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Intro
Chapt 1-3
4-11
12-15
16-19
20-27
28-31
32-35
 

35 Of The FBI's Most Famous Closed Cases - Chapters 1-3



PART I. BANK ROBBERY

CHAPTER 1
JOSEPH EDWARD EARLYWINE

Joseph Edward Earlywine, Fred Steffler, John William Hulett: Bank Robbery

The burglary of the State Bank of Lapel, Lapel, Indiana, on the night of 
December 2, 1937, during which time the paltry sum of $5.45 was 
surreptitiously stolen, led to the slaying of William R. Ramsey, Jr., a 
Special Agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), United States 
Department of Justice, the death of Joseph Earlywine, a twice-paroled 
convict who in cold blood killed Agent Ramsey, and the apprehension of 
Fred Steffler and William Hulett, two other paroled convicts.

On the morning of December 3, 1937, the cashier of the State Bank of Lapel 
telephoned the Indianapolis, Indiana, Field Division of the FBI and 
advised that the bank had been burglarized on the previous night. In view 
of the fact that deposits of this bank were insured by the Federal Deposit 
Insurance Corporation, the burglary was in violation of the Federal Bank 
Robbery Act, and a crime within the investigative jurisdiction of the FBI. 
The Bureau commenced an immediate investigation which disclosed that the 
burglars gained entrance to the bank by loosening a grate over a rear 
window and sought to gain access to the safe with the aid of an acetylene 
torch. However, apparently becoming disturbed, the burglars departed 
abandoning an acetylene torch and equipment in the bank and stealing the 
small sum previously mentioned. In cooperation with the Indiana State 
Police, information was developed indicating Earlywine, Steffler, and 
Hulett were involved in this burglary and in other robberies in the State 
of Indiana, and were engaged in the theft of certain acetylene torches and 
other burglar equipment. During the investigation of this burglary, the 
First State Bank and Trust Company of Indianola, Illinois, and the State 
Bank of Oakwood, Illinois, were burglarized on the nights of March 3, 
1938, and April 29, 1938, respectively. The State Bank of Lapel was also 
the victim of a second burglary on the night of April 25, 1938.

An investigation was conducted by the FBI in regard to these burglaries 
and it was found that the modus operandi employed by the burglars in each 
case was similar to that used in the burglary of the State Bank of Lapel, 
Indiana, on December 2, 1937. In investigating the second burglary of this 
bank on April 25, 1938, it was ascertained that a night watchman, in 
making his round, had noticed unusual activity in the bank. However, he 
was apparently seen by the burglars and before he could summon aid the 
burglars had fled from the bank abandoning an acetylene torch and 
equipment in the vicinity of the bank. The night watchman later identified 
Fred Steffler as being one of the perpetrators of the burglary. After this 
information was obtained the efforts of the FBI and the cooperating local 
law enforcement officers were directed toward the location and 
apprehension of Earlywine, Steffler, and Hulett.

A federal warrant was issued on May 2, 1938, for Steffler charging him 
with violation of the Federal Bank Robbery Statute in connection with his 
participation in the burglary of the State Bank of Lapel on the night of 
April 25, 1938, and state warrants were issued for the arrest of Earlywine 
and Hulett upon charges of theft of acetylene equipment used in some of 
the above-mentioned bank burglaries.

The investigation resulted in the location of Earlywine and Hulett on a 
farm near Penfield, Illinois, and after observing the activities of 
Earlywine and Hulett for several days in an effort to ascertain the 
location of Fred Steffler, it was decided that Earlywine and Hulett should 
be taken into custody. Accordingly, Agent Ramsy, together with another 
Special Agent, the local sheriff, and members of the Illinois and Indiana 
State Police, approached the farmhouse for this purpose. Upon reaching the 
farm, Hulett was seen plowing in the field and was immediately taken into 
custody. Agent Ramsey accompanied by two Indiana State officers and the 
sheriff entered the house while the other FBI Agent and local officers 
waited outside to prevent the escape of anyone within the house. Upon 
gaining entrance to the house, Earlywine was identified and advised of his 
arrest. Instead of submitting to arrest, Earlywine whipped out a gun and 
shot Agent Ramsey several times. Agent Ramsey returned the fire and a 
bullet struck Earlywine in the forehead, killing him instantly. Agent 
Ramsey was mortally wounded by Earlywine's bullets and he was immediately 
taken to a local hospital where he died early the next morning. In his mad 
frenzy, Earlywine fired wildly and recklessly with no regard for even the 
lives of members of his family. During the shooting, Earlywine's seven-
year-old son, Virgil, rushed excitedly into the room and was wounded in 
the chest by a bullet from his father's .45 caliber automatic.

In a subsequent search of Earlywine's farmhouse many burglars' tools and 
equipment, such as acetylene and oxygen gas tanks, gauges, torches, 
dynamite, and hundreds of items of loot of various types and varieties 
were discovered, all of which gave positive proof of Joseph Earlywine's 
activities as a burglar.

On the afternoon of May 2, 1938, Special Agents of the FBI and local law 
enforcement officers apprehended the forty-one year-old, hazel-eyed, 
scarfaced Fred Steffler as he was entering his residence at 210 Stroup 
Street, Danville, Illinois. A search of Steffler's dwelling resulted in 
the recovery of a .45 caliber Army Model Colt revolver, the numbers of 
which had been filed off and completely destroyed so that the gun could 
not be traced, and three ounces of nitroglycerin were found. Immediately, 
Steffler was incarcerated in a local jail where he was interrogated by 
Special Agents of the FBI.

During this interrogation Steffler furnished a lengthy signed statement in 
regard to his criminal activities. Steffler, in commenting on his recent 
criminal activities admitted that he, accompanied by Joseph Earlywine, 
burglarized a safe of an automobile agency in Muncie, Indiana, in the fall 
of 1937, and obtained approximately $900, and blew another safe of a 
theater at Petersburg, Indiana, and obtained $245 soon after. Early in 
1938, he and Earlywine robbed a safe in Mattoon, Illinois, and obtained 
approximately $500. Later, he alone burglarized a safe at Bloomington, 
Illinois, and obtained $300. According to Steffler, on the night of March 
3, 1938, he and Earlywine burglarized the First State Bank and Trust 
Company of Indianola, Illinois, but were forced to abandon the bank before 
opening the safe because a gas bomb exploded in the bank. Although 
Steffler did not admit that he burglarized the State Bank of Lapel on 
December 2, 1937, he admitted Joseph Earlywine had informed him that he, 
Earlywine, had committed this crime. Steffler also advised that Hulett did 
not assist in these burglaries and in view of the lack of evidence 
indicating Hulett participated in these crimes, he was not prosecuted in 
Federal Court. Hulett was tried on August 17, 1938, in the State Court at 
Danville, Illinois, on the charge of receiving stolen property. However, 
he was acquitted on this charge. On June 27, 1938, a Federal Grand Jury at 
Indianapolis, Indiana, returned an indictment against Steffler charging 
him with violation of the Federal Bank Robbery Statute by unlawfully 
entering the State Bank of Lapel, Indiana, on the night of April 25, 1938, 
and the next day, June 28, 1938, he was arraigned in Federal Court, 
entered a plea of guilty, and was sentenced to serve fifteen years in a 
Federal penitentiary. At the direction of the Attorney General of the 
United States, he was sent to the United States Penitentiary at 
Leavenworth, Kansas, to serve this sentence.

The files of the Identification Division of the FBI reflect that 
Earlywine, Hulett, and Steffler had become entangled in the meshes of the 
law on numerous occasions prior to becoming involved in the burglary of 
banks in the states of Indiana and Illinois.

In 1921, Earlywine was arrested at Frankfort, Indiana, on a charge of 
stealing chickens. He was given a suspended sentence of one to eight years 
in the Indiana Reformatory. In 1922, he was arrested at Noblesville, 
Indiana, for rape, and acquitted by the jury. He was received at the 
Indiana State Reformatory, Pendleton, Indiana, on February 19, 1926, after 
having been convicted on a charge of grand larceny, to serve a sentence of 
from one to fourteen years. He received a parole from this institution 
March 11, 1927. On July 27, 1934, he was received at the State Prison, 
Michigan City, Indiana, to serve a sentence of from two to fourteen years 
upon a charge of conspiracy to commit a felony. However, he was paroled on 
December 23, 1935.

John William Hulett was another recipient of parole. His criminal record 
indicates that he was received at the Indiana State Reformatory, 
Pendleton, Indiana, on July 28, 1934, to serve a sentence of from one to 
ten years for grand larceny. He was paroled June 27, 1935.

The third person involved who had also been granted clemency by a parole 
board was Fred Steffler. On June 27, 1916, Steffler was received at the 
State Farm, Greencastle, Indiana, on a charge of petty larceny to serve 
215 days. He escaped on July 4, 1916. He was arrested for theft of a motor 
vehicle and received at the Indiana Reformatory, Jefferson, Indiana, to 
serve from six months to five years on November 11, 1917. Here he was 
paroled and turned over to the Indiana State Farm on July 12, 1918, to 
serve a two to five year sentence for escaping from the institution. On 
May 14, 1919, he was paroled.

Steffler was received at the United States Penitentiary, Leavenworth, 
Kansas, on June 19, 1920, for violation of the National Motor Vehicle 
Theft Act, to serve a sentence of five years. On December 9, 1924, he was 
incarcerated at the United States Penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas, to 
serve four years for unlawfully breaking into and entering a United States 
Post Office. He was transferred to the United States Penitentiary at 
McNeil Island on October 6, 1926, and released on January 7, 1928. On 
January 22, 1928, Steffler was received at the Washington State 
Penitentiary, Walla Walla, Washington, on two charges, burglary and grand 
larceny, to serve not less than fifteen years on each charge. He was 
paroled on April 3, 1933. On January 6, 1934, he entered the Indiana State 
Prison, Michigan City, Indiana, to serve from two to fourteen years. 
However, he was paroled on February 7, 1936. On November 5, 1936, he was 
declared delinquent for failure to report and being suspected of safe 
cracking. A warden's warrant was issued for his arrest but he was not 
located until apprehended by Special Agents of the FBI and local officers 
on May 2, 1938, on the bank robbery charge for which he received a fifteen-
year sentence previously mentioned.



CHAPTER 2
JOHN ELGIN JOHNSON

The darkness, relative obscurity, and anonymity of a telephone booth were 
a fitting sepulcher for John Elgin Johnson. He, however, would be the last 
to admit it. For this man, who expressed hate so often, also expressed the 
desire for so-called important things of life -- "big, beautiful 
Cadillacs, fine clothes, flashy dames." In short, he wanted the grandiose 
material elements of the society -- a society which he viciously hated, 
and to which he rendered violence and death! Again, he desired admittance 
to a religious order of laymen, which, if granted, would have found him in 
an ascetic existence. This paradox of thinking affords to the observer a 
possible spade to unearth the gnarled roots of an ambivalent mind.

The circumstances of Johnson's childhood existence are not fully known. He 
was born in Linn Grove, Iowa, to a large family, on August 21, 1919, and 
was reared in the northwestern United States. After completion of the 
tenth grade at Cody, Wyoming, however, he made his initial thrust into a 
claim for recognition. He was arrested and convicted for larceny at Rapid 
City, South Dakota, on November 23, 1935. At the age of sixteen, the first 
step towards his zenith of violence had begun. But society, realizing that 
youth has but youthful philosophy, granted him probation.

Just three months later young Johnson was again arrested, this time at 
Santa Fe, New Mexico, where, for breaking and entering, he was sentenced 
on February 2, 1936, to serve from eighteen months to two years. After 
eleven months' confinement, he was released.

Under the alias of Eric Vernon Jefferson, his fast-rising career was again 
served when he was arrested for investigation of car prowling at Salt Lake 
City, Utah, on March 2, 1937. Thus, in fifteen months the embryonic 
murderer was rapidly familiarizing himself with the judicial and penal 
systems.

With the exactness of a migrant bird, Johnson returned to the dubious 
warmth of the underworld's "nest." On August 16, 1938, he was apprehended 
by local Los Angeles authorities on charges of burglary which resulted in 
his removal to Rawlins, Wyoming, where the crime had occurred. With almost 
monotonous repetition, Johnson, now a worldly nineteen, was sentenced to 
serve from two to three years. Twenty-three months later, August, 1940, 
the man Johnson returned to society.

Just one month later, on September 17, 1940, a Los Angeles, California, 
bank was robbed by a lone bandit armed with a blue steel revolver. On this 
day the Hollywood Branch of the Citizens National Trust and Savings Bank 
was conducting its normal daily business. Shortly after the noon hour a 
young man entered the bank and approached the first teller's cage. He was 
directed by the manager to the second teller. At the second teller's 
window the young man handed over a number of small bills, stating that it 
was eighty dollars, for which he wanted four twenty-dollar bills. As he 
was being handled the larger bills, he pulled a gun and said, "Give me the 
rest." The teller handed over $610 to the young gunman who wheeled and ran 
from the bank.

FBI Agents and the Los Angeles Police Department began an immediate 
investigation of the robbery. Extensive neighborhood investigations were 
undertaken. It was on this same day, however, that three other bank 
robberies took place in Los Angeles. A minor crime wave had befallen the 
city. In usual investigative fashion, several immediate suspects were 
developed from among known criminals in the Los Angeles area. John Elgin 
Johnson was not among them.

On October 28, 1940, information was received by the Los Angeles FBI 
Office from the Des Moines, Iowa, FBI Office, which revealed that a John 
Elgin Johnson had been apprehended by the Sioux City, Iowa, Police 
Department after robbing a department store in that city. Among his 
effects was located a newspaper account of the bank robberies in Los 
Angeles on September 17, 1940.

The method of operation used in the Iowa robbery and the similarity of 
that bandit's description to the Los Angeles bank bandit were immediately 
noted by FBI Agents handling the case. It was quickly determined that on 
September 17, 1940, Johnson had purchased a 1939 Mercury Sedan. With it he 
purchased a new car radio and two new tires. He paid approximately $300 in 
cash. He was known to have been night-clubbing, picking up more than his 
share of the checks. Johnson's picture was obtained and displayed to 
officials of the four banks which had been robbed.

He was tentatively identified at two banks as being the lone bandit who 
committed the robberies on September 17, 1940. Again Johnson, who had been 
free from law enforcement for less than three months, was about to re-
enter prison life.

Faced with the evidence against him, Johnson admitted to FBI Agents at Des 
Moines, Iowa, that he had perpetrated the Los Angeles bank robberies, but 
ironically enough, he confessed to all four committed on September 17, 
1940. Later investigation eliminated Johnson from two of the robberies. 
The criminal mind was quick to claim the "glory" attached to someone 
else's share of crime.

Federal justice moved rapidly for Johnson. He was returned to Los Angeles, 
California, where, on November 27, 1940, he was indicted by a Federal 
Grand Jury on two counts of bank robbery. Entering a plea of guilty in 
United States District Court, Los Angeles, he was sentenced on December 
23, 1940, to two fifteen-year sentences to be served concurrently. The 
United States Penitentiary, McNeil Island, Washington, received Johnson 
shortly thereafter -- his third prison term at twenty-one years of age.

Within the whispering society constituting a prison life, Johnson was also 
a misfit. After Johnson was transferred for disciplinary reasons to U.S. 
Prison, Leavenworth, Kansas, to serve the remainder of his time for bank 
robbery conviction, his twisted thinking once again guided towards 
disaster. Shortly after his arrival at Leavenworth, Johnson, together with 
two other inmates, attempted to escape and in so doing assaulted prison 
guards. Again the man who had repeatedly shown his contempt for the 
society around him was fighting to re-enter it. This act resulted in 
Johnson's being found guilty by a Kansas jury on April 18, 1944, of 
assault with intent to kill a federal officer. He was given a sentence of 
four years and recommended for transfer to the U.S. Penitentiary at 
Alcatraz, San Francisco, California.

After nine years of almost uninterrupted criminal activity, on June 10, 
1944, Johnson arrived at Alcatraz. He was placed with America's toughest 
criminals -- the "select" group who defy rehabilitation to the utmost. 
John Elgin Johnson was to take his place with the sullen breed who 
populate "The Rock."

The unbending discipline must have been torturous to a mind as unregulated 
and undisciplined as Johnson' s. But his mind yet sought a chink in the 
structure. Johnson became known as a regular attendant at the church 
services. He became a devoted visitor to his spiritual advisor and 
continually sought baptism into religion. The advisor, sympathetic but 
vigilant against emotional desire for conversion, did not grant Johnson's 
request. Johnson began taking instructions for this faith in a 
correspondence course from a middle western university. The chaplain, in 
later years, related to FBI Agents that Johnson's ready grasp of the 
faith's spiritual qualities was amazing. Johnson became so imbued with the 
principles, or so it appeared, that he expressed strong desire to entering 
the religious life as a lay brother. This ambition, as it turned out, 
never reached full bloom.

It is difficult to imagine what Johnson actually learned at Alcatraz; but, 
in his own words, he learned to hate. In nine years Jonson must have heard 
thousands of innocence pleas from "framed" prisoners. His own mind might 
have been seething with vitriolic condemnation of the forces which kept 
him in vigilant tow. Perhaps it was here that he heard of "FBI Agents' 
cruelty," for he later stated "The FBI stinks -- they hold guys out of 
windows and even sometimes let them drop!"

Johnson's tutelage was complete. He now hated society, hated law 
enforcement, probably hated himself. He was now ready for his greatest 
coup. It eventually came.

It could have been a typically gray San Francisco day when Johnson crossed 
the choppy bay from Alcatraz. It was March 20, 1953, and he had been 
granted a conditional release from Alcatraz. He had undoubtedly shaken 
hands with several prison officials, received a small cash allowance, and 
was ordered to report to the Los Angeles Federal Probation Office. He was 
free. Or was he? Could he forget almost seventeen years of detention? He 
was thirty-four now. He had a form of trade since he had learned plumbing 
and machine-shop work in prison. He headed towards Los Angeles, the city 
of his choosing, to begin again. Begin what? Only Johnson knew. Others 
suspected. Society was again risking its own safety on the hope that John 
Elgin Johnson would join over 150 million others in ordinary living. 

Johnson's arrival at Los Angeles, California, was not notably different 
from other ex-convicts arriving in the area. He registered at the Los 
Angeles Police Department as an ex-convict on March 21, 1953, as 
California law demands. He contacted the Federal Probation Office and 
apparently set out on the road to rehabilitation. He located his former 
prison chaplain, then assigned to Los Angeles. He also approached the 
Assistant City Editor of the Los Angeles "Mirror," Sid Hughes, from whom 
Johnson requested aid in securing a driver's license. Johnson related to 
the newspaperman some tales of hardships at Alcatraz and other details 
concerning innocent men being held there. Hughes became interested in 
Johnson's rehabilitation and secured for him a California driver's permit, 
and Hughes allowed him to travel around in a "Mirror"-owned car while 
preparing for his test. Because of his interest in Johnson, benevolent 
Hughes aided him in securing a position with a heater company located in a 
Los Angeles suburb, Huntington Park.

For approximately the next three months Johnson's release seemed to 
vindicate the faith placed in him. He was not reported in any criminal 
activity. He registered with the Huntington Park Police Department on 
April 22, 1953, as an ex-convict and apparently had joined the little-
heralded group who compose society's basic core.

On July 19, 1953, information was received by the Robbery Detail of the 
Los Angeles Sheriff's Office that an individual had appeared at a Los 
Angeles County supermarket introducing himself to the manager as "Watkins, 
Los Angeles Police Department, Chain Store Robbery Detail." This "police 
officer" made inquiries concerning the location of store funds, the 
amounts, and when was it taken to the bank? He also confided to the 
manager a tip that the market was to be robbed. The "policeman's" line of 
questioning finally aroused the suspicion of the manager who noted that 
the man had entered a red convertible. The grocer jotted down the 
California license number.

Subsequent investigation by the Los Angeles Sheriff's Office determined 
that the red convertible was owned by a resident of Huntington Park, 
California. The owner had recently purchased the Ford but had not yet 
secured a driver's license. Meanwhile, it had been loaned to a few 
recently befriended men, among them one John Elgin Johnson.

Sheriff's Deputies located Johnson's police record and displayed his 
photograph to the supermarket owner. Johnson was identified as "Watkins of 
the Los Angeles Police Department." The hater had adopted the guise of the 
hated in this, his newest venture in crime. Unfortunately, however, Los 
Angeles law enforcement was destined to hear of something much grimmer in 
just a few days.

On August 4, 1953, at approximately 5:40 p.m., Lieutenant Kenyon Kendrick 
of the Huntington Park Police Department was called to a local residence 
to investigate the discovery of a body. At this address, lying garroted in 
the bottom of his stall shower, was discovered the body of the owner of 
the red convertible. He had been strangled with a necktie tied neatly in a 
square knot. John Elgin Johnson, his former companion, was not to be found 
for questioning.

The murder victim's landlord related to police that he had been painting 
screens on the building on August 1, 1953, when he overheard a 
conversation between the victim and a "tall, reddish-blond-haired fellow," 
who stated: "I feel sorry for you, you've done a lot for me." Johnson's 
picture was soon identified by the landlord as being the described 
individual last seen with the victim.

Further investigation disclosed that the deceased had been seen by a 
couple on August 2, 1953, in the company of several men in his back yard. 
One of the men was merely described as being tall. At this point in the 
investigation, the Huntington Park Police Department believed they had two 
prime suspects in the murder, one being John Elgin Johnson. The other was 
arrested five days later but furnished a substantial alibi for his 
whereabouts at the time of the murder. Johnson became the lone and prime 
suspect. But he was still not available for interview. His whereabouts was 
unknown.

Eventually, information came to the attention of the Huntington Park 
Police Department that a letter addressed to one of Johnson's former 
residences bore the return address of Arthur Dawson (Fictitious), Box 920, 
Reg. #66032, Hall B, Jefferson City, Missouri, postmarked July 30, 1953. 
Swift checking revealed that this same Dawson was one of the two men who 
had been involved with Johnson in the attempted break from Leavenworth 
nine years previously. Dawson was incarcerated in the Missouri State 
Penitentiary, Jefferson City, Missouri, and Johnson was apparently 
retaining his membership in crime's lost legion.

On August 31, 1953, information received from the Jefferson City 
Penitentiary indicated that Dawson had received a letter postmarked at 
Cincinnati, Ohio, but bearing the return address of Frank Gifford and a 
residence in Florida. The body of the message stated: "Received letter 
from our mutual friend, John." It also contained a $50 money order for 
Dawson.

The FBI entered the search for John Elgin Johnson when a request was 
received from the United States Board of Parole, Washington, D.C., stating 
that on August 10, 1953, John Elgin Johnson, with aliases, had a 
conditional release violator's warrant issued against him, charging him 
with loss of contact, associating with persons having criminal 
backgrounds, impersonating a police officer, auto theft, and alleged 
murder. Four months after a last look at the gray gloom of Alcatraz, 
Johnson chose a return passport.

Coupling their investigation, the Huntington Park Police Department made 
available to FBI Agents at Los Angeles the most recent accounting of 
Johnson's activities. Local investigation proved momentarily fruitless as 
to his location. Acting upon the information concerning the receipt of a 
letter by Johnson's convict friend, Dawson, a request was promptly relayed 
to the Miami, Florida, FBI Office to determine the identity of Frank 
Gifford at the Florida address.

This investigation failed to show that a Frank Gifford had ever resided at 
the given address, but it was revealed that the residence was occupied by 
a Johnson family, soon discovered to be the parents of John Elgin Johnson.

On September 22, 1953, Johnson's father was interviewed by FBI Agents. He 
stated that Johnson, for the first time in many years, had visited his 
parents just four days prior and had left their home on September 21, 
1953, saying he was "heading north and then back to Los Angeles." The 
alertness of a West Coast Police Officer, and the rapid teamwork of the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation, had reached across the United States and 
placed themselves just one day behind Johnson.

Johnson had related to his parents that he was on parole and was 
undoubtedly violating it but felt that he "might be railroaded back in 
California since they found an associate of mine murdered." He commented, 
too, on his bitter experiences at Alcatraz and how he was attempting to go 
straight -- just waiting for the chance to clear his name. Exhaustive 
interviews with the cooperative parents did not furnish any logical lead 
as to Johnson's whereabouts. The search continued, but without success.

Meanwhile, reports were being received at the Los Angeles FBI Office which 
placed Johnson in the Middle West during mid-August, 1953. FBI Agents from 
the Milwaukee Office had determined that one John Everhardt had resided in 
a Chicago hotel on or about August 15, 1953. It was related that Everhardt 
had bragged to a stranger about his release from Alcatraz several months 
previous. Everhardt, finally identified as John Elgin Johnson, was living 
true to form. So true and accurate that he displayed to this stranger a P-
38 pistol! Johnson told this individual of his early experiences in crime 
and during his bragging conversations said, "They will never take me back 
to prison." The prophecy of a warped mind was not to go unnoticed! 
According to this information an eventful shadow was being cast, for when 
Johnson heard the elevator stop at his room floor, he would grasp his gun 
and on two occasions walked into the hallway, gun in hand, to determine 
who had gotten off the elevator. Johnson, who told his parents several 
weeks later he wanted to clear his name, was more than ready to greet any 
opposition in the fashion he knew best.

On September 25, 1953, Sidney Hughes, veteran Los Angeles "Mirror" 
reporter, received a telephone call from Baltimore, Maryland. The caller 
was Johnson! The newspaperman had earlier tried to help Johnson by 
assisting him in obtaining a job after Johnson's release from Alcatraz. 
Hughes, who received the call at about 2:30 p.m., Los Angeles time 
notified the FBI Office there as soon as the call was completed. Hughes 
said that Johnson had told of being in Baltimore with $10,000 which he had
received from a friend to set Johnson up in business. Johnson wanted to 
know if he was wanted or sought in Los Angeles, California, as he desired 
to return there and enter a business. Hughes, thinking quickly, told 
Johnson that he would have to check to determine this information. He 
requested Johnson to call him back at exactly 3:35 p.m. Johnson agreed.

The Los Angeles FBI Office instantly relayed this information to the 
Baltimore FBI Office. A manhunt was instituted to locate Johnson somewhere 
in Baltimore! The information at hand: a description, a knowledge that he 
was using a telephone! A battle of time was declared!

Back in Los Angeles, 3,000 miles away, FBI Agents established an open line 
between their office and the newspaper room. Thus a strange quadrangular 
relationship began -- Hughes, a known factor; Johnson, an unknown factor; 
and two teams of FBI Agents closely allied by knowledge and training, but 
separated by a continent's width.

At 3:55 p.m., Pacific Daylight Saving Time, twenty minutes later than 
scheduled, Sid Hughes received another call from Baltimore, a call which 
was the end not quite as expected. A pre-arranged plan with the "Mirror's" 
switchboard operator stalled momentarily the salutatory greeting. Finally 
the conversation began. FBI, Baltimore, was alerted -- the call was in 
progress! Feverish activity began at Baltimore to pinpoint the fugitive.

Hughes, careful to give no indication that he was stalling, began enticing 
Johnson into a lengthy conversation. They talked at the outset about 
Johnson's running away. Johnson would only state that he was waiting for 
the Huntington Park murder to clear up. They talked about the $10,000 
which Johnson had received. He replied, "It was from a legitimate source." 
Johnson was pressed for his location. He would only state that he was near 
Baltimore.

Johnson queried as to Hughes' reporting the conversation. He pushed the 
point, saying, "You'll have to report it." The criminal intuition was at 
work, too.

Johnson expressed surprise that the murder had not been cleared. Hughes, 
as instructed, tried to determine from Johnson who some of the murdered 
victim's friends were. Johnson was evasive, only describing some "Johnny" 
who lived nearby.

The conversation progressed. It was 4:30 p.m., Los Angeles time. In 
Baltimore, squads of FBI Agents continued to comb the downtown area.

Veteran reporter Hughes recounted with Johnson the experiences which 
Johnson had earlier told him of Alcatraz. Johnson related that he would 
not spend an hour back in prison as it taught him how to hate. He admitted 
having a gun. Hughes pleaded with him to throw it away! Hughes requested 
him to turn himself in to the FBI. Johnson replied, "They stink. They hold 
guys out of windows and even let them drop." The years in prison culture 
were at work.

It was 4:35 p.m., Pacific time. Still talking -- still looking.

The conversation at times was jocular, mostly serious. Hughes was subtly 
endeavoring to determine the fugitive's exact location. Johnson continued 
to remain evasive.

"I'm in Washington, D.C., and have visited the Smithsonian Institute and 
other buildings," Johnson said, and "I'm going to let the whole thing ride 
for a month or so, as I am still afraid of the Huntington Park murder."

At 4:44 p.m., Hughes had still not received from Johnson any hint as to 
his exact whereabouts, but back in Baltimore the battle of time was 
nearing decision. Five minutes earlier the FBI had learned that Johnson 
was in the Towne Theatre, a motion picture house in the heart of downtown 
Baltimore. A crowd had turned out to see the Mickey Spillane murder 
mystery, "I, The Jury," but the mezzanine, where the public telephone was 
located, was almost deserted.

Upon learning of Johnson's location, four Agents nearby proceeded 
immediately to the theatre. On their arrival they learned that the 
mezzanine, which was closed to the evening's patrons, was accessible by 
means of two stairways. The Agents divided, two of them proceeding 
cautiously up each stairway. One of the FBI men was Special Agent J. Brady 
Murphy. As he and his companion reached the lobby of the mezzanine almost 
simultaneously with the other two Agents, they observed that only one 
person was on the mezzanine -- a man in the telephone booth.

Inside the booth, Johnson, his criminal cunning ever alert, sensed his 
impending apprehension. Two shots rang out from the booth. One bullet 
crashed into the abdomen of J. Brady Murphy. Another tore into the hip of 
Murphy's fellow Agent. All four Agents opened fire on the phone booth; 
and, though mortally wounded, Agent Murphy emptied his revolver at the 
figure of the desperate man behind the glass and wood partition. Fifteen 
times the Agents fired, and fifteen deadly slugs ripped into the booth. 
Johnson toppled toward the floor, but his head, crashing through the 
broken glass of the door, held him partly erect. Before he stopped moving 
forever he tried vainly once or twice to lift his head.

Back in Los Angeles, Sid Hughes had been talking to Johnson for almost 
fifty minutes when he heard, as he described it later, "commotion and the 
sound of coins ringing in the telephone pay slot." The line went dead. The 
Baltimore operator said, "I am sorry, sir, your party's line seems to be 
out of order."

At the Towne Theatre, FBI Agents had to remove the door of the phone booth 
in order to extricate Johnson's body. The receiver still dangled from the 
telephone, and a P-38 automatic slipped from Johnson's hand. He had been 
hit seven times by the Agents' gunfire, in the stomach, head, chest, and 
shoulder. He was pronounced dead on arrival at a nearby hospital.

Meanwhile, J. Brady Murphy and the other wounded Agent were also rushed to 
a hospital, where the latter eventually recovered fully. But Murphy, just 
before going on the operating table, sensed that he was about to die. He 
inquired about Johnson and was told that the criminal was dead. The dying 
prayer which left the Agent's lips was a measure of the vast difference 
between the two men: "May God have mercy on his soul," said J. Brady 
Murphy of John Elgin Johnson, murderer.



CHAPTER 3
THE BRINKS ROBBERY

Shortly before 7:30 p.m. on the evening of January 17, 1950, a group of 
armed, masked men emerged from 165 Prince Street in Boston, Massachusetts, 
dragging bags containing $1,218,211.29 in cash and $1,557,183.83 in 
checks, money orders, and other securities. These men had just committed 
the "crime of the century," the "perfect crime," the "fabulous Brink's 
robbery." At 7:27 p.m. as the robbers sped from the scene, a Brink's 
employee telephoned the Boston Police Department. Minutes later, police 
arrived at the Brink's building, and Special Agents of the FBI quickly 
joined in the investigation.

At the outset, very few facts were available to the investigators. From 
interviews with the five employees whom the criminals had confronted, it 
was learned that between five and seven robbers had entered the building. 
All of them wore Navy-type peacoats, gloves, and chauffeur's caps. Each 
robber's face was completely concealed behind a Halloween-type mask. To 
muffle their footsteps, one of the gang wore crepe-soled shoes, and the 
others wore rubbers.

The robbers did little talking. They moved with a studied precision which 
suggested that the crime had been carefully planned and rehearsed in the 
preceding months. Somehow the criminals had opened at least three--and 
possibly four--locked doors to gain entrance to the second floor of 
Brink's, where the five employees were engaged in their nightly chore of 
checking and storing the money collected from Brink's customers that day.

All five employees had been forced at gunpoint to lie face down on the 
floor. Their hands were tied behind their backs and adhesive tape was 
placed over their mouths. During this operation, one of the employees had 
lost his glasses; they later could not be found on the Brink's premises.

As the loot was being placed in bags and stacked between the second and 
third doors leading to the Prince Street entrance, a buzzer sounded. The 
robbers removed the adhesive tape from the mouth of one employee and 
learned that the buzzer signified that someone wanted to enter the vault 
area. The person ringing the buzzer was a garage attendant. Two of the 
gang members moved toward the door to capture him; but, seeing the garage 
attendant walk away apparently unaware that the robbery was being 
committed, they did not pursue him.


The Investigation

In addition to the general descriptions received from the Brink's 
employees, the investigators obtained several pieces of physical evidence. 
There were the rope and adhesive tape used to bind and gag the employees 
and a chauffeur's cap which one of the robbers had left at the crime scene.

The FBI further learned that four revolvers had been taken by the gang. 
The descriptions and serial numbers of these weapons were carefully noted 
since they might prove a valuable link to the men responsible for the 
crime.

In the hours immediately following the robbery, the underworld began to 
feel the heat of the investigation. Well-known Boston hoodlums were picked 
up and questioned by police. From Boston, the pressure quickly spread to 
other cities. Veteran criminals throughout the United States found their 
activities during mid-January the subject of official inquiry.

Since Brink's was located in a heavily populated tenement section, many 
hours were consumed in interviews to locate persons in the neighborhood 
who might possess information of possible value. A systematic check of 
current and past Brink's employees was undertaken; personnel of the three-
story building housing the Brink's offices were questioned; inquiries were 
made concerning salesmen, messengers, and others who had called at Brink's 
and might know its physical layout as well as its operational procedures.

An immediate effort also was made to obtain descriptive data concerning 
the missing cash and securities. Brink's customers were contacted for 
information regarding the packaging and shipping materials they used. All 
identifying marks placed on currency and securities by the customers were 
noted, and appropriate "stops" were placed at banking institutions across 
the Nation.


Hundreds of Dead Ends

The Brink's case was "front page" news. Even before Brink's, Incorporated, 
offered a $100,000 reward for information leading to the arrest and 
conviction of the persons responsible, the case had captured the 
imagination of millions of Americans. Well-meaning persons throughout the 
country began sending the FBI "tips" and theories which they hoped would 
assist in the investigation.

For example, from a citizen in California came the suggestion that the 
loot might be concealed in the Atlantic Ocean near Boston. (A detailed 
survey of the Boston waterfront previously had been made by the FBI.) 
Former inmates of penal institutions reported conversations they had 
overheard while incarcerated which concerned the robbing of Brink's. Each 
of these leads was checked out. None proved fruitful.

Many other types of information were received. A man of modest means in 
Bayonne, New Jersey, was reported to be spending large sums of money in 
night clubs, buying new automobiles, and otherwise exhibiting newly found 
wealth. A thorough investigation was made concerning his whereabouts on 
the evening of January 17, 1950. He was not involved in the Brink's 
robbery.

Rumors from the underworld pointed suspicion at several criminal gangs. 
Members of the "Purple Gang" of the 1930s found that there was renewed 
interest in their activities. Another old gang which had specialized in 
hijacking bootlegged whiskey in the Boston area during Prohibition became 
the subject of inquiries. Again, the FBI's investigation resulted merely 
in the elimination of more possible suspects.

Many "tips" were received from anonymous persons. On the night of January 
17, 1952--exactly two years after the crime occurred--the FBI's Boston 
Office received an anonymous telephone call from an individual who claimed 
he was sending a letter identifying the Brink's robbers. Information 
received from this individual linked nine well-known hoodlums with the 
crime. After careful checking, the FBI eliminated eight of the suspects. 
The ninth man had long been a principal suspect. He later was to be 
arrested as a member of the robbery gang.

Of the hundreds of New England hoodlums contacted by FBI Agents in the 
weeks immediately following the robbery, few were willing to be 
interviewed. Occasionally, an offender who was facing a prison term would 
boast that he had "hot" information. "You get me released, and I'll solve 
the case in no time," these criminals would claim.

One Massachusetts racketeer, a man whose moral code mirrored his long 
years in the underworld, confided to the Agents who were interviewing him, 
"If I knew who pulled the job, I wouldn't be talking to you now because 
I'd be too busy trying to figure a way to lay my hands on some of the 
loot."

In its determination to overlook no possibility, the FBI contacted various 
resorts throughout the United States for information concerning persons 
known to possess unusually large sums of money following the robbery. Race 
tracks and gambling establishments also were covered in the hope of 
finding some of the loot in circulation. This phase of the investigation 
greatly disturbed many gamblers. A number of them discontinued their 
operations; others indicated a strong desire that the robbers be 
identified and apprehended.

The mass of information gathered during the early weeks of the 
investigation was continuously sifted. All efforts to identify the gang 
members through the chauffeur's hat, the rope, and the adhesive tape which 
had been left in Brink's proved unsuccessful. On February 5, 1950, 
however, a police officer in Somerville, Massachusetts, recovered one of 
the four revolvers which had been taken by the robbers. Investigation 
established that this gun, together with another rusty revolver, had been 
found on February 4, 1950, by a group of boys who were playing on a sand 
bar at the edge of the Mystic River in Somerville.

Shortly after these two guns were found, one of them was placed in a trash 
barrel and was taken to the city dump. The other gun was picked up by the 
officer and identified as having been taken during the Brink's robbery. A 
detailed search for additional weapons was made at the Mystic River. The 
results were negative.

Through the interviews of persons in the vicinity of the Brink's offices 
on the evening of January 17, 1950, the FBI learned that a 1949 green Ford 
stake-body truck with a canvas top had been parked near the Prince Street 
door of Brink's at approximately the time of the robbery. From the size of 
the loot and the number of men involved, it was logical that the gang 
might have used a truck. This lead was pursued intensively.

On March 4, 1950, pieces of an identical truck were found at a dump in 
Stoughton, Massachusetts. An acetylene torch had been used to cut up the 
truck, and it appeared that a sledge hammer also had been used to smash 
many of the heavy parts, such as the motor. The truck pieces were 
concealed in fiber bags when found. Had the ground not been frozen, the 
person or persons who abandoned the bags probably would have attempted to 
bury them.

The truck found at the dump had been reported stolen by a Ford dealer near 
Fenway Park in Boston on November 3, 1949. All efforts to identify the 
persons responsible for the theft and the persons who had cut up the truck 
were unsuccessful.

The fiber bags used to conceal the pieces were identified as having been 
used as containers for beef bones shipped from South America to a gelatin 
manufacturing company in Massachusetts. Thorough inquiries were made 
concerning the disposition of the bags after their receipt by the 
Massachusetts firm. This phase of the investigation was pursued 
exhaustively. It proved unproductive.

Nonetheless, the finding of the truck parts at Stoughton, Massachusetts, 
was to prove a valuable "break" in the investigation. Two of the 
participants in the Brink's robbery lived in the Stoughton area. After the 
truck parts were found, additional suspicion was attached to these men.


Field of Suspects Narrows

As the investigation developed and thousands of leads were followed to 
dead ends, the broad field of possible suspects gradually began to narrow. 
Among the early suspects was Anthony Pino, an alien who had been a 
principal suspect in numerous major robberies and burglaries in 
Massachusetts. Pino was known in the underworld as an excellent "case man" 
and it was said that the "casing" of the Brink's offices bore his 
"trademark." Pino had been questioned as to his whereabouts on the evening 
of January 17, 1950, and he provided a good alibi. The alibi, in fact, was 
almost too good. Pino had been at his home in the Roxbury Section of 
Boston until approximately 7:00 p.m.; then he walked to the nearby liquor 
store of Joseph McGinnis. Subsequently, he engaged in a conversation with 
McGinnis and a Boston police officer. The officer verified the meeting. 
The alibi was strong, but not conclusive. The police officer said he had 
been talking to McGinnis first, and Pino arrived later to join them. The 
trip from the liquor store in Roxbury to the Brink's offices could be made 
in about 15 minutes. Pino could have been at McGinnis' liquor store 
shortly after 7:30 p.m. on January 17, 1950, and still have participated 
in the robbery.

And what of McGinnis himself? Commonly regarded as a dominant figure in 
the Boston underworld, McGinnis previously had been convicted of robbery 
and narcotics violations. Underworld sources described him as fully 
capable of planning and executing the Brink's robbery. He, too, had left 
his home shortly before 7:00 p.m. on the night of the robbery and met the 
Boston police officer soon thereafter. If local hoodlums were involved, it 
was difficult to believe that McGinnis could be as ignorant of the crime 
as he claimed.


Stanley Albert Gusciora 

Neither Pino nor McGinnis was known to be the type of hoodlum who would 
undertake so potentially dangerous a crime without the best "strong-arm" 
support available. Two of the prime suspects whose nerve and gun-handling 
experience suited them for the Brink's robbery were Joseph James O'Keefe 
and Stanley Albert Gusciora. O'Keefe and Gusciora reportedly had "worked" 
together on a number of occasions. Both had served prison sentences, and 
both were well known to underworld figures on the East Coast. O'Keefe's 
reputation for nerve was legend. Reports had been received alleging that 
he had held up several gamblers in the Boston area and had been involved 
in "shakedowns" of bookies. Like Gusciora, O'Keefe was known to have 
associated with Pino prior to the Brink's robbery. Both of these "strong-
arm" suspects had been questioned by Boston authorities following the 
robbery. Neither had too convincing an alibi. O'Keefe claimed that he left 
his hotel room in Boston at approximately 7:00 p.m. on January 17, 1950. 
Following the robbery, authorities attempted unsuccessfully to locate him 
at the hotel. His explanation: He had been drinking at a bar in Boston. 
Gusciora also claimed to have been drinking that evening.

The families of O'Keefe and Gusciora resided in the vicinity of Stoughton, 
Massachusetts. When the pieces of the 1949 green Ford stake-body truck 
were found at the dump in Stoughton on March 4, 1950, additional emphasis 
was placed on the investigations concerning them. Local officers searched 
their homes, but no evidence linking them with the truck or the robbery 
was found.

In April, 1950, the FBI received information indicating that part of the 
Brink's loot was hidden in the home of a relative of O'Keefe in Boston. A 
Federal search warrant was obtained, and the home was searched by Special 
Agents on April 27, 1950. Several hundred dollars were found hidden in the 
house but could not be identified as part of the loot.

On June 2, 1950, O'Keefe and Gusciora left Boston by automobile for the 
alleged purpose of visiting the grave of Gusciora's brother in Missouri. 
Apparently, they had planned a leisurely trip with an abundance of 
"extracurricular activities." On June 12, 1950, they were arrested at 
Towanda, Pennsylvania, and guns and clothing which were the loot from 
burglaries at Kane and Coudersport, Pennsylvania, were found in their 
possession.

Following their arrests, a former bondsman in Boston made frequent trips 
to Towanda in an unsuccessful effort to secure their release on bail. On 
September 8, 1950, O'Keefe was sentenced to three years in the Bradford 
County Jail at Towanda and fined $3,000 for violation of the Uniform 
Firearms Act. Although Gusciora was acquitted of the charges against him 
in Towanda, he was removed to McKean County, Pennsylvania, to stand trial 
for burglary, larceny, and receiving stolen goods. On October 11, 1950, 
Gusciora was sentenced to serve from five to twenty years in the Western 
Pennsylvania Penitentiary at Pittsburgh.

Even after these convictions, O'Keefe and Gusciora continued to seek their 
release. Between 1950 and 1954, the underworld occasionally rumbled with 
rumors that pressure was being exerted upon Boston hoodlums to contribute 
money for these criminals' legal fight against the charges in 
Pennsylvania. The names of Pino, McGinnis, Adolph "Jazz" Maffie, and Henry 
Baker were frequently mentioned in these rumors; and it was said that they 
had been with O'Keefe on "the Big Job."

Despite the lack of evidence and witnesses upon which court proceedings 
could be based, as the investigation progressed there was little doubt 
that O'Keefe had been one of the central figures in the Brink's robbery. 
Pino also was linked with the robbery, and there was every reason to 
suspect that O'Keefe felt Pino was turning his back on him now that 
O'Keefe was in jail.

Both O'Keefe and Gusciora had been interviewed on several occasions 
concerning the Brink's robbery, but they had claimed complete ignorance. 
In the hope that a wide breach might have developed between the two 
criminals who were in jail in Pennsylvania and the gang members who were 
enjoying the luxuries of a free life in Massachusetts, FBI Agents again 
visited Gusciora and O'Keefe. Even in their jail cells, however, they 
showed no respect for law enforcement.

In pursuing the underworld rumors concerning the principal suspects in the 
Brink's case, the FBI succeeded in identifying more probable members of 
the gang. There was Adolph "Jazz" Maffie, one of the hoodlums who 
allegedly was being "pressured" to contribute money for the legal battle 
of O'Keefe and Gusciora against Pennsylvania authorities. He had been 
questioned concerning his whereabouts on January 17, 1950, and was unable 
to provide any specific account of where he had been.

Henry Baker, another veteran criminal who was rumored to be "kicking in to 
the Pennsylvania defense fund," had spent a number of years of his adult 
life in prison. He had been released on parole from the Norfolk, 
Massachusetts, Prison Colony on August 22, 1949--only five months before 
the robbery. At the Prison Colony, Baker was serving two concurrent terms 
of four to ten years, imposed in 1944 for "breaking and entering and 
larceny" and for "possession of burglar tools." At the time of Baker's 
release in 1949, Pino was on hand to drive him back to Boston.

Questioned by Boston police on the day following the robbery, Baker 
claimed that he had eaten dinner with his family on the evening of January 
17, 1950, and then left home at about 7:00 p.m. to walk around the 
neighborhood for about two hours. Since he claimed to have met no one and 
to have stopped nowhere during his walk, he actually could have been doing 
anything between 7:00 and 9:00 on the night of the crime.

Prominent among the other strong suspects was Vincent James Costa, brother-
in-law of Pino. Costa was associated with Pino in the operation of a motor 
terminal and a lottery in Boston. He had been convicted of armed robbery 
in 1940 and served several months in the Massachusetts State Reformatory 
and the Norfolk, Massachusetts, Prison Colony. Costa claimed that after 
working at the motor terminal until approximately 5:00 p.m. on January 17, 
1950, he had gone home to eat dinner; then, at approximately 7:00 p.m., he 
left to return to the terminal and worked until about 9:00 p.m.

The FBI's analysis of the alibis offered by the suspects showed that the 
hour of 7:00 p.m. on January 17, 1950, was frequently mentioned. O'Keefe 
had left his hotel at approximately 7:00 p.m. Pino and Baker separately 
decided to go out at 7:00 p.m. Costa started back to the motor terminal at 
about 7:00 p.m. Other principal suspects were not able to provide very 
convincing accounts of their activities that evening. Since the robbery 
had taken place between approximately 7:10 and 7:27 p.m., it was quite 
probable that a gang - as well drilled as the Brink's robbers obviously 
were - would have arranged to rendezvous at a specific time. By fixing 
this time as close as possible to the minute at which the robbery was to 
begin, the robbers would have alibis to cover their activities up to the 
final moment.


Grand Jury Hearings

Any doubts which the Brink's gang had that the FBI was on the right track 
in its investigation were allayed when the Federal Grand Jury began 
hearings in Boston on November 25, 1952, concerning this crime. The FBI's 
jurisdiction to investigate this robbery was based upon the fact that 
cash, checks, postal notes, and United States money orders of the Federal 
Reserve Bank and the Veterans Administration district office in Boston 
were included in the loot. After nearly three years of investigation, the 
Government hoped that witnesses or participants who had remained mute for 
so long a period of time might "find their tongues" before the Grand Jury. 
Unfortunately, this proved to be an idle hope.

After completing its hearings on January 9, 1953, the Grand Jury retired 
to weigh the evidence. In a report which was released on January 16, 1953, 
the Grand Jury disclosed that its members did not feel they possessed 
complete, positive information as to the identify of the participants in 
the Brink's robbery because (1) the participants were effectively 
disguised; (2) there was a lack of eyewitnesses to the crime itself; and 
(3) certain witnesses refused to give testimony, and the Grand Jury was 
unable to compel them to do so.

Ten of the persons who appeared before this Grand Jury breathed much more 
easily when they learned that no indictments had been returned. Three 
years later, almost to the day, these ten men, together with another 
criminal, were to be indicted by a state Grand Jury in Boston for the 
Brink's robbery. Following the Federal Grand Jury hearings, the FBI's 
intense investigation continued. J. Edgar Hoover and his men were 
convinced that they had identified the actual robbers, but evidence and 
witnesses had to be found.


Pino's Deportation Troubles

While O'Keefe and Gusciora lingered in jail in Pennsylvania, Pino 
encountered difficulties of his own. Born in Italy in 1907, Pino was a 
very young child when he entered the United States. But he never became a 
naturalized citizen. Due to his criminal record, the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service instituted proceedings in 1941 to deport him. This 
occurred while he was in the state prison at Charlestown, Massachusetts, 
serving sentences for breaking and entering with intent to commit a felony 
and for having burglar tools in his possession.

That prison term, together with Pino's conviction in March, 1928, for 
carnal abuse of a girl, provided the basis for the deportation action. 
Pino determined to fight against deportation. In the late Summer of 1944, 
he was released from the state prison and was taken into custody by 
Immigration authorities. During the preceding year, however, he had filed 
a petition for pardon in the hope of removing one of the criminal 
convictions from his record.

In September, 1949, Pino's efforts to evade deportation met with success. 
He was granted a full pardon by the Acting Governor of Massachusetts. The 
pardon meant that his record no longer contained the second conviction; 
thus, the Immigration and Naturalization Service no longer had grounds to 
deport him.

On January 10, 1953, following his appearance before the Federal Grand 
Jury in connection with the Brink's case, Pino was taken into custody 
again as a deportable alien. The new proceedings were based upon the fact 
that Pino had been arrested in December, 1948, for a larceny involving 
less than $100. He received a one-year sentence for this offense; however, 
on January 30, 1950, the sentence was revoked and the case was "placed on 
file."

On January 12, 1953, Pino was released on bail pending a deportation 
hearing. Again, he determined to fight, using the argument that his 
conviction for the 1948 larceny offense was not a basis for deportation. 
After surrendering himself in December, 1953, in compliance with an 
Immigration and Naturalization Service order, he began an additional 
battle to win release from custody while his case was being argued. Adding 
to these problems was the constant pressure being exerted upon Pino by 
O'Keefe from the county jail in Towanda, Pennsylvania.

In the deportation fight which lasted more than two years, Pino won the 
final victory. His case had gone to the highest court in the land. On 
April 11, 1955, the Supreme Court ruled that Pino's conviction in 1948 for 
larceny (the sentence which was revoked and the case "placed on file") had 
not "attained such finality as to support an order of deportation...." 
Thus, Pino could not be deported.

During the period in which Pino's deportation troubles were mounting, 
O'Keefe completed his sentence at Towanda, Pennsylvania. Released to 
McKean County, Pennsylvania, authorities early in January, 1954, to stand 
trial for burglary, larceny, and receiving stolen goods, O'Keefe also was 
confronted with a detainer filed by Massachusetts authorities. The 
detainer involved O'Keefe's violation of probation in connection with a 
conviction in 1945 for carrying concealed weapons.

Before his trial in McKean County, he was released on $17,000 bond. While 
on bond he returned to Boston; and on January 23, 1954, he appeared in the 
Boston Municipal Court on the probation violation charge. When this case 
was continued until April 1, 1954, O'Keefe was released on $1,500 bond. 
During his brief stay in Boston, he was observed to contact other members 
of the robbery gang. He needed money for his defense against the charges 
in McKean County, and it was obvious that he had developed a bitter 
attitude toward a number of his close underworld associates.

Returning to Pennsylvania in February, 1954, to stand trial, O'Keefe was 
found guilty of burglary by the state court in McKean County on March 4, 
1954. An appeal was promptly noted, and he was released on $15,000 bond.

O'Keefe immediately returned to Boston to await the results of the appeal. 
Within two months of his return, another member of the gang suffered a 
legal setback. "Jazz" Maffie was convicted of Federal income tax evasion 
and began serving a nine-month sentence in the Federal Penitentiary at 
Danbury, Connecticut, in June, 1954.


Hatred and Dissension Increase

Underworld rumors alleged that Maffie and Henry Baker were "high on 
O'Keefe's list" because they had "beaten him out of" a large amount of 
money. If Baker heard these rumors, he did not wait around very long to 
see whether they were true. Soon after O'Keefe's return in March, 1954, 
Baker and his wife left Boston on a "vacation."

O'Keefe paid his "respects" to other members of the Brink's gang in Boston 
on several occasions in the Spring of 1954, and it was obvious to the 
Special Agents handling the investigation that he was trying to solicit 
money. He was so cold and persistent in these dealings with his co-
conspirators that the Agents hoped he might be attempting to obtain a 
large sum of money--perhaps his share of the Brink's loot.

During these weeks, O'Keefe renewed his association with a Boston 
racketeer who had actively solicited funds for the defense of O'Keefe and 
Gusciora in 1950. Soon the underworld rang with startling news concerning 
this pair. It was reported that on May 18, 1954, O'Keefe and his racketeer 
associate took Vincent Costa to a hotel room and held him for several 
thousand dollars' ransom. Allegedly, other members of the Brink's gang 
arranged for O'Keefe to be paid a small part of the ransom he demanded, 
and Costa was released on May 20, 1954.

Special Agents subsequently interviewed Costa and his wife, Pino and his 
wife, the racketeer, and O'Keefe. All denied any knowledge of the alleged 
incident. Nonetheless, several members of the Brink's gang were visibly 
shaken and appeared to be abnormally worried during the latter part of May 
and early in June,1954.

Two weeks of comparative quiet in the gang members' lives were shattered 
on June 5, 1954, when an attempt was made on O'Keefe's life. The Boston 
underworld rumbled with reports that an automobile had pulled alongside 
O'Keefe's car in Dorchester, Massachusetts, during the early morning hours 
of June 5. Apparently suspicious, O'Keefe crouched low in the front seat 
of his car as the would-be assassins fired bullets which pierced the 
windshield.

A second shooting incident occurred on the morning of June 14, 1954, in 
Dorchester, Massachusetts, when O'Keefe and his racketeer friend paid a 
visit to Baker. By this time, Baker was suffering from a bad case of 
nerves. Allegedly, he pulled a gun on O'Keefe; several shots were 
exchanged by the two men, but none of the bullets found their mark. Baker 
fled and the brief meeting adjourned.

A third attempt on O'Keefe's life was made on June 16, 1954. This incident 
also took place in Dorchester and involved the firing of more than 30 
shots. O'Keefe was wounded in the wrist and chest, but again he managed to 
escape with his life. Police who arrived to investigate found a large 
amount of blood, a man's shattered wrist watch, and a .45 caliber pistol 
at the scene. Five bullets which had missed their mark were found in a 
building nearby.

On June 17, 1954, the Boston police arrested Elmer "Trigger" Burke and 
charged him with possession of a machine gun. Subsequently, this machine 
gun was identified as having been used in the attempt on O'Keefe's life. 
Burke, a professional killer, allegedly had been hired by underworld 
associates of O'Keefe to assassinate him.

After being wounded on June 16, O'Keefe disappeared. On August 1, 1954, he 
was arrested at Leicester, Massachusetts, and turned over to the Boston 
police who held him for violating probation on a gun-carrying charge. 
O'Keefe was sentenced on August 5, 1954, to serve 27 months in prison. As 
a protective measure, he was incarcerated in the Hampden County Jail at 
Springfield, Massachusetts, rather than the Suffolk County Jail in Boston.

O'Keefe's racketeer associate, who allegedly had assisted him in holding 
Costa for ransom and was present during the shooting scrape between 
O'Keefe and Baker, disappeared on August 3, 1954. The missing racketeer's 
automobile was found near his home; however, his whereabouts remain a 
mystery. Underworld figures in Boston have generally speculated that the 
racketeer was killed because of his association with O'Keefe.

Other members of the robbery gang also were having their troubles. There 
was James Ignatius Faherty, an armed robbery specialist whose name had 
been mentioned in underworld conversations in January, 1950, concerning a 
"score" on which the gang members used binoculars to watch their intended 
victims count large sums of money. Faherty had been questioned on the 
night of the robbery. He claimed he had been drinking in various taverns 
from approximately 5:10 p.m. until 7:45 p.m. Some persons claimed to have 
seen him. Continuous investigation, however, had linked him with the gang.

In 1936 and 1937, Faherty was convicted of armed robbery violations. He 
was paroled in the Fall of 1944, and remained on parole through March, 
1954, when "misfortune" befell him. Due to unsatisfactory conduct, 
drunkenness, refusal to seek employment, and association with known 
criminals, his parole was revoked and he was returned to the Massachusetts 
State Prison. Seven months later, however, he was again paroled.

McGinnis had been arrested at the site of a still in New Hampshire in 
February, 1954. Charged with unlawful possession of liquor distillery 
equipment and violation of Internal Revenue laws, he had many headaches 
during the period in which O'Keefe was giving so much trouble to the gang. 
(McGinnis' trial in March, 1955, on the liquor charge, resulted in a 
sentence to 30 days' imprisonment and a fine of $1,000. In the Fall of 
1955, an upper court overruled the conviction on the grounds that the 
search and seizure of the still were illegal.)


Joseph Sylvester Banfield 

Adolph Maffie, who had been convicted of income tax violation in June, 
1954, was released from the Federal Corrections Institution at Danbury, 
Connecticut, on January 30, 1955. Two days before Maffie's release, 
another strong suspect died of natural causes. There were recurring rumors 
that this hoodlum, Joseph Sylvester Banfield, had been "right down there" 
on the night of the crime. Banfield had been a close associate of McGinnis 
for many years. Although he had been known to carry a gun, burglary--
rather than armed robbery--was his criminal specialty; and his exceptional 
driving skill was an invaluable asset during criminal getaways.

Like the others, Banfield had been questioned concerning his activities on 
the night of January 17, 1950. He was not able to provide a specific 
account, claiming that he became drunk on New Year's Eve and remained 
intoxicated through the entire month of January. One of his former girl 
friends who recalled having seen him on the night of the robbery stated 
that he definitely was not drunk.

Even Pino, whose deportation troubles then were a heavy burden, was 
arrested by the Boston police in August, 1954. On the afternoon of August 
28, 1954, "Trigger" Burke escaped from the Suffolk County Jail in Boston, 
where he was being held on the gun-possession charge arising from the June 
16 shooting of O'Keefe. During the regular exercise period, Burke 
separated himself from the other prisoners and moved toward a heavy steel 
door leading to the solitary confinement section. As a guard moved to 
intercept him, Burke started to run. The door opened, and an armed masked 
man wearing a prison guard-type uniform commanded the guard, "Back up, or 
I'll blow your brains out." Burke and the armed man disappeared through 
the door and fled in an automobile parked nearby.

An automobile identified as the car used in the escape was located near a 
Boston hospital, and police officers concealed themselves in the area. On 
August 29, 1954, the officers' suspicions were aroused by an automobile 
which circled the general vicinity of the abandoned car on five occasions. 
This vehicle was traced through motor vehicle records to Pino. On August 
30, he was taken into custody as a suspicious person. Pino admitted having 
been in the area, claiming that he was looking for a parking place so that 
he could visit a relative in the hospital. After denying any knowledge of 
the escape of "Trigger" Burke, Pino was released. (Burke was arrested by 
FBI Agents at Folly Beach, South Carolina, on August 27, 1955, and 
returned to New York to face murder charges which were outstanding against 
him there. He subsequently was convicted and executed.)


O'Keefe Confesses

Despite the fact that substantial amounts of money were being spent by 
members of the robbery gang during 1954, in defending themselves against 
legal proceedings alone, the year ended without the location of any bills 
identifiable as part of the Brink's loot. In addition, although violent 
dissension had developed within the gang, there still was no indication 
that any of the men were ready to "talk." Based on the available 
information, however, the FBI felt that O'Keefe's disgust was reaching the 
point where it was possible he would turn against his confederates.

During an interview with him in the jail in Springfield, Massachusetts, in 
October,1954, Special Agents found that the plight of the missing Boston 
racketeer was weighing on O'Keefe's mind. In December, 1954, he indicated 
to the Agents that Pino could look for rough treatment if he (O'Keefe) 
again was released.

From his cell in Springfield, O'Keefe wrote bitter letters to members of 
the Brink's gang and persisted in his demands for money. The conviction 
for burglary in McKean County, Pennsylvania, still hung over his head, and 
legal fees remained to be paid. During 1955, O'Keefe carefully pondered 
his position. It appeared to him that he would spend his remaining days in 
prison while his co-conspirators would have many years to enjoy the 
luxuries of life. Even if released, he thought, his days were numbered. 
There had been three attempts on his life in June, 1954, and his 
frustrated assassins undoubtedly were waiting for him to return to Boston.

Evidently resigned to long years in prison or a short life on the outside, 
O'Keefe grew increasingly bitter toward his old associates. Through long 
weeks of empty promises of assistance and deliberate stalling by the gang 
members, he began to realize that his threats were falling on deaf ears. 
As long as he was in prison, he could do no physical harm to his Boston 
criminal associates. And the gang felt that the chances of his "talking" 
were negligible because he would be implicated in the Brink's robbery 
along with the others.

Two days after Christmas of 1955, FBI Agents paid another visit to 
O'Keefe. After a period of hostility, he began to display a friendly 
attitude. Interviewed again on December 28, 1955, he talked somewhat more 
freely, and it was obvious that the Agents were gradually winning his 
respect and confidence.

At 4:20 p.m. on January 6, 1956, O'Keefe made the final decision. He was 
through with Pino, Baker, McGinnis, Maffie, and the other Brink's 
conspirators who had turned against him. "All right," he told two FBI 
Agents, "what do you want to know?"

In a series of interviews during the succeeding days, O'Keefe related the 
full story of the Brink's robbery. After each interview, FBI Agents worked 
feverishly into the night checking all parts of his story which were 
subject to verification. Many of the details had previously been obtained 
during the intense six-year investigation. Other information provided by 
O'Keefe helped to fill the gaps which still existed.

The following is a brief account of the data which O'Keefe provided the 
Special Agents in January, 1956: 
Although basically the "brain child" of Pino, the Brink's robbery was the 
product of the combined thought and criminal experience of men who had 
known each other for many years. Serious consideration originally had been 
given to robbing Brink's in 1947, when Brink's was located on Federal 
Street in Boston. At that time, Pino approached O'Keefe and asked if he 
wanted to be "in on the score." His close associate, Stanley Gusciora, had 
previously been recruited, and O'Keefe agreed to take part. The gang at 
that time included all of the participants in the January 17, 1950, 
robbery except Henry Baker. Their plan was to enter the Brink's building 
and take a truck containing payrolls. Many problems and dangers were 
involved in such a robbery, and the plans never crystallized.

In December, 1948, Brink's moved from Federal Street to 165 Prince Street 
in Boston. Almost immediately, the gang began laying new plans. The roofs 
of buildings on Prince and Snow Hill Streets soon were alive with 
inconspicuous activity as the gang looked for the most advantageous sites 
from which to observe what transpired inside Brink's offices. Binoculars 
were used in this phase of the "casing" operation.

Before the robbery was carried out, all the participants were well 
acquainted with the Brink's premises. Each of them had surreptitiously 
entered the premises on several occasions after the employees had left for 
the day. During their forays inside the building, members of the gang took 
the lock cylinders from five doors, including the one opening onto Prince 
Street. While some gang members remained in the building to ensure that no 
one detected the operation, other members quickly obtained keys to fit the 
locks. Then the lock cylinders were replaced. (Investigation to 
substantiate this information resulted in the location of the proprietor 
of a key shop who recalled making keys for Pino on at least four or five 
evenings in the Fall of 1949. Pino previously had arranged for this man to 
keep his shop open beyond the normal closing time on nights when Pino 
requested him to do so. Pino would take the locks to the man's shop, and 
keys would be made for them. This man subsequently identified locks from 
doors which the Brink's gang had entered as being similar to the locks 
which Pino had brought him. This man claimed to have no knowledge of 
Pino's involvement in the Brink's robbery.)

Each of the five lock cylinders was taken on a separate occasion. The 
removal of the lock cylinder from the outside door involved the greatest 
risk of detection. A passerby might notice that it was missing. 
Accordingly, another lock cylinder was installed until the original one 
was returned.

Inside the building, the gang members carefully studied all available 
information concerning Brink's schedules and shipments. The "casing" 
operation was so thorough that the criminals could determine the type of 
activity taking place in the Brink's offices by observing the lights 
inside the building, and they knew the number of personnel on duty at 
various hours of the day.

A few months prior to the robbery, O'Keefe and Gusciora surreptitiously 
entered the premises of a protective alarm company in Boston and obtained 
a copy of the protective plans for the Brink's building. After these plans 
were reviewed and found to be unhelpful, O'Keefe and Gusciora returned 
them in the same manner. McGinnis previously had discussed sending a man 
to the United States Patent Office in Washington, D.C., to inspect the 
patents on the protective alarms used in the Brink's building.

Considerable thought was given to every detail. When the robbers decided 
that they needed a truck, it was resolved that a new one must be stolen 
because a used truck might have distinguishing marks and possibly would 
not be in perfect running condition. Shortly thereafter--during the first 
week of November--a 1949 green Ford stake-body truck was reported missing 
by a car dealer in Boston.

During November and December, 1949, the approach to the Brink's building 
and the flight over the "getaway" route were practiced to perfection. The 
month preceding January 17, 1950, witnessed approximately a half-dozen 
approaches to Brink's. None of these materialized because the gang did not 
consider the conditions to be favorable.

During these approaches, Costa--equipped with a flashlight for signalling 
the other men--was stationed on the roof of a tenement building on Prince 
Street overlooking Brink's. From this "lookout" post, Costa was in a 
position to determine better than the men below whether conditions inside 
the building were favorable to the robbers.

The last "false" approach took place on January 16, 1950--the night before 
the robbery.


Michael Vincent Geagon 

At approximately 7:00 p.m. on January 17, 1950, members of the gang met in 
the Roxbury section of Boston and entered the rear of the Ford stake-body 
truck. Banfield, the driver, was alone in the front. In the back were 
Pino, O'Keefe, Baker, Faherty, Maffie, Gusciora, Michael Vincent Geagan, 
and Thomas Francis Richardson. (Geagan and Richardson, known associates of 
other members of the gang, were among the early suspects. At the time of 
the Brink's robbery, Geagan was on parole, having been released from 
prison in July, 1943, after serving eight years of a lengthy sentence for 
armed robbery and assault. Richardson had participated with Faherty in an 
armed robbery in February, 1934. Sentenced to serve from five to seven 
years for this offense, he was released from prison in September, 1941. 
When questioned concerning his activities on the night of January 17, 
1950, Richardson claimed that after unsuccessfully looking for work he had 
several drinks and then returned home. Geagan claimed that he spent the 
evening at home and did not learn of the Brink's robbery until the 
following day. Investigation revealed that Geagan, a laborer, had not gone 
to work on January 17 or 18, 1950.)

During the trip from Roxbury, Pino distributed Navy-type peacoats and 
chauffeur's caps to the other seven men in the rear of the truck. Each man 
also was given a pistol and a Halloween-type mask. Each carried a pair of 
gloves. O'Keefe wore crepe-soled shoes to muffle his footsteps; the others 
wore rubbers.

As the truck drove past the Brink's offices, the robbers noted that the 
lights were out on the Prince Street side of the building. This was in 
their favor. After continuing up the street to the end of the playground 
which adjoined the Brink's building, the truck stopped. All but Pino and 
Banfield stepped out and proceeded into the playground to await Costa's 
signal. (Costa, who was at his "lookout" post, previously had arrived in a 
Ford sedan which the gang had stolen from behind the Boston Symphony Hall 
two days earlier.)

After receiving the "go ahead" signal from Costa, the seven armed men 
walked to the Prince Street entrance of Brink's. Using the outside door 
key they had previously obtained, the men quickly entered and donned their 
masks. The other keys in their possession enabled them to proceed to the 
second floor where they took the five Brink's employees by surprise.

When the employees were securely bound and gagged, the robbers began 
looting the premises. During this operation, a pair of glasses belonging 
to one of the employees was unconsciously scooped up with other items and 
stuffed into a bag of loot. As this bag was being emptied later that 
evening, the glasses were discovered and destroyed by the gang.

The robbers' carefully planned routine inside Brink's was interrupted only 
when the attendant in the adjoining Brink's garage sounded the buzzer. 
Before the robbers could take him prisoner, the garage attendant walked 
away. Although the attendant did not suspect that the robbery was taking 
place, this incident caused the criminals to move more swiftly.

Before fleeing with the bags of loot, the seven armed men attempted to 
open a metal box containing the payroll of the General Electric Company. 
They had brought no tools with them, however, and were unsuccessful.

Immediately upon leaving, the gang loaded the loot into the truck which 
was parked on Prince Street near the door. As the truck sped away with 
nine members of the gang--and Costa departed in the stolen Ford sedan--the 
Brink's employees worked themselves free and reported the crime.

Banfield drove the truck to the house of Maffie's parents in Roxbury. The 
loot was quickly unloaded, and Banfield sped away to hide the truck. 
(Geagan, who was on parole at the time, left the truck before it arrived 
at the home in Roxbury where the loot was unloaded. He was certain he 
would be considered a strong suspect and wanted to begin establishing an 
alibi immediately.) While the others stayed at the house to make a quick 
count of the loot, Pino and Faherty departed.

Approximately one and one-half hours later, Banfield returned with 
McGinnis. Prior to this time, McGinnis had been at his liquor store. He 
was not with the gang when the robbery took place.

The gang members who remained at the house of Maffie's parents soon 
dispersed to establish alibis for themselves. Before they left, however, 
approximately $380,000 was placed in a coal hamper and removed by Baker 
for security reasons. Pino, Richardson, and Costa each took $20,000, and 
this was noted on a score sheet.

Before removing the remainder of the loot from the house on January 18, 
1950, the gang members attempted to identify incriminating items. 
Extensive efforts were made to detect pencil markings and other notations 
on the currency which the criminals thought might be traceable to Brink's. 
Even fearing the new bills might be linked with the crime, McGinnis 
suggested a process for "aging" the new money "in a hurry."

On the night of January 18, 1950, O'Keefe and Gusciora received $100,000 
each from the robbery loot. They put the entire $200,000 in the trunk of 
O'Keefe's automobile. Subsequently, O'Keefe left his car--and the $200,
000--in a garage on Blue Hill Avenue in Boston.

During the period immediately following the Brink's robbery, "the heat" 
was on O'Keefe and Gusciora. Thus, when he and Gusciora were taken into 
custody by state authorities during the latter part of January, 1950, 
O'Keefe got word to McGinnis to recover his car and the $200,000 which it 
contained.

A few weeks later, O'Keefe retrieved his share of the loot. It was given 
to him in a suitcase which was transferred to his car from an automobile 
occupied by McGinnis and Banfield. Later, when he counted the money, he 
found that the suitcase contained $98,000. He had been "short changed" $2,
000.

O'Keefe had no place to keep so large a sum of money. He told the 
interviewing Agents that he trusted Maffie so implicitly that he gave the 
money to him for safe keeping. Except for $5,000 which he took before 
placing the loot in Maffie's care, O'Keefe angrily stated, he was never to 
see his share of the Brink's money again. While Maffie claimed that part 
of the money had been stolen from its hiding place and that the remainder 
had been spent in financing O'Keefe's legal defense in Pennsylvania, other 
gang members accused Maffie of "blowing" the money O'Keefe had entrusted 
to his care.

O'Keefe was bitter about a number of matters. First, there was the money. 
Then, there was the fact that so much "dead wood" was included--McGinnis, 
Banfield, Costa, and Pino were not in the building when the robbery took 
place. O'Keefe was enraged that the pieces of the stolen Ford truck had 
been placed on the dump near his home, and he generally regretted having 
become associated at all with several members of the gang.

Before the robbery was committed, the participants had agreed that if 
anyone "muffed," he would be "taken care of." O'Keefe felt that most of 
the gang members had "muffed." Talking to the FBI was his way of "taking 
care of" them all.


Arrests and Indictments

On January 11, 1956, the United States Attorney at Boston authorized 
Special Agents of the FBI to file complaints charging the 11 criminals 
with (1) conspiracy to commit theft of Government property, robbery of 
Government property, and bank robbery by force and violence and by 
intimidation, (2) committing bank robbery on January 17, 1950, and 
committing an assault on Brink's employees during the taking of the money, 
and (3) conspiracy to receive and conceal money in violation of the Bank 
Robbery and Theft of Government Property Statutes. In addition, McGinnis 
was named in two other complaints involving the receiving and concealing 
of the loot.

Six members of the gang--Baker, Costa, Geagan, Maffie, McGinnis, and Pino--
were arrested by FBI Agents on January 12, 1956. They were held in lieu of 
bail which, for each man, amounted to more then $100,000.

Three of the remaining five gang members were previously accounted for, 
O'Keefe and Gusciora being in prison on other charges and Banfield being 
dead. Faherty and Richardson fled to avoid apprehension and subsequently 
were placed on the list of the FBI's "Ten Most Wanted Fugitives." Their 
success in evading arrest ended abruptly on May 16, 1956, when FBI Agents 
raided the apartment in which they were hiding in Dorchester, 
Massachusetts. At the time of their arrest, Faherty and Richardson were 
rushing for three loaded revolvers which they had left on a chair in the 
bathroom of the apartment. The hideout also was found to contain more than 
$5,000 in coins. (The arrests of Faherty and Richardson also resulted in 
the indictment of another Boston hoodlum, as an accessory after the fact).

As a cooperative measure, the information gathered by the FBI in the 
Brink's investigation was made available to the District Attorney of 
Suffolk County, Massachusetts. On January 13, 1956, the Suffolk County 
Grand Jury returned indictments against the 11 members of the Brink's 
gang. O'Keefe was the principal witness to appear before the state grand 
jurors.


Part of the Loot Recovered

Despite the arrests and indictments in January, 1956, more than $2,775,
000, including $1,218,211.29 in cash, was still missing. O'Keefe did not 
know where the gang members had hidden their shares of the loot--or where 
they had disposed of the money if, in fact, they had disposed of their 
shares. The other gang members would not talk.

Early in June, 1956, however, an unexpected "break" developed. At 
approximately 7:30 p.m. on June 3, 1956, an officer of the Baltimore, 
Maryland, Police Department was approached by the operator of an amusement 
arcade. "I think a fellow just passed a counterfeit $10.00 bill on me," he 
told the officer.

In examining the bill, a Federal Reserve note, the officer observed that 
it was in musty condition. The amusement arcade operator told the officer 
that he had followed the man who passed this $10.00 bill to a nearby 
tavern. This man, subsequently identified as a small-time Boston 
underworld figure, was located and questioned. While the officer and 
amusement arcade operator were talking to him, the hoodlum reached into 
his pocket, quickly withdrew his hand again and covered his hand with a 
raincoat he was carrying. Two other Baltimore police officers who were 
walking along the street nearby noted this maneuver. One of these officers 
quickly grabbed the criminal's hand, and a large roll of money fell from 
it.

The hoodlum was taken to police headquarters where a search of his person 
disclosed he was carrying more than $1,000, including $860 in musty, worn 
bills. A Secret Service agent, who had been summoned by the Baltimore 
officers, arrived while the criminal was being questioned at the police 
headquarters; and after examining the money found in the bill changer's 
possession, he certified that it was not counterfeit.

This underworld character told the officers that he had found this money. 
He claimed there was a large roll of bills in his hotel room--and that he 
had found that money, too. The criminal explained that he was in the 
contracting business in Boston and that in late March or early April, 
1956, he stumbled upon a plastic bag containing this money while he was 
working on the foundation of a house.

A search of the hoodlum's room in a Baltimore hotel (registered to him 
under an assumed name) resulted in the location of $3,780 which the 
officers took to police headquarters. At approximately 9:50 p.m., the 
details of this incident were furnished to the Baltimore Field Office of 
the FBI. Much of the money taken from the money changer appeared to have 
been stored a long time. The serial numbers of several of these bills were 
furnished to the FBI Office in Baltimore. They were checked against serial 
numbers of bills known to have been included in the Brink's loot, and it 
was determined that the Boston criminal possessed part of the money which 
had been dragged away by the seven masked gunmen on January 17, 1950.

Of the $4,822 found in the small-time criminal's possession, FBI Agents 
identified $4,635 as money taken by the Brink's robbers. Interviews with 
him on June 3 and 4, 1956, disclosed that this 31-year-old hoodlum had a 
record of arrests and convictions dating back to his "teens" and that he 
had been conditionally released from a Federal prison camp less than a 
year before--having served slightly more than two years of a three-year 
sentence for transporting a falsely made security interstate. At the time 
of his arrest, there also was a charge of armed robbery outstanding 
against him in Massachusetts.

During questioning by the FBI, the money changer stated that he was in 
business as a mason contractor with another man on Tremont Street in 
Boston. He advised that he and his associate shared office space with an 
individual known to him only as "Fat John." According to the Boston 
hoodlum, on the night of June 1, 1956, "Fat John" asked him to rip a panel 
from a section of the wall in the office; and when the panel was removed, 
"Fat John" reached into the opening and removed the cover from a metal 
container. Inside this container were packages of bills which had been 
wrapped in plastic and newspapers. "Fat John" announced that each of the 
packages contained $5,000. "This is good money," he said, "but you can't 
pass it around here in Boston."

According to the criminal who was arrested in Baltimore, "Fat John" 
subsequently told him that the money was part of the Brink's loot and 
offered him $5,000 if he would "pass" $30,000 of the bills.

The Boston hoodlum told FBI Agents in Baltimore that he accepted six of 
the packages of money from "Fat John." The following day (June 2, 1956), 
he left Massachusetts with $4,750 of these bills and began passing them. 
He arrived in Baltimore on the morning of June 3 and was picked up by the 
Baltimore Police Department that evening.

The full details of this important development were immediately furnished 
to the FBI Office in Boston. "Fat John" and the business associate of the 
man arrested in Baltimore were located and interviewed on the morning of 
June 4, 1956. Both denied knowledge of the loot which had been recovered. 
That same afternoon (following the admission that "Fat John" had produced 
the money and had described it as proceeds from the Brink's robbery), a 
search warrant was executed in Boston covering the Tremont Street offices 
occupied by the three men. The wall partition described by the Boston 
criminal was located in "Fat John's" office, and when the partition was 
removed, a picnic-type cooler was found. This cooler contained more than 
$57,700, including $51,906 which was identifiable as part of the Brink's 
loot.

The discovery of this money in the Tremont Street offices resulted in the 
arrests of both "Fat John" and the business associate of the criminal who 
had been arrested in Baltimore. Both men remained mute following their 
arrests. On June 5 and June 7, the Suffolk County Grand Jury returned 
indictments against the three men--charging them with several state 
offenses involving their possessing money obtained in the Brink's robbery. 
(Following pleas of guilty in November, 1956, "Fat John" received a two-
year sentence, and the other two men were sentenced to serve one year's 
imprisonment.)

(After serving his sentence, "Fat John" resumed a life of crime. On June 
19, 1958, while out on appeal in connection with a five-year narcotics 
sentence, he was found shot to death in an automobile which had crashed 
into a truck in Boston.)

The money inside the cooler which was concealed in the wall of the Tremont 
Street office was wrapped in plastic and newspaper. Three of the 
newspapers used to wrap the bills were identified. All had been published 
in Boston between December 4, 1955, and February 21, 1956. The FBI also 
succeeded in locating the carpenter who had remodeled the offices where 
the loot was hidden. His records showed that he had worked on the offices 
early in April, 1956, under instructions of "Fat John." The loot could not 
have been hidden behind the wall panel prior to that time.

Because the money in the cooler was in various stages of decomposition, an 
accurate count proved most difficult to make. Some of the bills were in 
pieces. Others fell apart as they were handled. Examination by the FBI 
Laboratory subsequently disclosed that the decomposition, discoloration, 
and matting together of the bills were due, at least in part, to the fact 
that all of the bills had been wet. It was positively concluded that the 
packages of currency had been damaged prior to the time they were wrapped 
in the pieces of newspaper; and there were indications that the bills 
previously had been in a canvas container which was buried in ground 
consisting of sand and ashes. In addition to mold, insect remains also 
were found on the loot.

Even with the recovery of this money in Baltimore and Boston, more than $1,
150,000 of currency taken in the Brink's robbery remained unaccounted for.


Death of Gusciora

The recovery of part of the loot was a severe blow to the gang members who 
still awaited trial in Boston. Had any particles of evidence been found in 
the loot which might directly show that they had handled it? This was a 
question which preyed heavily upon their minds.

In July, 1956, another significant turn of events took place. Stanley 
Gusciora, who had been transferred to Massachusetts from Pennsylvania to 
stand trial, was placed under medical care due to weakness, dizziness, and 
vomiting. On the afternoon of July 9, he was visited by a clergyman. 
During this visit, Gusciora got up from his bed, and, in full view of the 
clergyman, slipped to the floor, striking his head. Two hours later he was 
dead. Examination revealed the cause of his death to be a brain tumor and 
acute cerebral edema.

O'Keefe and Gusciora had been close friends for many years. When O'Keefe 
admitted his part in the Brink's robbery to FBI Agents in January, 1956, 
he told of his high regard for Gusciora. As a Government witness, he 
reluctantly would have testified against him. Gusciora now had passed 
beyond the reach of all human authority; and O'Keefe was all the more 
determined to see that justice would be done.


Trial of Remaining Defendants

With the death of Gusciora, only eight members of the Brink's gang 
remained to be tried. (On January 18, 1956, O'Keefe had pleaded guilty to 
the armed robbery of Brink's.) The trial of these eight men began on the 
morning of August 6, 1956, before Judge Feliz Forte in the Suffolk County 
Courthouse in Boston. The defense immediately filed motions which would 
delay or prevent the trial. All were denied, and the impaneling of the 
jury was begun on August 7.

In the succeeding two weeks, nearly 1,200 prospective jurors were 
eliminated as the defense counsel used their 262 peremptory challenges. 
Another week passed--and approximately 500 more citizens were considered--
before the 14-member jury was assembled.

More than 100 persons took the stand as witnesses for the prosecution and 
the defense during September, 1956. The most important of these, "Specs" 
O'Keefe, carefully recited the details of the crime, clearly spelling out 
the role played by each of the eight defendants.

At 10:25 p.m. on October 5, 1956, the jury retired to weigh the evidence. 
Three and one-half hours later, the verdict had been reached. All were 
guilty.

The eight men were sentenced by Judge Forte on October 9, 1956, Pino, 
Costa, Maffie, Geagan, Faherty, Richardson, and Baker received life 
sentences for robbery, two-year sentences for conspiracy to steal, and 
sentences of 8 years to 10 years for breaking and entering at night. 
McGinnis, who had not been at the scene on the night of the robbery, 
received a life sentence on each of eight indictments which charged him 
with being an accessory before the fact in connection with the Brink's 
robbery. In addition, McGinnis received other sentences of two years, two 
and one-half to three years, and eight to ten years.

While action to appeal the convictions was being taken on their behalf, 
the eight men were removed to the State prison at Walpole, Massachusetts. 
From their prison cells, they carefully followed the legal maneuvers aimed 
at gaining them freedom.

The record of the state trial covered more than 5,300 pages. It was used 
by the defense counsel in preparing a 294-page brief which was presented 
to the Massachusetts State Supreme Court. After weighing the arguments 
presented by the attorneys for the eight convicted criminals, the State 
Supreme Court turned down the appeals on July 1, 1959, in a 35-page 
decision written by the Chief Justice.

On November 16, 1959, the United States Supreme Court denied a request of 
the defense counsel for a writ of certiorari.
35 Of The FBI's Most Famous Closed Cases - End of Chapters 1-3
(c) Aug 2002 WebRoots Inc.

 
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