy have been marshaled to their maximum 
strength to protect the lives of convicted spies; when in their most 
solemn judgment the tribunals of the United States have adjudged them 
guilty and the sentence just, I will not intervene in this matter."

At 8:05 p.m. on June 19, 1953, Julius Rosenberg was executed at Sing Sing 
Prison, Ossining, New York. At 8:15 p.m. on the same date, Ethel Rosenberg 
was executed at Sing Sing Prison.

David Greenglass, who received a 15-year sentence after a guilty plea, was 
released from Federal prison on November 16, 1960. He was required to 
report periodically to a parole officer until November, 1965.



CHAPTER 30
GEORGE JOHN DASCH AND THE NAZI SABOTEURS

Shortly after midnight on the morning of June 13, 1942, four men landed on 
a beach near Amagansett, Long Island, New York, from a German submarine, 
clad in German uniforms and bringing ashore enough explosives, primers, 
and incendiaries to support an expected two-year career in the sabotage of 
American defense-related production. On June 17, 1942, a similar group 
landed on Ponte Vedra Beach, near Jacksonville, Florida, equipped for a 
similar career in industrial disruption.

The purpose of the invasions was to strike a major blow for Germany by 
bringing the violence of war to our home ground through destruction of 
America's ability to manufacture vital equipment and supplies and 
transport them to the battlegrounds of Europe; to strike fear into the 
American civilian population, and diminish the resolve of the United 
States to overcome our enemies.

By June 27, 1942, all eight saboteurs had been arrested without having 
accomplished one act of destruction. Tried before a Military Commission, 
they were found guilty. One was sentenced to life imprisonment, another to 
thirty years, and six received the death penalty, which was carried out 
within a few days.

The magnitude of the euphoric expectation of the Nazi war machine may be 
judged by the fact that, in addition to the large amount of material 
brought ashore by the saboteurs, they were given $175,200 in United States 
currency to finance their activities. On apprehension, a total of $174,588 
was recovered by the FBI -- the only positive accomplishment of eight 
trained saboteurs in those two weeks was the expenditure of $612 for 
clothing, meals, lodging, and travel, as well as a bribe of $260.

So shaken was the German intelligence service that no similar sabotage 
attempt was ever again made. The German naval high command did not again 
allow a valuable submarine to be risked for a sabotage mission.

On September 1, 1939, World War II opened in Europe with the invasion of 
Poland by Nazi Germany. The United States remained neutral until drawn 
into the world conflict by the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 
7, 1941. War was declared against Japan by the United States on December 
8, 1941; and, on the 11th, Germany and Italy declared war against the 
United States.

During the early months of the war, the major contributions of the United 
States to oppose the Nazi war machine involved industrial production, 
equipment, and supplies furnished to those forces actively defending 
themselves against the German armed forces. That industrial effort was 
strong enough to generate frustration, perhaps indignation, among the Nazi 
high command; and the order was given, allegedly by Hitler himself, to 
mount a serious effort to reduce American production.

German intelligence settled on sabotage as the most effective means of 
diminishing our input. In active charge of the project was Lieutenant 
Walter Kappe, attached to Abwehr-2 (Intelligence 2) who had spent some 
years in the United States prior to the war and had been active in the 
German-American Bund and other efforts in the United States to 
propagandize and win adherents for Nazism among German Americans and 
German immigrants in America. Kappe was also an official of the Ausland 
Institute, which, prior to the war, organized Germans abroad into the 
Nationalsozialistiche Deutshe Arbeiterpartei, the NSDAP or Nazi Party, and 
during the conflict, Ausland kept track of and in touch with persons in 
Germany who had returned from abroad. Kappe's responsibility concerned 
those who had returned from the United States.

Early in 1942, he contacted, among others, those who ultimately undertook 
the mission to the United States. Each consented to the task, apparently 
willingly, although unaware of the specific assignment. Most of the 
potential saboteurs were taken from civilian jobs, but two were in the 
German army.

The trainees, about twelve in all, were told of their specific mission 
only when they entered a sabotage school established near Berlin which 
instructed them in chemistry, incendiaries, explosives, timing devices, 
secret writing, and concealment of identity by blending into an American 
background. The intensive training included the practical use of the 
techniques under realistic conditions.

Subsequently, the saboteurs were taken to aluminum and magnesium plants, 
railroad shops, canals, locks, and other facilities to familiarize them 
with the vital points and vulnerabilities of the types of targets they 
were to attack. Maps were used to locate those American targets, spots 
where railroads could be most effectively disabled, the principal aluminum 
and magnesium plants, and important canals, waterways, and locks. All 
instructions had to be memorized.

On May 26, 1942, the first group of four saboteurs left by submarine from 
the German base at Lorient, France, and on May 28, the next group of four 
departed the same base. Each was destined to land at points on the 
Atlantic Coast of the United States familiar to the leader of that group.

Four men, led by George John Dasch, age 39, landed on a beach near 
Amagansett, Long Island, New York, about 12:10 a.m., June 13, 1942. 
Accompanying Dasch were Ernest Peter Burger, 36; Heinrich Harm Heinck, 35; 
and Richard Quirin, 34.

On June 17, 1942, the other group landed at Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida, 
south of Jacksonville. The leader was Edward John Kerling, age 33; with 
Werner Thiel, 35; Herman Otto Neubauer, 32 (no photo available); and 
Herbert Hans Haupt, 22. Both groups landed wearing complete or partial 
German uniforms to ensure treatment as prisoners of war rather than as 
spies if they were caught in the act of landing.

Having landed unobserved, the uniforms were quickly discarded, to be 
buried with the sabotage material (which was intended to be later 
retrieved), and civilian clothing was donned. The saboteurs quickly 
dispersed. The Florida group made their way to Jacksonville, then by train 
to Cincinnati, with two going on to Chicago and the other pair to New York 
City.

The Long Island group was less fortunate; scarcely had they buried their 
equipment and uniforms, in fact, one still wore bathing trunks, when a 
Coast Guardsman patrolling the shore approached. He was unarmed and very 
suspicious of them, more so when they offered him a bribe to forget they 
had met. He ostensibly accepted the bribe to lull their fears and promptly 
reported the incident to his headquarters. However, by the time the search 
patrol located the spot, the saboteurs had reached a railroad station and 
had taken a train to New York City.

Dasch's resolution to be a saboteur for the Fatherland faltered -- perhaps 
he thought the whole project so grandiose as to be impractical and wanted 
to protect himself before some of his companions took action on similar 
doubts. He indicated to Burger his desire to confess everything.

On the evening of June 14, 1942, Dasch, giving the name "Pastorius" called 
the New York Office of the FBI stating he had recently arrived from 
Germany and would call FBI Headquarters when he was in Washington, D.C., 
the following week. On the morning of Friday, June 19, a call was received 
at the FBI, Washington, from Dasch, then registered at a Washington hotel. 
He alluded to his prior call as "Pastorius" (of which Headquarters was 
aware) and furnished his location. He was immediately contacted and taken 
into custody.

During the next several days he was thoroughly interrogated and he 
furnished the identities of the other saboteurs, possible locations for 
some, and data which would enable their more expeditious apprehension.

The three remaining members of the Long Island group were picked up in New 
York City on June 20. Of the Florida group, Kerling and Thiel were 
arrested in New York City on June 23, and Neubauer and Haupt were arrested 
in Chicago on June 27.

The eight were tried before a Military Commission, comprised of seven U.S. 
Army officers appointed by President Roosevelt, from July 8, to August 4, 
1942. The trial was held in the Department of Justice Building, 
Washington, D.C. The prosecution was headed by Attorney General Frances 
Biddle and the Army Judge Advocate General, Major General Myron C. Cramer. 
Defense counsel included Colonel Kenneth C. Royall (later Secretary of War 
under President Truman) and Major Lausen H. Stone (son of Harlan Fiske 
Stone, the Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court).

All eight were found guilty and sentenced to death. Attorney General 
Biddle and J. Edgar Hoover appealed to President Roosevelt to commute the 
sentences of Dasch and Burger. Dasch then received a 30-year sentence, and 
Burger received a life sentence, both to be served in a federal 
penitentiary. The remaining six were executed at the District of Columbia 
Jail on August 8, 1942.

The eight men had been born in Germany and each had lived in the United 
States for substantial periods. Burger had become a naturalized American 
in 1933. Haupt had entered the United States as a child, gaining 
citizenship when his father was naturalized in 1930.

Dasch had joined the Germany army at the age of 14 and served about 11 
months as a clerk during the conclusion of World War I. He had enlisted in 
the U.S. Army in 1927, and received an honorable discharge after a little 
more than a year of service.

Quirin and Heinck had returned to Germany prior to the outbreak of World 
War II in Europe, and the six others subsequent to September 11, 1939, and 
before December 7, 1941, apparently feeling their first loyalty was to the 
country of their birth.

Postwar debriefing of German personnel and examination of records 
confirmed that no other attempt was made to land saboteurs by submarine; 
though in late 1944, two persons, William Curtis Colepaugh and Erich 
Gimpel, were landed as spies from a German submarine on the coast of Maine 
in a rather desperate attempt to secure information. They, too, were 
quickly apprehended by the FBI before accomplishing any part of their 
mission.

In April, 1948, President Truman granted executive clemency to Dasch and 
Burger on condition of deportation. They were transported to the American 
Zone of Germany, the unexecuted portions of their sentences were suspended 
upon such conditions with respect to travel, employment, political, and 
other activities as the Theater commander might require, and they were 
freed.

Although many allegations of sabotage were investigated by the FBI during 
World War II, not one instance was found of enemy-inspired sabotage. Every 
suspect act traced to its source was the result of vandalism, pique, 
resentment, a desire for relief from boredom, the curiosity of children 
"to see what would happen," or other personal motive.



CHAPTER 31
DUQUESNE SPY RING

On January 2, 1942, 33 members of a Nazi spy ring headed by Frederick 
Joubert Duquesne were sentenced to serve a total of over 300 years in 
prison. They were brought to justice after a lengthy espionage 
investigation by the FBI. William Sebold, who had been recruited as a spy 
for Germany, was a major factor in the FBI's successful resolution of this 
case through his work as a double agent for the United States.

A native of Germany, William Sebold served in the German army during World 
War I. After leaving Germany in 1921, he worked in industrial and aircraft 
plants throughout the United States and South America. On February 10, 
1936, he became a naturalized citizen of the United States.

Sebold returned to Germany in February, 1939, to visit his mother in 
Mulheim. Upon his arrival in Hamburg, Germany, he was approached by a 
member of the Gestapo who said that Sebold would be contacted in the near 
future. Sebold proceeded to Mulheim where he obtained employment.

In September, 1939, a Dr. Gassner visited Sebold in Mulheim and 
interrogated him regarding military planes and equipment in the United 
States. He also asked Sebold to return to the United States as an 
espionage agent for Germany. Subsequent visits by Dr. Gassner and a "Dr. 
Renken," later identified as Major Nickolaus Ritter of the German Secret 
Service, persuaded Sebold to cooperate with the Reich because he feared 
reprisals against family members still living in Germany.

Since Sebold's passport has been stolen shortly after his first visit from 
Dr. Gassner, Sebold went to the American Consulate in Cologne, Germany, to 
obtain a new one. While doing so, Sebold secretly told personnel of the 
American Consulate about his future role as a German agent and expressed 
his wish to cooperate with the FBI upon his return to America. Sebold 
reported to Hamburg, Germany, where he was instructed in such areas as 
preparing coded messages and microphotographs. Upon completion of 
training, he was given five microphotographs containing instructions for 
preparing a code and detailing the type of information he was to transmit 
to Germany from the United States. Sebold was told to retain two of the 
microphotographs and to deliver the other three to German operatives in 
the United States. After receiving final instructions, including using the 
assumed name of "Harry Sawyer," he sailed from Genoa, Italy, and arrived 
in New York City on February 8, 1940.

The FBI previously had been advised of Sebold's expected arrival, his 
mission, and his intentions to assist them in identifying German agents in 
the United States. Under the guidance of Special Agents, Sebold 
established residence in New York City as Harry Sawyer. Also, an office 
was established for him as a consultant diesel engineer, to be used as a 
cover in establishing contacts with members of the spy ring. In selecting 
the office for Sebold, FBI Agents ensured that they could observe any 
meetings taking place there.

In May, 1940, a shortwave radio-transmitting station operated by FBI 
Agents on Long Island established contact with the German Shortwave 
station abroad. This radio station served as a main channel of 
communication between German spies in New York City and their superiors in 
Germany for 16 months. During this time, the FBI's radio station 
transmitted over 300 messages to Germany, and received 200 messages from 
Germany.

Sebold's success as a counterespionage agent against Nazi spies in the 
United States is demonstrated by the successful prosecution of the 33 
German agents in New York. Of those arrested on the charge of espionage, 
19 pleaded guilty. The 14 men who entered pleas of not guilty were brought 
to trial in Federal District Court, Brooklyn, New York, on September 3, 
1941; and they were all found guilty by jury of December 13, 1941.

The activities of each of these convicted spies and Sebold's role in 
uncovering their espionage activities for the Reich follow.


Frederick Joubert Duquesne

Born in Cape Colony, South Africa, on September 21, 1877, Frederick 
Joubert Duquesne emigrated from Hamilton, Bermuda, to the United States in 
1902 and became a naturalized U.S. citizen on December 4, 1913. Duquesne 
was implicated in fraudulent insurance claims, including one that resulted 
from a fire aboard the British steamship Tennyson which caused the vessel 
to sink on February 18, 1916. When he was arrested on November 17, 1917, 
he had in his possession a large file of news clippings concerning bomb 
explosions on ships, as well as a letter from the Assistant German Vice 
Consul at Managua, Nicaragua. The letter indicated that "Captain Duquesne" 
was "one who has rendered considerable service to the German cause."

When Sebold returned to the United States in February, 1940, Duquesne was 
operating a business known as the "Air Terminals Company" in New York 
City. After establishing his first contact with Duquesne by letter, Sebold 
met with him in Duquesne's office. During their initial meeting, Duquesne, 
who was extremely concerned about the possibility of electronic 
surveillance devices being present in his office, gave Sebold a note 
stating that they should talk elsewhere. After relocating to an Automat, 
the two men exchanged information about members of the German espionage 
system with whom they had been in contact.

Duquesne provided Sebold with information for transmittal to Germany 
during subsequent meetings, and the meetings which occurred in Sebold's 
office were filmed by FBI Agents. Duquesne, who was vehemently anti-
British, submitted information dealing with national defense in America, 
the sailing of ships to British ports, and technology. He also regularly 
received money from Germany in payment for his services.

On one occasion, Duquesne provided Sebold with photographs and 
specifications of a new type of bomb being produced in the United States. 
He claimed that he secured that material by secretly entering the DuPont 
plant in Wilmington, Delaware. Duquesne also explained how fires could be 
started in industrial plants. Much of the information Duquesne obtained 
was the result of his correspondence with industrial concerns. 
Representing himself as a student, he requested data concerning their 
products and manufacturing conditions.

Duquesne was brought to trial and was convicted. He was sentenced to serve 
18 years in prison on espionage charges, as well as a 2-year concurrent 
sentence and payment of a $2,000 fine for violation of the Registration 
Act.


Paul Bante

A native of Germany, Paul Bante served in the German army during World War 
I. He came to the United States in 1930 and became a naturalized U.S. 
citizen in 1938.

Bante, formerly a member of the German-American Bund, claimed that Germany 
put him in contact with one of their operatives, Paul Fehse, because of 
Bante's previous association with a Dr. Ignatz T. Griebl. Before fleeing 
to Germany to escape prosecution, Dr. Griebl had been implicated in a Nazi 
spy ring with Guenther Gustave Rumrich, who was tried on espionage charges 
in 1938.

Bante assisted Paul Fehse in obtaining information about ships bond for 
Britain with war materials and supplies. Bante claimed that as a member of 
the Gestapo his function was to create discontent among union workers, 
stating that every strike would assist Germany.

Sebold met Bante at the Little Casino Restaurant, which was frequented by 
several members of this spy ring. During one such meeting, Bante advised 
that he was preparing a fuse bomb, and he subsequently delivered dynamite 
and detonation caps to Sebold.

Entering a guilty plea to violation of the Registration Act, Bante was 
sentenced to 18 months' imprisonment and was fined $1,000.


Max Blank

Max Blank came to the United States from Germany in 1928. Although he 
never became a U.S. citizen, Blank had been employed in New York City at a 
German library and at a book store which catered to German trade.

Paul Fehse, a major figure in this case, informed Germany that Blank, who 
was acquainted with several members of the spy ring, could secure some 
valuable information but lacked the funds to do so. Later Fehse and Blank 
met with Sebold in his office. They told Sebold that Blank could obtain 
details about rubberized self-sealing airplane gasoline tanks, as well as 
a new braking device for airplanes, from a friend who worked in a 
shipyard. However, he needed money to get the information.

Blank pleaded guilty to violation of the Registration Act. He received a 
sentence of 18 months' imprisonment and a $1,000 fine.


Alfred E. Brokhoff

Alfred E. Brokhoff, a native of Germany, came to the United States in 1923 
and became a naturalized citizen in 1929. He was a mechanic for the United 
States Lines in New York City for 17 years prior to his arrest. Because of 
his employment on the docks, he knew almost all of the other agents in 
this group who were working as seamen on various ships.

Brokhoff helped Fehse secure information about the sailing dates and 
cargoes of vessels destined for England. He also assisted Fehse in 
transmitting this information to Germany. Also, another German agent, 
George V. Leo Waalen, reported that he had received information from 
Brokhoff for transmittal to Germany.

Upon conviction, Brokhoff was sentenced to serve a five-year prison term 
for violation of the espionage statutes and to serve a two-year concurrent 
sentence for violation of the Registration Act.


Heinrich Clausing

In September, 1934, German-born Heinrich Clausing came to the United 
States, where he became a naturalized citizen in 1938. Having served on 
various ships sailing from New York Harbor since his arrival in the 
country, he was employed as a cook on the SS Argentine at the time of his 
arrest.

Closely associated with Franz Stigler, one of the principal contact men 
for this spy ring, Clausing operated as a courier. He transported 
microphotographs and other material from the United States to South 
American ports, from which the information was sent to Germany via Italian 
airlines. He also established a mail drop in South America for expeditious 
transmittal of information to Germany by mail.

Clausing was convicted and was sentenced to serve eight years for 
violation of espionage statutes. He also received a two-year concurrent 
sentence for violation of the Registration Act.


Conradin Otto Dold

Conradin Otto Dold came to the United States from Germany in 1926. He 
became a U.S. citizen in 1934 under the Seamen's Act. Prior to his arrest, 
he was Chief Steward aboard the SS Siboney of the American Export Lines.

Dold was related to people holding high positions in Germany and was 
closely associated with other members of the espionage group who worked on 
ships sailing from New York Harbor. As a courier, Dold carried information 
from Nazi agents in the United States to contacts in neutral ports abroad 
for transmittal to Germany.

Dold was sentenced to serve 10 years in prison on espionage charges and 
received a 2-year concurrent sentence and a fine of $1,000 for violation 
of the Registration Act.


Rudolf Ebeling

After leaving Germany for the United States in 1925, employed as a foreman 
in the Shipping Department of Harper and Brothers in New York City when he 
was arrested.

Ebeling obtained information regarding ship sailings and cargoes, which he 
provided to Paul Fehse for transmittal to Germany. He also furnished such 
information to Leo Waalen, who delivered the material to Sebold for 
transmittal.

Upon conviction, Ebeling was sentenced to 5 years in prison on espionage 
charges. he also received a 2-year concurrent sentence and a $1,000 fine 
for violating the Registration Act.


Richard Eichenlaub

Richard Eichenlaub, who came to the United States in 1930 and became a 
citizen in 1936, operated the Little Casino Restaurant in the Yorkville 
Section of New York City. This restaurant was a rendezvous for many 
members of this spy ring, and Eichenlaub introduced several new members 
into the group.

Eichenlaub reported to the German Gestapo and often obtained information 
from his customers who were engaged in national defense production. 
Through Eichenlaub, dynamite was delivered to Sebold from Bante.

Having entered a plea of guilty to violation of the Registration Act, 
Eichenlaub was sentenced to pay a fine of $1,000 and to serve 18 months in 
prison.


Heinrich Carl Eilers

A native of Germany, Heinrich Carl Eilers came to the United States in 
1923 and became a citizen in 1932. From 1933 until his arrest, he served 
as a steward on ships sailing from New York City.

Eilers made a trip from New York to Washington, D.C., to obtain 
information for Germany from the Civil Aeronautics Authority. His mission, 
however, was unsuccessful.

At the time of his arrest in New York City by Customs authorities in June, 
1940, he had in his possession 20 letters addressed to people throughout 
Europe. He also had books relating to magnesium and aluminum alloys which 
had been sent to him by Edmund Carl Heine, one of the principal espionage 
agents in this group.

Upon conviction, Eilers received a 5-year prison sentence on espionage 
charges and a concurrent sentence of 2 years' imprisonment and a $1,000 
fine under the Registration Act.


Paul Fehse

In 1934, Paul Fehse left Germany for the United States, where he became a 
citizen in 1938. Since his arrival in this country, he had been employed 
as a cook aboard ships sailing from New York Harbor.

Fehse was one of the directing forces in this espionage group. He arranged 
meetings, directed members' activities, correlated information that had 
been developed, and arranged for its transmittal to Germany, chiefly 
through Sebold. Fehse, who was trained for espionage work in Hamburg, 
Germany, claimed he headed the Marine Division of the German espionage 
system in the United States.

Having become quite apprehensive and nervous, Fehse made plans to leave 
the country. He obtained a position on the SS Siboney, which was scheduled 
to sail from Hoboken, New Jersey, for Lisbon, Portugal, on March 29, 1941. 
He planned to desert ship in Lisbon and return to Germany.

However, before he could leave the United States, Fehse was arrested by 
FBI Agents. Upon arrest, he admitted sending letters to Italy for 
transmittal to Germany, as well as reporting the movements of British 
ships.

On April 1, 1941, Fehse was sentenced on a plea of guilty to serve one 
year and one day in prison for violation of the Registration Act. He 
subsequently pleaded guilty to espionage and received a prison sentence of 
15 years.


Edmund Carl Heine

A native of Germany, Edmund Carl Heine came to the United States in 1914 
and became a naturalized citizen in 1920. Until 1938, he held various 
positions in the foreign sales and service department of Ford Motor 
Company and Chrysler Motor Corporation. His employment took him to the 
West Indies, South America, Spain, and Berlin, Germany. Heine was closely 
associated with Dr. Hans Luther, former German Ambassador in Washington, 
D.C., and Prince Louis Ferdinand of Berlin.

Heine sent letters from Detroit, Michigan, to Lilly Stein, one of the 
German spies Sebold was instructed to contact. The letters contained 
detailed technical data regarding the military, aircraft construction, and 
various industries. He also wrote to aircraft companies to obtain 
information about their production, number of employees, and the time 
required to construct military planes.

After obtaining technical books relating to magnesium and aluminum alloys, 
Heine sent the materials to Heinrich Eilers. To ensure safe delivery of 
the books to Germany in case they did not reach Eilers, Heine indicated 
the return address on the package as the address of Lilly Stein.

Upon conviction of violating the Registration Act, Heine received a $5,000 
fine and a 2-year prison sentence.


Felix Jahnke

In 1924, Felix Jahnke left Germany for the United States, where he became 
a naturalized citizen in 1930. Jahnke had attended military school in 
Germany and had served in the German army as a radio operator.

Jahnke and Axel Wheeler-Hill secured the services of Josef Klein, a radio 
technician, in building a portable radio set for Jahnke's apartment in the 
Bronx. Jahnke used this radio to transmit messages, which were intercepted 
by the FBI, to Germany. He also visited the docks in New York Harbor to 
obtain information about any vessels bound for England.

After pleading guilty to violation of the Registration Act, Jahnke was 
sentenced to serve 20 months in prison and to pay a $1,000 fine.


Gustav Wilhelm Kaercher

Gustav Wilhelm Kaercher came to the United States in 1923, becoming a 
citizen in 1931. He served in the German army during World War I and was a 
former leader of the German Bund in New York. During visits to Germany, he 
was seen to have worn a German army officer's uniform. At the time of his 
arrest, he was engaged in designing power plants for the American Gas and 
Electric Company in New York City.

Kaercher was arrested with Paul Scholtz, who had just handed Kaercher a 
table of call letters and frequencies for transmitting information to 
Germany by radio.

As a result of his guilty plea to charges of violating the Registration 
Act, Kaercher received a $2,000 fine and a prison sentence of 22 months.


Josef Klein

A native of Germany, Josef Klein came to the United States in 1925; he did 
not become a citizen. Klein, a photographer and lithographer, had been 
interested in the building and operation of shortwave radio transmitters.

Klein constructed a portable shortwave radio transmitting-and-receiving 
set for Felix Jahnke and Axel Wheeler- Hill. When he built the radio set, 
Klein knew it would be used for transmitting messages to Germany.

Upon conviction, Klein received a sentence of five years' imprisonment on 
espionage charges and a concurrent sentence of two years' imprisonment 
under the Registration Act.


Hartwig Richard Kleiss

Born in Germany, Hartwig Richard Kleiss came to this country in 1925 and 
became a naturalized citizen six years later. Following his arrival in the 
United States, he was employed as a cook on various ships.

Kleiss obtained information for Germany, including blueprints of the SS 
America which showed the locations of newly installed gun emplacements. He 
included information about how guns would be brought into position for 
firing. Kleiss also obtained details on the construction and performance 
of new speedboats being developed by the United States Navy, which he 
submitted to Sebold for transmittal to Germany.

Kleiss had originally chosen to stand trial. However, after cross-
examination, he changed his plea to guilty on charge of espionage and 
received an eight-year prison sentence.


Herman W. Lang

Herman W. Lang came to the United States from Germany in 1927 and became a 
citizen in 1939. He was one of the four people Sebold had been told to 
contact in the United States.

Until his arrest, Lang had been employed by a company manufacturing highly 
confidential materials essential to the national defense of the United 
States. During a visit to Germany in 1938, Lang conferred with German 
military authorities and reconstructed plans of the confidential materials 
from memory.

Upon conviction, Lang received a sentence of 18 years in prison on 
espionage charges and a 2-year concurrent sentence under the Registration 
Act.


Evelyn Clayton Lewis

A native of Arkansas, Evelyn Clayton Lewis had been living with Frederick 
Joubert Duquesne in New York City. Miss Lewis had expressed her anti-
British and anti-Semitic feelings during her relationship with Duquesne. 
She was aware of his espionage activities and condoned them. While she was 
not active in obtaining information for Germany, she helped Duquesne 
prepare material for transmittal abroad.

Upon a guilty plea, Miss Lewis was sentenced to serve one year and one day 
in prison for violation of the Registration Act.


Rene Emanuel Mezenen

Rene Emanuel Mezenen, a Frenchman, claimed U.S. citizenship through the 
naturalization of his father. Prior to his arrest, he was employed as a 
steward in the transatlantic clipper service.

The German Intelligence Service in Lisbon, Portugal, asked Mezenen to act 
as a courier, transmitting information between the United States and 
Portugal on his regular trips on the clipper. He accepted this offer for 
financial gain. In the course of flights across the Atlantic, Mezenen also 
reported his observance of convoys sailing for England. He also became 
involved in smuggling platinum from the United States to Portugal.

Following a plea of guilty, Mezenen received an eight year prison term for 
espionage and two concurrent years for registration violations.


Carl Reuper

Having come to the United States from Germany in 1929, Carl Reuper became 
a citizen in 1936. Prior to this arrest, he served as an inspector for the 
Westinghouse Electric Company in Newark, New Jersey.

Reuper obtained photographs for Germany relating to national defense 
materials and construction, which he obtained from his employment. He 
arranged radio contact with Germany through the station established by 
Felix Jahnke. On one occasion, he conferred with Sebold regarding Sebold's 
facilities for communicating with German authorities.

Upon conviction, Reuper was sentenced to 16 years' imprisonment on 
espionage charges and 2 years' concurrent sentence under the Registration 
Act.


Everett Minster Roeder

Born in the Bronx, New York, Roeder was a draftsman and designer of 
confidential materials for the U.S. Army and Navy.

Sebold had delivered microphotograph instructions to Roeder, as ordered by 
German authorities. Roeder and Sebold met in public places and proceeded 
to spots where they could talk privately.

In 1936, Roeder had visited Germany and was requested by German 
authorities to act as an espionage agent. Primarily due to monetary 
rewards he would receive, Roeder agreed.

Roeder entered a guilty plea to the charge of espionage and was sentenced 
to 16 years in prison.


Paul Alfred W. Scholz

A German native, Paul Scholz came to the United States in 1926 but never 
attained citizenship. He had been employed in German book stores in New 
York City, where he disseminated Nazi propaganda.

Scholz had arranged for Josef Klein to construct the radio set used by 
Felix Jahnke and Axel Wheeler-Hill. At the time of his arrest, Scholz had 
just given Gustav Wilhelm Kaercher a list of radio call letters and 
frequencies. He also encouraged members of this spy ring to secure data 
for Germany and arranged contacts between various German agents.

Upon conviction, Scholz was sentenced to 16 years' imprisonment for 
espionage with 2 years' concurrent sentence under the Registration Act.


George Gottlob Schuh

George Schuh, a native of Germany, came to the United States in 1923. He 
became a citizen in 1939 and was employed as a carpenter.

As a German agent, he sent information directly to the Gestapo in Hamburg, 
Germany, from this country. Schuh had provided Alfred Brokhoff information 
that Winston Churchill had arrived in the United States on the HMS George 
V. He also furnished information to Germany concerning the movement of 
ships carrying materials and supplies to Britain.

Having pleaded guilty to violation of the Registration Act, Schuh received 
a sentence of 18 months in prison and a $1,000 fine.


Erwin Wilhelm Siegler

Erwin Siegler came to the United States from Germany in 1929 and attained 
citizenship in 1936. He had served as chief butcher on the SS America 
until it was taken over by the U.S. Navy.

A courier, Siegler brought microphotographic instructions to Sebold from 
German authorities on one occasion. He also had brought $2,900 from German 
contacts abroad to pay Lilly Stein, Duquesne, and Roeder for their 
services and to buy a bomb sight. He served the espionage group as an 
organizer and contact man, and he also obtained information about the 
movement of ships and military defense preparations at the Panama Canal.

Subsequent to his conviction, Siegler was sentenced to 10 years' 
imprisonment on espionage charges and a concurrent 2-year term for 
violation of the Registration Act.


Oscar Richard Stabler

Born in Germany, Oscar Stabler came to this country in 1923 and became a 
citizen in 1933. He had been employed primarily as a barber aboard 
transoceanic ships.

In December, 1940, British authorities in Bermuda found a map of Gibraltar 
in his possession. He was detained for a short period before being 
released.

A close associate of Conradin Otto Dold, Stabler served as a courier, 
transmitting information between German agents in the United States and 
contacts abroad.

Stabler was convicted and sentenced to serve five years in prison for 
espionage and a two-year concurrent term under the Registration Act.


Heinrich Stade

Heinrich Stade came to the United States from Germany in 1922 and became a 
citizen in 1929. Stade had arranged for Paul Bante's contact with Sebold 
and had transmitted data to Germany regarding points of rendezvous for 
convoys carrying supplies to England.

Following a guilty plea to violation of the Registration Act, Stade was 
fined $1,000 and received a 15-month prison sentence.


Lilly Barbara Carola Stein

Born in Vienna, Austria, Lilly Stein met Hugo Sebold, the espionage 
instructor who had trained William Sebold (the two men were not related) 
in Hamburg, Germany. She enrolled in this school and was sent to the 
United States in 1939.

Lilly Stein was one of the people to whom Sebold had been instructed to 
deliver microphotograph instructions upon his arrival in this country. She 
frequently met with Sebold to give him information for transmittal to 
Germany, and her address was used as a return address by other agents in 
mailing data for Germany.

Miss Stein pleaded guilty and received sentences of 10 years' and 2 
concurrent years' imprisonment for violations of espionage and 
registration statutes, respectively.


Franz Joseph Stigler

In 1931, Franz Stigler left Germany for the United States, where he became 
a citizen in 1939. He had been employed as a crew member aboard U.S. ships 
until his discharge from the SS America when the U.S. Navy converted that 
ship into the USS West Point.

His constant companion was Erwin Siegler, and they operated as couriers in 
transmitting information between the United States and German agents 
aboard. Stigler sought to recruit amateur radio operators in the United 
States as channels of communication to German radio stations. He had also 
observed and reported defense preparations in the Canal Zone and had met 
with other German Agents to advise them in their espionage pursuits.

Upon conviction, Stigler was sentenced to serve 16 years in prison on 
espionage charges with 2 concurrent years for registration violations.


Erich Strunck

A seaman aboard the ships of the United States Lines since his arrival in 
this country, Erich Strunck came to the United States from Germany in 
1927. He became a naturalized citizen in 1935.

As a courier, Strunck carried messages between German agents in the United 
States and Europe. He requested authority to steal the diplomatic bag of a 
British officer traveling aboard his ship and to dispose of the officer by 
pushing him overboard. Sebold convinced him that it would be too risky to 
do so.

Strunck was convicted and sentenced to serve 10 years in prison on 
espionage charges. He also was sentenced to serve a two-year concurrent 
term under the Registration Act.


Leo Waalen

Waalen was born in Danzig while that city was under German domination. He 
entered the United States by "jumping ship" about 1935. He was a painter 
for a small boat company which was constructing small craft for the U.S. 
Navy.

Waalen gathered information about ships sailing for England. He also 
obtained a confidential booklet issued by the FBI which contained 
precautions to be taken by industrial plants to safeguard national defense 
materials from sabotage. Waalen also secured government contracts listing 
specifications for materials and equipment, as well as detailed sea charts 
of the United States Atlantic coastline.

Following his conviction, Waalen was sentenced to 12 years in prison for 
espionage and a concurrent 2-year term for violation of the Registration 
Act.


Adolf Henry August Walischewski

A German native, Walischewski had been a seaman since maturity. He became 
a naturalized citizen in 1935.

Walischewski became connected with the German espionage system through 
Paul Fehse. His duties were confined to those of courier, carrying data 
from agents in the United States to contacts abroad.

Upon conviction, Walischewski received a five-year prison sentence on 
espionage charges, as well as a two-year concurrent sentence under the 
Registration Act.


Else Weustenfeld

Else Weustenfeld arrived in the United States from Germany in 1927 and 
became a citizen 10 years later. From 1935 until her arrest, she was a 
secretary for a law firm representing the German Consulate in New York 
City.

Miss Weustenfeld was thoroughly acquainted with the German espionage 
system and delivered funds to Duquesne which she had received from Lilly 
Stein, her close friend.

She lived in New York City with Hans W. Ritter, a principal in the German 
espionage system. His brother, Nickolaus Ritter, was the "Dr. Renken" who 
had enlisted Sebold as a German agent. In 1940, Weustenfeld visited Hans 
Ritter in Mexico, where he was serving as a paymaster for the German 
Intelligence Service.

After pleading guilty, Else Weustenfeld was sentenced to five years' 
imprisonment on charge of espionage and two concurrent years on charge of 
registration violations.


Axel Wheeler-Hill

Axel Wheeler-Hill came to the United States in 1923 from his native land 
of Russia. He was naturalized as a citizen in 1929 and was employed as a 
truck driver.

Wheeler-Hill obtained information for Germany regarding ships sailing to 
Britain from New York Harbor. With Felix Jahnke, he enlisted the aid of 
Paul Scholz in building a radio set for sending coded messages to Germany.

Following conviction, Wheeler-Hill was sentenced to serve 15 years in 
prison for espionage and 2 concurrent years under the Registration Act.


Bertram Wolfgang Zenzinger

Born in Germany, Zenzinger came to the United States in 1940 as a 
naturalized citizen of the Union of South Africa. His reported reason for 
coming to this country was to study mechanical dentistry in Los Angeles, 
California.

In July, 1940, Zenzinger received a pencil for preparing invisible 
messages for Germany in the mail from Siegler. He sent several letters to 
Germany through a mail drop in Sweden outlining details of national 
defense materials.

Zenzinger was arrested by FBI Agents on April 16, 1941. Pleading guilty, 
he received 18 months in prison for violation of the Registration Act and 
8 years' imprisonment for espionage.