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35 Of The FBI's Most Famous Closed Cases - Chapters 1-3
PART I. BANK ROBBERY
CHAPTER 1
JOSEPH EDWARD EARLYWINE
Joseph Edward Earlywine, Fred Steffler, John William Hulett: Bank Robbery
The burglary of the State Bank of Lapel, Lapel, Indiana, on the night of
December 2, 1937, during which time the paltry sum of $5.45 was
surreptitiously stolen, led to the slaying of William R. Ramsey, Jr., a
Special Agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), United States
Department of Justice, the death of Joseph Earlywine, a twice-paroled
convict who in cold blood killed Agent Ramsey, and the apprehension of
Fred Steffler and William Hulett, two other paroled convicts.
On the morning of December 3, 1937, the cashier of the State Bank of Lapel
telephoned the Indianapolis, Indiana, Field Division of the FBI and
advised that the bank had been burglarized on the previous night. In view
of the fact that deposits of this bank were insured by the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation, the burglary was in violation of the Federal Bank
Robbery Act, and a crime within the investigative jurisdiction of the FBI.
The Bureau commenced an immediate investigation which disclosed that the
burglars gained entrance to the bank by loosening a grate over a rear
window and sought to gain access to the safe with the aid of an acetylene
torch. However, apparently becoming disturbed, the burglars departed
abandoning an acetylene torch and equipment in the bank and stealing the
small sum previously mentioned. In cooperation with the Indiana State
Police, information was developed indicating Earlywine, Steffler, and
Hulett were involved in this burglary and in other robberies in the State
of Indiana, and were engaged in the theft of certain acetylene torches and
other burglar equipment. During the investigation of this burglary, the
First State Bank and Trust Company of Indianola, Illinois, and the State
Bank of Oakwood, Illinois, were burglarized on the nights of March 3,
1938, and April 29, 1938, respectively. The State Bank of Lapel was also
the victim of a second burglary on the night of April 25, 1938.
An investigation was conducted by the FBI in regard to these burglaries
and it was found that the modus operandi employed by the burglars in each
case was similar to that used in the burglary of the State Bank of Lapel,
Indiana, on December 2, 1937. In investigating the second burglary of this
bank on April 25, 1938, it was ascertained that a night watchman, in
making his round, had noticed unusual activity in the bank. However, he
was apparently seen by the burglars and before he could summon aid the
burglars had fled from the bank abandoning an acetylene torch and
equipment in the vicinity of the bank. The night watchman later identified
Fred Steffler as being one of the perpetrators of the burglary. After this
information was obtained the efforts of the FBI and the cooperating local
law enforcement officers were directed toward the location and
apprehension of Earlywine, Steffler, and Hulett.
A federal warrant was issued on May 2, 1938, for Steffler charging him
with violation of the Federal Bank Robbery Statute in connection with his
participation in the burglary of the State Bank of Lapel on the night of
April 25, 1938, and state warrants were issued for the arrest of Earlywine
and Hulett upon charges of theft of acetylene equipment used in some of
the above-mentioned bank burglaries.
The investigation resulted in the location of Earlywine and Hulett on a
farm near Penfield, Illinois, and after observing the activities of
Earlywine and Hulett for several days in an effort to ascertain the
location of Fred Steffler, it was decided that Earlywine and Hulett should
be taken into custody. Accordingly, Agent Ramsy, together with another
Special Agent, the local sheriff, and members of the Illinois and Indiana
State Police, approached the farmhouse for this purpose. Upon reaching the
farm, Hulett was seen plowing in the field and was immediately taken into
custody. Agent Ramsey accompanied by two Indiana State officers and the
sheriff entered the house while the other FBI Agent and local officers
waited outside to prevent the escape of anyone within the house. Upon
gaining entrance to the house, Earlywine was identified and advised of his
arrest. Instead of submitting to arrest, Earlywine whipped out a gun and
shot Agent Ramsey several times. Agent Ramsey returned the fire and a
bullet struck Earlywine in the forehead, killing him instantly. Agent
Ramsey was mortally wounded by Earlywine's bullets and he was immediately
taken to a local hospital where he died early the next morning. In his mad
frenzy, Earlywine fired wildly and recklessly with no regard for even the
lives of members of his family. During the shooting, Earlywine's seven-
year-old son, Virgil, rushed excitedly into the room and was wounded in
the chest by a bullet from his father's .45 caliber automatic.
In a subsequent search of Earlywine's farmhouse many burglars' tools and
equipment, such as acetylene and oxygen gas tanks, gauges, torches,
dynamite, and hundreds of items of loot of various types and varieties
were discovered, all of which gave positive proof of Joseph Earlywine's
activities as a burglar.
On the afternoon of May 2, 1938, Special Agents of the FBI and local law
enforcement officers apprehended the forty-one year-old, hazel-eyed,
scarfaced Fred Steffler as he was entering his residence at 210 Stroup
Street, Danville, Illinois. A search of Steffler's dwelling resulted in
the recovery of a .45 caliber Army Model Colt revolver, the numbers of
which had been filed off and completely destroyed so that the gun could
not be traced, and three ounces of nitroglycerin were found. Immediately,
Steffler was incarcerated in a local jail where he was interrogated by
Special Agents of the FBI.
During this interrogation Steffler furnished a lengthy signed statement in
regard to his criminal activities. Steffler, in commenting on his recent
criminal activities admitted that he, accompanied by Joseph Earlywine,
burglarized a safe of an automobile agency in Muncie, Indiana, in the fall
of 1937, and obtained approximately $900, and blew another safe of a
theater at Petersburg, Indiana, and obtained $245 soon after. Early in
1938, he and Earlywine robbed a safe in Mattoon, Illinois, and obtained
approximately $500. Later, he alone burglarized a safe at Bloomington,
Illinois, and obtained $300. According to Steffler, on the night of March
3, 1938, he and Earlywine burglarized the First State Bank and Trust
Company of Indianola, Illinois, but were forced to abandon the bank before
opening the safe because a gas bomb exploded in the bank. Although
Steffler did not admit that he burglarized the State Bank of Lapel on
December 2, 1937, he admitted Joseph Earlywine had informed him that he,
Earlywine, had committed this crime. Steffler also advised that Hulett did
not assist in these burglaries and in view of the lack of evidence
indicating Hulett participated in these crimes, he was not prosecuted in
Federal Court. Hulett was tried on August 17, 1938, in the State Court at
Danville, Illinois, on the charge of receiving stolen property. However,
he was acquitted on this charge. On June 27, 1938, a Federal Grand Jury at
Indianapolis, Indiana, returned an indictment against Steffler charging
him with violation of the Federal Bank Robbery Statute by unlawfully
entering the State Bank of Lapel, Indiana, on the night of April 25, 1938,
and the next day, June 28, 1938, he was arraigned in Federal Court,
entered a plea of guilty, and was sentenced to serve fifteen years in a
Federal penitentiary. At the direction of the Attorney General of the
United States, he was sent to the United States Penitentiary at
Leavenworth, Kansas, to serve this sentence.
The files of the Identification Division of the FBI reflect that
Earlywine, Hulett, and Steffler had become entangled in the meshes of the
law on numerous occasions prior to becoming involved in the burglary of
banks in the states of Indiana and Illinois.
In 1921, Earlywine was arrested at Frankfort, Indiana, on a charge of
stealing chickens. He was given a suspended sentence of one to eight years
in the Indiana Reformatory. In 1922, he was arrested at Noblesville,
Indiana, for rape, and acquitted by the jury. He was received at the
Indiana State Reformatory, Pendleton, Indiana, on February 19, 1926, after
having been convicted on a charge of grand larceny, to serve a sentence of
from one to fourteen years. He received a parole from this institution
March 11, 1927. On July 27, 1934, he was received at the State Prison,
Michigan City, Indiana, to serve a sentence of from two to fourteen years
upon a charge of conspiracy to commit a felony. However, he was paroled on
December 23, 1935.
John William Hulett was another recipient of parole. His criminal record
indicates that he was received at the Indiana State Reformatory,
Pendleton, Indiana, on July 28, 1934, to serve a sentence of from one to
ten years for grand larceny. He was paroled June 27, 1935.
The third person involved who had also been granted clemency by a parole
board was Fred Steffler. On June 27, 1916, Steffler was received at the
State Farm, Greencastle, Indiana, on a charge of petty larceny to serve
215 days. He escaped on July 4, 1916. He was arrested for theft of a motor
vehicle and received at the Indiana Reformatory, Jefferson, Indiana, to
serve from six months to five years on November 11, 1917. Here he was
paroled and turned over to the Indiana State Farm on July 12, 1918, to
serve a two to five year sentence for escaping from the institution. On
May 14, 1919, he was paroled.
Steffler was received at the United States Penitentiary, Leavenworth,
Kansas, on June 19, 1920, for violation of the National Motor Vehicle
Theft Act, to serve a sentence of five years. On December 9, 1924, he was
incarcerated at the United States Penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas, to
serve four years for unlawfully breaking into and entering a United States
Post Office. He was transferred to the United States Penitentiary at
McNeil Island on October 6, 1926, and released on January 7, 1928. On
January 22, 1928, Steffler was received at the Washington State
Penitentiary, Walla Walla, Washington, on two charges, burglary and grand
larceny, to serve not less than fifteen years on each charge. He was
paroled on April 3, 1933. On January 6, 1934, he entered the Indiana State
Prison, Michigan City, Indiana, to serve from two to fourteen years.
However, he was paroled on February 7, 1936. On November 5, 1936, he was
declared delinquent for failure to report and being suspected of safe
cracking. A warden's warrant was issued for his arrest but he was not
located until apprehended by Special Agents of the FBI and local officers
on May 2, 1938, on the bank robbery charge for which he received a fifteen-
year sentence previously mentioned.
CHAPTER 2
JOHN ELGIN JOHNSON
The darkness, relative obscurity, and anonymity of a telephone booth were
a fitting sepulcher for John Elgin Johnson. He, however, would be the last
to admit it. For this man, who expressed hate so often, also expressed the
desire for so-called important things of life -- "big, beautiful
Cadillacs, fine clothes, flashy dames." In short, he wanted the grandiose
material elements of the society -- a society which he viciously hated,
and to which he rendered violence and death! Again, he desired admittance
to a religious order of laymen, which, if granted, would have found him in
an ascetic existence. This paradox of thinking affords to the observer a
possible spade to unearth the gnarled roots of an ambivalent mind.
The circumstances of Johnson's childhood existence are not fully known. He
was born in Linn Grove, Iowa, to a large family, on August 21, 1919, and
was reared in the northwestern United States. After completion of the
tenth grade at Cody, Wyoming, however, he made his initial thrust into a
claim for recognition. He was arrested and convicted for larceny at Rapid
City, South Dakota, on November 23, 1935. At the age of sixteen, the first
step towards his zenith of violence had begun. But society, realizing that
youth has but youthful philosophy, granted him probation.
Just three months later young Johnson was again arrested, this time at
Santa Fe, New Mexico, where, for breaking and entering, he was sentenced
on February 2, 1936, to serve from eighteen months to two years. After
eleven months' confinement, he was released.
Under the alias of Eric Vernon Jefferson, his fast-rising career was again
served when he was arrested for investigation of car prowling at Salt Lake
City, Utah, on March 2, 1937. Thus, in fifteen months the embryonic
murderer was rapidly familiarizing himself with the judicial and penal
systems.
With the exactness of a migrant bird, Johnson returned to the dubious
warmth of the underworld's "nest." On August 16, 1938, he was apprehended
by local Los Angeles authorities on charges of burglary which resulted in
his removal to Rawlins, Wyoming, where the crime had occurred. With almost
monotonous repetition, Johnson, now a worldly nineteen, was sentenced to
serve from two to three years. Twenty-three months later, August, 1940,
the man Johnson returned to society.
Just one month later, on September 17, 1940, a Los Angeles, California,
bank was robbed by a lone bandit armed with a blue steel revolver. On this
day the Hollywood Branch of the Citizens National Trust and Savings Bank
was conducting its normal daily business. Shortly after the noon hour a
young man entered the bank and approached the first teller's cage. He was
directed by the manager to the second teller. At the second teller's
window the young man handed over a number of small bills, stating that it
was eighty dollars, for which he wanted four twenty-dollar bills. As he
was being handled the larger bills, he pulled a gun and said, "Give me the
rest." The teller handed over $610 to the young gunman who wheeled and ran
from the bank.
FBI Agents and the Los Angeles Police Department began an immediate
investigation of the robbery. Extensive neighborhood investigations were
undertaken. It was on this same day, however, that three other bank
robberies took place in Los Angeles. A minor crime wave had befallen the
city. In usual investigative fashion, several immediate suspects were
developed from among known criminals in the Los Angeles area. John Elgin
Johnson was not among them.
On October 28, 1940, information was received by the Los Angeles FBI
Office from the Des Moines, Iowa, FBI Office, which revealed that a John
Elgin Johnson had been apprehended by the Sioux City, Iowa, Police
Department after robbing a department store in that city. Among his
effects was located a newspaper account of the bank robberies in Los
Angeles on September 17, 1940.
The method of operation used in the Iowa robbery and the similarity of
that bandit's description to the Los Angeles bank bandit were immediately
noted by FBI Agents handling the case. It was quickly determined that on
September 17, 1940, Johnson had purchased a 1939 Mercury Sedan. With it he
purchased a new car radio and two new tires. He paid approximately $300 in
cash. He was known to have been night-clubbing, picking up more than his
share of the checks. Johnson's picture was obtained and displayed to
officials of the four banks which had been robbed.
He was tentatively identified at two banks as being the lone bandit who
committed the robberies on September 17, 1940. Again Johnson, who had been
free from law enforcement for less than three months, was about to re-
enter prison life.
Faced with the evidence against him, Johnson admitted to FBI Agents at Des
Moines, Iowa, that he had perpetrated the Los Angeles bank robberies, but
ironically enough, he confessed to all four committed on September 17,
1940. Later investigation eliminated Johnson from two of the robberies.
The criminal mind was quick to claim the "glory" attached to someone
else's share of crime.
Federal justice moved rapidly for Johnson. He was returned to Los Angeles,
California, where, on November 27, 1940, he was indicted by a Federal
Grand Jury on two counts of bank robbery. Entering a plea of guilty in
United States District Court, Los Angeles, he was sentenced on December
23, 1940, to two fifteen-year sentences to be served concurrently. The
United States Penitentiary, McNeil Island, Washington, received Johnson
shortly thereafter -- his third prison term at twenty-one years of age.
Within the whispering society constituting a prison life, Johnson was also
a misfit. After Johnson was transferred for disciplinary reasons to U.S.
Prison, Leavenworth, Kansas, to serve the remainder of his time for bank
robbery conviction, his twisted thinking once again guided towards
disaster. Shortly after his arrival at Leavenworth, Johnson, together with
two other inmates, attempted to escape and in so doing assaulted prison
guards. Again the man who had repeatedly shown his contempt for the
society around him was fighting to re-enter it. This act resulted in
Johnson's being found guilty by a Kansas jury on April 18, 1944, of
assault with intent to kill a federal officer. He was given a sentence of
four years and recommended for transfer to the U.S. Penitentiary at
Alcatraz, San Francisco, California.
After nine years of almost uninterrupted criminal activity, on June 10,
1944, Johnson arrived at Alcatraz. He was placed with America's toughest
criminals -- the "select" group who defy rehabilitation to the utmost.
John Elgin Johnson was to take his place with the sullen breed who
populate "The Rock."
The unbending discipline must have been torturous to a mind as unregulated
and undisciplined as Johnson' s. But his mind yet sought a chink in the
structure. Johnson became known as a regular attendant at the church
services. He became a devoted visitor to his spiritual advisor and
continually sought baptism into religion. The advisor, sympathetic but
vigilant against emotional desire for conversion, did not grant Johnson's
request. Johnson began taking instructions for this faith in a
correspondence course from a middle western university. The chaplain, in
later years, related to FBI Agents that Johnson's ready grasp of the
faith's spiritual qualities was amazing. Johnson became so imbued with the
principles, or so it appeared, that he expressed strong desire to entering
the religious life as a lay brother. This ambition, as it turned out,
never reached full bloom.
It is difficult to imagine what Johnson actually learned at Alcatraz; but,
in his own words, he learned to hate. In nine years Jonson must have heard
thousands of innocence pleas from "framed" prisoners. His own mind might
have been seething with vitriolic condemnation of the forces which kept
him in vigilant tow. Perhaps it was here that he heard of "FBI Agents'
cruelty," for he later stated "The FBI stinks -- they hold guys out of
windows and even sometimes let them drop!"
Johnson's tutelage was complete. He now hated society, hated law
enforcement, probably hated himself. He was now ready for his greatest
coup. It eventually came.
It could have been a typically gray San Francisco day when Johnson crossed
the choppy bay from Alcatraz. It was March 20, 1953, and he had been
granted a conditional release from Alcatraz. He had undoubtedly shaken
hands with several prison officials, received a small cash allowance, and
was ordered to report to the Los Angeles Federal Probation Office. He was
free. Or was he? Could he forget almost seventeen years of detention? He
was thirty-four now. He had a form of trade since he had learned plumbing
and machine-shop work in prison. He headed towards Los Angeles, the city
of his choosing, to begin again. Begin what? Only Johnson knew. Others
suspected. Society was again risking its own safety on the hope that John
Elgin Johnson would join over 150 million others in ordinary living.
Johnson's arrival at Los Angeles, California, was not notably different
from other ex-convicts arriving in the area. He registered at the Los
Angeles Police Department as an ex-convict on March 21, 1953, as
California law demands. He contacted the Federal Probation Office and
apparently set out on the road to rehabilitation. He located his former
prison chaplain, then assigned to Los Angeles. He also approached the
Assistant City Editor of the Los Angeles "Mirror," Sid Hughes, from whom
Johnson requested aid in securing a driver's license. Johnson related to
the newspaperman some tales of hardships at Alcatraz and other details
concerning innocent men being held there. Hughes became interested in
Johnson's rehabilitation and secured for him a California driver's permit,
and Hughes allowed him to travel around in a "Mirror"-owned car while
preparing for his test. Because of his interest in Johnson, benevolent
Hughes aided him in securing a position with a heater company located in a
Los Angeles suburb, Huntington Park.
For approximately the next three months Johnson's release seemed to
vindicate the faith placed in him. He was not reported in any criminal
activity. He registered with the Huntington Park Police Department on
April 22, 1953, as an ex-convict and apparently had joined the little-
heralded group who compose society's basic core.
On July 19, 1953, information was received by the Robbery Detail of the
Los Angeles Sheriff's Office that an individual had appeared at a Los
Angeles County supermarket introducing himself to the manager as "Watkins,
Los Angeles Police Department, Chain Store Robbery Detail." This "police
officer" made inquiries concerning the location of store funds, the
amounts, and when was it taken to the bank? He also confided to the
manager a tip that the market was to be robbed. The "policeman's" line of
questioning finally aroused the suspicion of the manager who noted that
the man had entered a red convertible. The grocer jotted down the
California license number.
Subsequent investigation by the Los Angeles Sheriff's Office determined
that the red convertible was owned by a resident of Huntington Park,
California. The owner had recently purchased the Ford but had not yet
secured a driver's license. Meanwhile, it had been loaned to a few
recently befriended men, among them one John Elgin Johnson.
Sheriff's Deputies located Johnson's police record and displayed his
photograph to the supermarket owner. Johnson was identified as "Watkins of
the Los Angeles Police Department." The hater had adopted the guise of the
hated in this, his newest venture in crime. Unfortunately, however, Los
Angeles law enforcement was destined to hear of something much grimmer in
just a few days.
On August 4, 1953, at approximately 5:40 p.m., Lieutenant Kenyon Kendrick
of the Huntington Park Police Department was called to a local residence
to investigate the discovery of a body. At this address, lying garroted in
the bottom of his stall shower, was discovered the body of the owner of
the red convertible. He had been strangled with a necktie tied neatly in a
square knot. John Elgin Johnson, his former companion, was not to be found
for questioning.
The murder victim's landlord related to police that he had been painting
screens on the building on August 1, 1953, when he overheard a
conversation between the victim and a "tall, reddish-blond-haired fellow,"
who stated: "I feel sorry for you, you've done a lot for me." Johnson's
picture was soon identified by the landlord as being the described
individual last seen with the victim.
Further investigation disclosed that the deceased had been seen by a
couple on August 2, 1953, in the company of several men in his back yard.
One of the men was merely described as being tall. At this point in the
investigation, the Huntington Park Police Department believed they had two
prime suspects in the murder, one being John Elgin Johnson. The other was
arrested five days later but furnished a substantial alibi for his
whereabouts at the time of the murder. Johnson became the lone and prime
suspect. But he was still not available for interview. His whereabouts was
unknown.
Eventually, information came to the attention of the Huntington Park
Police Department that a letter addressed to one of Johnson's former
residences bore the return address of Arthur Dawson (Fictitious), Box 920,
Reg. #66032, Hall B, Jefferson City, Missouri, postmarked July 30, 1953.
Swift checking revealed that this same Dawson was one of the two men who
had been involved with Johnson in the attempted break from Leavenworth
nine years previously. Dawson was incarcerated in the Missouri State
Penitentiary, Jefferson City, Missouri, and Johnson was apparently
retaining his membership in crime's lost legion.
On August 31, 1953, information received from the Jefferson City
Penitentiary indicated that Dawson had received a letter postmarked at
Cincinnati, Ohio, but bearing the return address of Frank Gifford and a
residence in Florida. The body of the message stated: "Received letter
from our mutual friend, John." It also contained a $50 money order for
Dawson.
The FBI entered the search for John Elgin Johnson when a request was
received from the United States Board of Parole, Washington, D.C., stating
that on August 10, 1953, John Elgin Johnson, with aliases, had a
conditional release violator's warrant issued against him, charging him
with loss of contact, associating with persons having criminal
backgrounds, impersonating a police officer, auto theft, and alleged
murder. Four months after a last look at the gray gloom of Alcatraz,
Johnson chose a return passport.
Coupling their investigation, the Huntington Park Police Department made
available to FBI Agents at Los Angeles the most recent accounting of
Johnson's activities. Local investigation proved momentarily fruitless as
to his location. Acting upon the information concerning the receipt of a
letter by Johnson's convict friend, Dawson, a request was promptly relayed
to the Miami, Florida, FBI Office to determine the identity of Frank
Gifford at the Florida address.
This investigation failed to show that a Frank Gifford had ever resided at
the given address, but it was revealed that the residence was occupied by
a Johnson family, soon discovered to be the parents of John Elgin Johnson.
On September 22, 1953, Johnson's father was interviewed by FBI Agents. He
stated that Johnson, for the first time in many years, had visited his
parents just four days prior and had left their home on September 21,
1953, saying he was "heading north and then back to Los Angeles." The
alertness of a West Coast Police Officer, and the rapid teamwork of the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, had reached across the United States and
placed themselves just one day behind Johnson.
Johnson had related to his parents that he was on parole and was
undoubtedly violating it but felt that he "might be railroaded back in
California since they found an associate of mine murdered." He commented,
too, on his bitter experiences at Alcatraz and how he was attempting to go
straight -- just waiting for the chance to clear his name. Exhaustive
interviews with the cooperative parents did not furnish any logical lead
as to Johnson's whereabouts. The search continued, but without success.
Meanwhile, reports were being received at the Los Angeles FBI Office which
placed Johnson in the Middle West during mid-August, 1953. FBI Agents from
the Milwaukee Office had determined that one John Everhardt had resided in
a Chicago hotel on or about August 15, 1953. It was related that Everhardt
had bragged to a stranger about his release from Alcatraz several months
previous. Everhardt, finally identified as John Elgin Johnson, was living
true to form. So true and accurate that he displayed to this stranger a P-
38 pistol! Johnson told this individual of his early experiences in crime
and during his bragging conversations said, "They will never take me back
to prison." The prophecy of a warped mind was not to go unnoticed!
According to this information an eventful shadow was being cast, for when
Johnson heard the elevator stop at his room floor, he would grasp his gun
and on two occasions walked into the hallway, gun in hand, to determine
who had gotten off the elevator. Johnson, who told his parents several
weeks later he wanted to clear his name, was more than ready to greet any
opposition in the fashion he knew best.
On September 25, 1953, Sidney Hughes, veteran Los Angeles "Mirror"
reporter, received a telephone call from Baltimore, Maryland. The caller
was Johnson! The newspaperman had earlier tried to help Johnson by
assisting him in obtaining a job after Johnson's release from Alcatraz.
Hughes, who received the call at about 2:30 p.m., Los Angeles time
notified the FBI Office there as soon as the call was completed. Hughes
said that Johnson had told of being in Baltimore with $10,000 which he had
received from a friend to set Johnson up in business. Johnson wanted to
know if he was wanted or sought in Los Angeles, California, as he desired
to return there and enter a business. Hughes, thinking quickly, told
Johnson that he would have to check to determine this information. He
requested Johnson to call him back at exactly 3:35 p.m. Johnson agreed.
The Los Angeles FBI Office instantly relayed this information to the
Baltimore FBI Office. A manhunt was instituted to locate Johnson somewhere
in Baltimore! The information at hand: a description, a knowledge that he
was using a telephone! A battle of time was declared!
Back in Los Angeles, 3,000 miles away, FBI Agents established an open line
between their office and the newspaper room. Thus a strange quadrangular
relationship began -- Hughes, a known factor; Johnson, an unknown factor;
and two teams of FBI Agents closely allied by knowledge and training, but
separated by a continent's width.
At 3:55 p.m., Pacific Daylight Saving Time, twenty minutes later than
scheduled, Sid Hughes received another call from Baltimore, a call which
was the end not quite as expected. A pre-arranged plan with the "Mirror's"
switchboard operator stalled momentarily the salutatory greeting. Finally
the conversation began. FBI, Baltimore, was alerted -- the call was in
progress! Feverish activity began at Baltimore to pinpoint the fugitive.
Hughes, careful to give no indication that he was stalling, began enticing
Johnson into a lengthy conversation. They talked at the outset about
Johnson's running away. Johnson would only state that he was waiting for
the Huntington Park murder to clear up. They talked about the $10,000
which Johnson had received. He replied, "It was from a legitimate source."
Johnson was pressed for his location. He would only state that he was near
Baltimore.
Johnson queried as to Hughes' reporting the conversation. He pushed the
point, saying, "You'll have to report it." The criminal intuition was at
work, too.
Johnson expressed surprise that the murder had not been cleared. Hughes,
as instructed, tried to determine from Johnson who some of the murdered
victim's friends were. Johnson was evasive, only describing some "Johnny"
who lived nearby.
The conversation progressed. It was 4:30 p.m., Los Angeles time. In
Baltimore, squads of FBI Agents continued to comb the downtown area.
Veteran reporter Hughes recounted with Johnson the experiences which
Johnson had earlier told him of Alcatraz. Johnson related that he would
not spend an hour back in prison as it taught him how to hate. He admitted
having a gun. Hughes pleaded with him to throw it away! Hughes requested
him to turn himself in to the FBI. Johnson replied, "They stink. They hold
guys out of windows and even let them drop." The years in prison culture
were at work.
It was 4:35 p.m., Pacific time. Still talking -- still looking.
The conversation at times was jocular, mostly serious. Hughes was subtly
endeavoring to determine the fugitive's exact location. Johnson continued
to remain evasive.
"I'm in Washington, D.C., and have visited the Smithsonian Institute and
other buildings," Johnson said, and "I'm going to let the whole thing ride
for a month or so, as I am still afraid of the Huntington Park murder."
At 4:44 p.m., Hughes had still not received from Johnson any hint as to
his exact whereabouts, but back in Baltimore the battle of time was
nearing decision. Five minutes earlier the FBI had learned that Johnson
was in the Towne Theatre, a motion picture house in the heart of downtown
Baltimore. A crowd had turned out to see the Mickey Spillane murder
mystery, "I, The Jury," but the mezzanine, where the public telephone was
located, was almost deserted.
Upon learning of Johnson's location, four Agents nearby proceeded
immediately to the theatre. On their arrival they learned that the
mezzanine, which was closed to the evening's patrons, was accessible by
means of two stairways. The Agents divided, two of them proceeding
cautiously up each stairway. One of the FBI men was Special Agent J. Brady
Murphy. As he and his companion reached the lobby of the mezzanine almost
simultaneously with the other two Agents, they observed that only one
person was on the mezzanine -- a man in the telephone booth.
Inside the booth, Johnson, his criminal cunning ever alert, sensed his
impending apprehension. Two shots rang out from the booth. One bullet
crashed into the abdomen of J. Brady Murphy. Another tore into the hip of
Murphy's fellow Agent. All four Agents opened fire on the phone booth;
and, though mortally wounded, Agent Murphy emptied his revolver at the
figure of the desperate man behind the glass and wood partition. Fifteen
times the Agents fired, and fifteen deadly slugs ripped into the booth.
Johnson toppled toward the floor, but his head, crashing through the
broken glass of the door, held him partly erect. Before he stopped moving
forever he tried vainly once or twice to lift his head.
Back in Los Angeles, Sid Hughes had been talking to Johnson for almost
fifty minutes when he heard, as he described it later, "commotion and the
sound of coins ringing in the telephone pay slot." The line went dead. The
Baltimore operator said, "I am sorry, sir, your party's line seems to be
out of order."
At the Towne Theatre, FBI Agents had to remove the door of the phone booth
in order to extricate Johnson's body. The receiver still dangled from the
telephone, and a P-38 automatic slipped from Johnson's hand. He had been
hit seven times by the Agents' gunfire, in the stomach, head, chest, and
shoulder. He was pronounced dead on arrival at a nearby hospital.
Meanwhile, J. Brady Murphy and the other wounded Agent were also rushed to
a hospital, where the latter eventually recovered fully. But Murphy, just
before going on the operating table, sensed that he was about to die. He
inquired about Johnson and was told that the criminal was dead. The dying
prayer which left the Agent's lips was a measure of the vast difference
between the two men: "May God have mercy on his soul," said J. Brady
Murphy of John Elgin Johnson, murderer.
CHAPTER 3
THE BRINKS ROBBERY
Shortly before 7:30 p.m. on the evening of January 17, 1950, a group of
armed, masked men emerged from 165 Prince Street in Boston, Massachusetts,
dragging bags containing $1,218,211.29 in cash and $1,557,183.83 in
checks, money orders, and other securities. These men had just committed
the "crime of the century," the "perfect crime," the "fabulous Brink's
robbery." At 7:27 p.m. as the robbers sped from the scene, a Brink's
employee telephoned the Boston Police Department. Minutes later, police
arrived at the Brink's building, and Special Agents of the FBI quickly
joined in the investigation.
At the outset, very few facts were available to the investigators. From
interviews with the five employees whom the criminals had confronted, it
was learned that between five and seven robbers had entered the building.
All of them wore Navy-type peacoats, gloves, and chauffeur's caps. Each
robber's face was completely concealed behind a Halloween-type mask. To
muffle their footsteps, one of the gang wore crepe-soled shoes, and the
others wore rubbers.
The robbers did little talking. They moved with a studied precision which
suggested that the crime had been carefully planned and rehearsed in the
preceding months. Somehow the criminals had opened at least three--and
possibly four--locked doors to gain entrance to the second floor of
Brink's, where the five employees were engaged in their nightly chore of
checking and storing the money collected from Brink's customers that day.
All five employees had been forced at gunpoint to lie face down on the
floor. Their hands were tied behind their backs and adhesive tape was
placed over their mouths. During this operation, one of the employees had
lost his glasses; they later could not be found on the Brink's premises.
As the loot was being placed in bags and stacked between the second and
third doors leading to the Prince Street entrance, a buzzer sounded. The
robbers removed the adhesive tape from the mouth of one employee and
learned that the buzzer signified that someone wanted to enter the vault
area. The person ringing the buzzer was a garage attendant. Two of the
gang members moved toward the door to capture him; but, seeing the garage
attendant walk away apparently unaware that the robbery was being
committed, they did not pursue him.
The Investigation
In addition to the general descriptions received from the Brink's
employees, the investigators obtained several pieces of physical evidence.
There were the rope and adhesive tape used to bind and gag the employees
and a chauffeur's cap which one of the robbers had left at the crime scene.
The FBI further learned that four revolvers had been taken by the gang.
The descriptions and serial numbers of these weapons were carefully noted
since they might prove a valuable link to the men responsible for the
crime.
In the hours immediately following the robbery, the underworld began to
feel the heat of the investigation. Well-known Boston hoodlums were picked
up and questioned by police. From Boston, the pressure quickly spread to
other cities. Veteran criminals throughout the United States found their
activities during mid-January the subject of official inquiry.
Since Brink's was located in a heavily populated tenement section, many
hours were consumed in interviews to locate persons in the neighborhood
who might possess information of possible value. A systematic check of
current and past Brink's employees was undertaken; personnel of the three-
story building housing the Brink's offices were questioned; inquiries were
made concerning salesmen, messengers, and others who had called at Brink's
and might know its physical layout as well as its operational procedures.
An immediate effort also was made to obtain descriptive data concerning
the missing cash and securities. Brink's customers were contacted for
information regarding the packaging and shipping materials they used. All
identifying marks placed on currency and securities by the customers were
noted, and appropriate "stops" were placed at banking institutions across
the Nation.
Hundreds of Dead Ends
The Brink's case was "front page" news. Even before Brink's, Incorporated,
offered a $100,000 reward for information leading to the arrest and
conviction of the persons responsible, the case had captured the
imagination of millions of Americans. Well-meaning persons throughout the
country began sending the FBI "tips" and theories which they hoped would
assist in the investigation.
For example, from a citizen in California came the suggestion that the
loot might be concealed in the Atlantic Ocean near Boston. (A detailed
survey of the Boston waterfront previously had been made by the FBI.)
Former inmates of penal institutions reported conversations they had
overheard while incarcerated which concerned the robbing of Brink's. Each
of these leads was checked out. None proved fruitful.
Many other types of information were received. A man of modest means in
Bayonne, New Jersey, was reported to be spending large sums of money in
night clubs, buying new automobiles, and otherwise exhibiting newly found
wealth. A thorough investigation was made concerning his whereabouts on
the evening of January 17, 1950. He was not involved in the Brink's
robbery.
Rumors from the underworld pointed suspicion at several criminal gangs.
Members of the "Purple Gang" of the 1930s found that there was renewed
interest in their activities. Another old gang which had specialized in
hijacking bootlegged whiskey in the Boston area during Prohibition became
the subject of inquiries. Again, the FBI's investigation resulted merely
in the elimination of more possible suspects.
Many "tips" were received from anonymous persons. On the night of January
17, 1952--exactly two years after the crime occurred--the FBI's Boston
Office received an anonymous telephone call from an individual who claimed
he was sending a letter identifying the Brink's robbers. Information
received from this individual linked nine well-known hoodlums with the
crime. After careful checking, the FBI eliminated eight of the suspects.
The ninth man had long been a principal suspect. He later was to be
arrested as a member of the robbery gang.
Of the hundreds of New England hoodlums contacted by FBI Agents in the
weeks immediately following the robbery, few were willing to be
interviewed. Occasionally, an offender who was facing a prison term would
boast that he had "hot" information. "You get me released, and I'll solve
the case in no time," these criminals would claim.
One Massachusetts racketeer, a man whose moral code mirrored his long
years in the underworld, confided to the Agents who were interviewing him,
"If I knew who pulled the job, I wouldn't be talking to you now because
I'd be too busy trying to figure a way to lay my hands on some of the
loot."
In its determination to overlook no possibility, the FBI contacted various
resorts throughout the United States for information concerning persons
known to possess unusually large sums of money following the robbery. Race
tracks and gambling establishments also were covered in the hope of
finding some of the loot in circulation. This phase of the investigation
greatly disturbed many gamblers. A number of them discontinued their
operations; others indicated a strong desire that the robbers be
identified and apprehended.
The mass of information gathered during the early weeks of the
investigation was continuously sifted. All efforts to identify the gang
members through the chauffeur's hat, the rope, and the adhesive tape which
had been left in Brink's proved unsuccessful. On February 5, 1950,
however, a police officer in Somerville, Massachusetts, recovered one of
the four revolvers which had been taken by the robbers. Investigation
established that this gun, together with another rusty revolver, had been
found on February 4, 1950, by a group of boys who were playing on a sand
bar at the edge of the Mystic River in Somerville.
Shortly after these two guns were found, one of them was placed in a trash
barrel and was taken to the city dump. The other gun was picked up by the
officer and identified as having been taken during the Brink's robbery. A
detailed search for additional weapons was made at the Mystic River. The
results were negative.
Through the interviews of persons in the vicinity of the Brink's offices
on the evening of January 17, 1950, the FBI learned that a 1949 green Ford
stake-body truck with a canvas top had been parked near the Prince Street
door of Brink's at approximately the time of the robbery. From the size of
the loot and the number of men involved, it was logical that the gang
might have used a truck. This lead was pursued intensively.
On March 4, 1950, pieces of an identical truck were found at a dump in
Stoughton, Massachusetts. An acetylene torch had been used to cut up the
truck, and it appeared that a sledge hammer also had been used to smash
many of the heavy parts, such as the motor. The truck pieces were
concealed in fiber bags when found. Had the ground not been frozen, the
person or persons who abandoned the bags probably would have attempted to
bury them.
The truck found at the dump had been reported stolen by a Ford dealer near
Fenway Park in Boston on November 3, 1949. All efforts to identify the
persons responsible for the theft and the persons who had cut up the truck
were unsuccessful.
The fiber bags used to conceal the pieces were identified as having been
used as containers for beef bones shipped from South America to a gelatin
manufacturing company in Massachusetts. Thorough inquiries were made
concerning the disposition of the bags after their receipt by the
Massachusetts firm. This phase of the investigation was pursued
exhaustively. It proved unproductive.
Nonetheless, the finding of the truck parts at Stoughton, Massachusetts,
was to prove a valuable "break" in the investigation. Two of the
participants in the Brink's robbery lived in the Stoughton area. After the
truck parts were found, additional suspicion was attached to these men.
Field of Suspects Narrows
As the investigation developed and thousands of leads were followed to
dead ends, the broad field of possible suspects gradually began to narrow.
Among the early suspects was Anthony Pino, an alien who had been a
principal suspect in numerous major robberies and burglaries in
Massachusetts. Pino was known in the underworld as an excellent "case man"
and it was said that the "casing" of the Brink's offices bore his
"trademark." Pino had been questioned as to his whereabouts on the evening
of January 17, 1950, and he provided a good alibi. The alibi, in fact, was
almost too good. Pino had been at his home in the Roxbury Section of
Boston until approximately 7:00 p.m.; then he walked to the nearby liquor
store of Joseph McGinnis. Subsequently, he engaged in a conversation with
McGinnis and a Boston police officer. The officer verified the meeting.
The alibi was strong, but not conclusive. The police officer said he had
been talking to McGinnis first, and Pino arrived later to join them. The
trip from the liquor store in Roxbury to the Brink's offices could be made
in about 15 minutes. Pino could have been at McGinnis' liquor store
shortly after 7:30 p.m. on January 17, 1950, and still have participated
in the robbery.
And what of McGinnis himself? Commonly regarded as a dominant figure in
the Boston underworld, McGinnis previously had been convicted of robbery
and narcotics violations. Underworld sources described him as fully
capable of planning and executing the Brink's robbery. He, too, had left
his home shortly before 7:00 p.m. on the night of the robbery and met the
Boston police officer soon thereafter. If local hoodlums were involved, it
was difficult to believe that McGinnis could be as ignorant of the crime
as he claimed.
Stanley Albert Gusciora
Neither Pino nor McGinnis was known to be the type of hoodlum who would
undertake so potentially dangerous a crime without the best "strong-arm"
support available. Two of the prime suspects whose nerve and gun-handling
experience suited them for the Brink's robbery were Joseph James O'Keefe
and Stanley Albert Gusciora. O'Keefe and Gusciora reportedly had "worked"
together on a number of occasions. Both had served prison sentences, and
both were well known to underworld figures on the East Coast. O'Keefe's
reputation for nerve was legend. Reports had been received alleging that
he had held up several gamblers in the Boston area and had been involved
in "shakedowns" of bookies. Like Gusciora, O'Keefe was known to have
associated with Pino prior to the Brink's robbery. Both of these "strong-
arm" suspects had been questioned by Boston authorities following the
robbery. Neither had too convincing an alibi. O'Keefe claimed that he left
his hotel room in Boston at approximately 7:00 p.m. on January 17, 1950.
Following the robbery, authorities attempted unsuccessfully to locate him
at the hotel. His explanation: He had been drinking at a bar in Boston.
Gusciora also claimed to have been drinking that evening.
The families of O'Keefe and Gusciora resided in the vicinity of Stoughton,
Massachusetts. When the pieces of the 1949 green Ford stake-body truck
were found at the dump in Stoughton on March 4, 1950, additional emphasis
was placed on the investigations concerning them. Local officers searched
their homes, but no evidence linking them with the truck or the robbery
was found.
In April, 1950, the FBI received information indicating that part of the
Brink's loot was hidden in the home of a relative of O'Keefe in Boston. A
Federal search warrant was obtained, and the home was searched by Special
Agents on April 27, 1950. Several hundred dollars were found hidden in the
house but could not be identified as part of the loot.
On June 2, 1950, O'Keefe and Gusciora left Boston by automobile for the
alleged purpose of visiting the grave of Gusciora's brother in Missouri.
Apparently, they had planned a leisurely trip with an abundance of
"extracurricular activities." On June 12, 1950, they were arrested at
Towanda, Pennsylvania, and guns and clothing which were the loot from
burglaries at Kane and Coudersport, Pennsylvania, were found in their
possession.
Following their arrests, a former bondsman in Boston made frequent trips
to Towanda in an unsuccessful effort to secure their release on bail. On
September 8, 1950, O'Keefe was sentenced to three years in the Bradford
County Jail at Towanda and fined $3,000 for violation of the Uniform
Firearms Act. Although Gusciora was acquitted of the charges against him
in Towanda, he was removed to McKean County, Pennsylvania, to stand trial
for burglary, larceny, and receiving stolen goods. On October 11, 1950,
Gusciora was sentenced to serve from five to twenty years in the Western
Pennsylvania Penitentiary at Pittsburgh.
Even after these convictions, O'Keefe and Gusciora continued to seek their
release. Between 1950 and 1954, the underworld occasionally rumbled with
rumors that pressure was being exerted upon Boston hoodlums to contribute
money for these criminals' legal fight against the charges in
Pennsylvania. The names of Pino, McGinnis, Adolph "Jazz" Maffie, and Henry
Baker were frequently mentioned in these rumors; and it was said that they
had been with O'Keefe on "the Big Job."
Despite the lack of evidence and witnesses upon which court proceedings
could be based, as the investigation progressed there was little doubt
that O'Keefe had been one of the central figures in the Brink's robbery.
Pino also was linked with the robbery, and there was every reason to
suspect that O'Keefe felt Pino was turning his back on him now that
O'Keefe was in jail.
Both O'Keefe and Gusciora had been interviewed on several occasions
concerning the Brink's robbery, but they had claimed complete ignorance.
In the hope that a wide breach might have developed between the two
criminals who were in jail in Pennsylvania and the gang members who were
enjoying the luxuries of a free life in Massachusetts, FBI Agents again
visited Gusciora and O'Keefe. Even in their jail cells, however, they
showed no respect for law enforcement.
In pursuing the underworld rumors concerning the principal suspects in the
Brink's case, the FBI succeeded in identifying more probable members of
the gang. There was Adolph "Jazz" Maffie, one of the hoodlums who
allegedly was being "pressured" to contribute money for the legal battle
of O'Keefe and Gusciora against Pennsylvania authorities. He had been
questioned concerning his whereabouts on January 17, 1950, and was unable
to provide any specific account of where he had been.
Henry Baker, another veteran criminal who was rumored to be "kicking in to
the Pennsylvania defense fund," had spent a number of years of his adult
life in prison. He had been released on parole from the Norfolk,
Massachusetts, Prison Colony on August 22, 1949--only five months before
the robbery. At the Prison Colony, Baker was serving two concurrent terms
of four to ten years, imposed in 1944 for "breaking and entering and
larceny" and for "possession of burglar tools." At the time of Baker's
release in 1949, Pino was on hand to drive him back to Boston.
Questioned by Boston police on the day following the robbery, Baker
claimed that he had eaten dinner with his family on the evening of January
17, 1950, and then left home at about 7:00 p.m. to walk around the
neighborhood for about two hours. Since he claimed to have met no one and
to have stopped nowhere during his walk, he actually could have been doing
anything between 7:00 and 9:00 on the night of the crime.
Prominent among the other strong suspects was Vincent James Costa, brother-
in-law of Pino. Costa was associated with Pino in the operation of a motor
terminal and a lottery in Boston. He had been convicted of armed robbery
in 1940 and served several months in the Massachusetts State Reformatory
and the Norfolk, Massachusetts, Prison Colony. Costa claimed that after
working at the motor terminal until approximately 5:00 p.m. on January 17,
1950, he had gone home to eat dinner; then, at approximately 7:00 p.m., he
left to return to the terminal and worked until about 9:00 p.m.
The FBI's analysis of the alibis offered by the suspects showed that the
hour of 7:00 p.m. on January 17, 1950, was frequently mentioned. O'Keefe
had left his hotel at approximately 7:00 p.m. Pino and Baker separately
decided to go out at 7:00 p.m. Costa started back to the motor terminal at
about 7:00 p.m. Other principal suspects were not able to provide very
convincing accounts of their activities that evening. Since the robbery
had taken place between approximately 7:10 and 7:27 p.m., it was quite
probable that a gang - as well drilled as the Brink's robbers obviously
were - would have arranged to rendezvous at a specific time. By fixing
this time as close as possible to the minute at which the robbery was to
begin, the robbers would have alibis to cover their activities up to the
final moment.
Grand Jury Hearings
Any doubts which the Brink's gang had that the FBI was on the right track
in its investigation were allayed when the Federal Grand Jury began
hearings in Boston on November 25, 1952, concerning this crime. The FBI's
jurisdiction to investigate this robbery was based upon the fact that
cash, checks, postal notes, and United States money orders of the Federal
Reserve Bank and the Veterans Administration district office in Boston
were included in the loot. After nearly three years of investigation, the
Government hoped that witnesses or participants who had remained mute for
so long a period of time might "find their tongues" before the Grand Jury.
Unfortunately, this proved to be an idle hope.
After completing its hearings on January 9, 1953, the Grand Jury retired
to weigh the evidence. In a report which was released on January 16, 1953,
the Grand Jury disclosed that its members did not feel they possessed
complete, positive information as to the identify of the participants in
the Brink's robbery because (1) the participants were effectively
disguised; (2) there was a lack of eyewitnesses to the crime itself; and
(3) certain witnesses refused to give testimony, and the Grand Jury was
unable to compel them to do so.
Ten of the persons who appeared before this Grand Jury breathed much more
easily when they learned that no indictments had been returned. Three
years later, almost to the day, these ten men, together with another
criminal, were to be indicted by a state Grand Jury in Boston for the
Brink's robbery. Following the Federal Grand Jury hearings, the FBI's
intense investigation continued. J. Edgar Hoover and his men were
convinced that they had identified the actual robbers, but evidence and
witnesses had to be found.
Pino's Deportation Troubles
While O'Keefe and Gusciora lingered in jail in Pennsylvania, Pino
encountered difficulties of his own. Born in Italy in 1907, Pino was a
very young child when he entered the United States. But he never became a
naturalized citizen. Due to his criminal record, the Immigration and
Naturalization Service instituted proceedings in 1941 to deport him. This
occurred while he was in the state prison at Charlestown, Massachusetts,
serving sentences for breaking and entering with intent to commit a felony
and for having burglar tools in his possession.
That prison term, together with Pino's conviction in March, 1928, for
carnal abuse of a girl, provided the basis for the deportation action.
Pino determined to fight against deportation. In the late Summer of 1944,
he was released from the state prison and was taken into custody by
Immigration authorities. During the preceding year, however, he had filed
a petition for pardon in the hope of removing one of the criminal
convictions from his record.
In September, 1949, Pino's efforts to evade deportation met with success.
He was granted a full pardon by the Acting Governor of Massachusetts. The
pardon meant that his record no longer contained the second conviction;
thus, the Immigration and Naturalization Service no longer had grounds to
deport him.
On January 10, 1953, following his appearance before the Federal Grand
Jury in connection with the Brink's case, Pino was taken into custody
again as a deportable alien. The new proceedings were based upon the fact
that Pino had been arrested in December, 1948, for a larceny involving
less than $100. He received a one-year sentence for this offense; however,
on January 30, 1950, the sentence was revoked and the case was "placed on
file."
On January 12, 1953, Pino was released on bail pending a deportation
hearing. Again, he determined to fight, using the argument that his
conviction for the 1948 larceny offense was not a basis for deportation.
After surrendering himself in December, 1953, in compliance with an
Immigration and Naturalization Service order, he began an additional
battle to win release from custody while his case was being argued. Adding
to these problems was the constant pressure being exerted upon Pino by
O'Keefe from the county jail in Towanda, Pennsylvania.
In the deportation fight which lasted more than two years, Pino won the
final victory. His case had gone to the highest court in the land. On
April 11, 1955, the Supreme Court ruled that Pino's conviction in 1948 for
larceny (the sentence which was revoked and the case "placed on file") had
not "attained such finality as to support an order of deportation...."
Thus, Pino could not be deported.
During the period in which Pino's deportation troubles were mounting,
O'Keefe completed his sentence at Towanda, Pennsylvania. Released to
McKean County, Pennsylvania, authorities early in January, 1954, to stand
trial for burglary, larceny, and receiving stolen goods, O'Keefe also was
confronted with a detainer filed by Massachusetts authorities. The
detainer involved O'Keefe's violation of probation in connection with a
conviction in 1945 for carrying concealed weapons.
Before his trial in McKean County, he was released on $17,000 bond. While
on bond he returned to Boston; and on January 23, 1954, he appeared in the
Boston Municipal Court on the probation violation charge. When this case
was continued until April 1, 1954, O'Keefe was released on $1,500 bond.
During his brief stay in Boston, he was observed to contact other members
of the robbery gang. He needed money for his defense against the charges
in McKean County, and it was obvious that he had developed a bitter
attitude toward a number of his close underworld associates.
Returning to Pennsylvania in February, 1954, to stand trial, O'Keefe was
found guilty of burglary by the state court in McKean County on March 4,
1954. An appeal was promptly noted, and he was released on $15,000 bond.
O'Keefe immediately returned to Boston to await the results of the appeal.
Within two months of his return, another member of the gang suffered a
legal setback. "Jazz" Maffie was convicted of Federal income tax evasion
and began serving a nine-month sentence in the Federal Penitentiary at
Danbury, Connecticut, in June, 1954.
Hatred and Dissension Increase
Underworld rumors alleged that Maffie and Henry Baker were "high on
O'Keefe's list" because they had "beaten him out of" a large amount of
money. If Baker heard these rumors, he did not wait around very long to
see whether they were true. Soon after O'Keefe's return in March, 1954,
Baker and his wife left Boston on a "vacation."
O'Keefe paid his "respects" to other members of the Brink's gang in Boston
on several occasions in the Spring of 1954, and it was obvious to the
Special Agents handling the investigation that he was trying to solicit
money. He was so cold and persistent in these dealings with his co-
conspirators that the Agents hoped he might be attempting to obtain a
large sum of money--perhaps his share of the Brink's loot.
During these weeks, O'Keefe renewed his association with a Boston
racketeer who had actively solicited funds for the defense of O'Keefe and
Gusciora in 1950. Soon the underworld rang with startling news concerning
this pair. It was reported that on May 18, 1954, O'Keefe and his racketeer
associate took Vincent Costa to a hotel room and held him for several
thousand dollars' ransom. Allegedly, other members of the Brink's gang
arranged for O'Keefe to be paid a small part of the ransom he demanded,
and Costa was released on May 20, 1954.
Special Agents subsequently interviewed Costa and his wife, Pino and his
wife, the racketeer, and O'Keefe. All denied any knowledge of the alleged
incident. Nonetheless, several members of the Brink's gang were visibly
shaken and appeared to be abnormally worried during the latter part of May
and early in June,1954.
Two weeks of comparative quiet in the gang members' lives were shattered
on June 5, 1954, when an attempt was made on O'Keefe's life. The Boston
underworld rumbled with reports that an automobile had pulled alongside
O'Keefe's car in Dorchester, Massachusetts, during the early morning hours
of June 5. Apparently suspicious, O'Keefe crouched low in the front seat
of his car as the would-be assassins fired bullets which pierced the
windshield.
A second shooting incident occurred on the morning of June 14, 1954, in
Dorchester, Massachusetts, when O'Keefe and his racketeer friend paid a
visit to Baker. By this time, Baker was suffering from a bad case of
nerves. Allegedly, he pulled a gun on O'Keefe; several shots were
exchanged by the two men, but none of the bullets found their mark. Baker
fled and the brief meeting adjourned.
A third attempt on O'Keefe's life was made on June 16, 1954. This incident
also took place in Dorchester and involved the firing of more than 30
shots. O'Keefe was wounded in the wrist and chest, but again he managed to
escape with his life. Police who arrived to investigate found a large
amount of blood, a man's shattered wrist watch, and a .45 caliber pistol
at the scene. Five bullets which had missed their mark were found in a
building nearby.
On June 17, 1954, the Boston police arrested Elmer "Trigger" Burke and
charged him with possession of a machine gun. Subsequently, this machine
gun was identified as having been used in the attempt on O'Keefe's life.
Burke, a professional killer, allegedly had been hired by underworld
associates of O'Keefe to assassinate him.
After being wounded on June 16, O'Keefe disappeared. On August 1, 1954, he
was arrested at Leicester, Massachusetts, and turned over to the Boston
police who held him for violating probation on a gun-carrying charge.
O'Keefe was sentenced on August 5, 1954, to serve 27 months in prison. As
a protective measure, he was incarcerated in the Hampden County Jail at
Springfield, Massachusetts, rather than the Suffolk County Jail in Boston.
O'Keefe's racketeer associate, who allegedly had assisted him in holding
Costa for ransom and was present during the shooting scrape between
O'Keefe and Baker, disappeared on August 3, 1954. The missing racketeer's
automobile was found near his home; however, his whereabouts remain a
mystery. Underworld figures in Boston have generally speculated that the
racketeer was killed because of his association with O'Keefe.
Other members of the robbery gang also were having their troubles. There
was James Ignatius Faherty, an armed robbery specialist whose name had
been mentioned in underworld conversations in January, 1950, concerning a
"score" on which the gang members used binoculars to watch their intended
victims count large sums of money. Faherty had been questioned on the
night of the robbery. He claimed he had been drinking in various taverns
from approximately 5:10 p.m. until 7:45 p.m. Some persons claimed to have
seen him. Continuous investigation, however, had linked him with the gang.
In 1936 and 1937, Faherty was convicted of armed robbery violations. He
was paroled in the Fall of 1944, and remained on parole through March,
1954, when "misfortune" befell him. Due to unsatisfactory conduct,
drunkenness, refusal to seek employment, and association with known
criminals, his parole was revoked and he was returned to the Massachusetts
State Prison. Seven months later, however, he was again paroled.
McGinnis had been arrested at the site of a still in New Hampshire in
February, 1954. Charged with unlawful possession of liquor distillery
equipment and violation of Internal Revenue laws, he had many headaches
during the period in which O'Keefe was giving so much trouble to the gang.
(McGinnis' trial in March, 1955, on the liquor charge, resulted in a
sentence to 30 days' imprisonment and a fine of $1,000. In the Fall of
1955, an upper court overruled the conviction on the grounds that the
search and seizure of the still were illegal.)
Joseph Sylvester Banfield
Adolph Maffie, who had been convicted of income tax violation in June,
1954, was released from the Federal Corrections Institution at Danbury,
Connecticut, on January 30, 1955. Two days before Maffie's release,
another strong suspect died of natural causes. There were recurring rumors
that this hoodlum, Joseph Sylvester Banfield, had been "right down there"
on the night of the crime. Banfield had been a close associate of McGinnis
for many years. Although he had been known to carry a gun, burglary--
rather than armed robbery--was his criminal specialty; and his exceptional
driving skill was an invaluable asset during criminal getaways.
Like the others, Banfield had been questioned concerning his activities on
the night of January 17, 1950. He was not able to provide a specific
account, claiming that he became drunk on New Year's Eve and remained
intoxicated through the entire month of January. One of his former girl
friends who recalled having seen him on the night of the robbery stated
that he definitely was not drunk.
Even Pino, whose deportation troubles then were a heavy burden, was
arrested by the Boston police in August, 1954. On the afternoon of August
28, 1954, "Trigger" Burke escaped from the Suffolk County Jail in Boston,
where he was being held on the gun-possession charge arising from the June
16 shooting of O'Keefe. During the regular exercise period, Burke
separated himself from the other prisoners and moved toward a heavy steel
door leading to the solitary confinement section. As a guard moved to
intercept him, Burke started to run. The door opened, and an armed masked
man wearing a prison guard-type uniform commanded the guard, "Back up, or
I'll blow your brains out." Burke and the armed man disappeared through
the door and fled in an automobile parked nearby.
An automobile identified as the car used in the escape was located near a
Boston hospital, and police officers concealed themselves in the area. On
August 29, 1954, the officers' suspicions were aroused by an automobile
which circled the general vicinity of the abandoned car on five occasions.
This vehicle was traced through motor vehicle records to Pino. On August
30, he was taken into custody as a suspicious person. Pino admitted having
been in the area, claiming that he was looking for a parking place so that
he could visit a relative in the hospital. After denying any knowledge of
the escape of "Trigger" Burke, Pino was released. (Burke was arrested by
FBI Agents at Folly Beach, South Carolina, on August 27, 1955, and
returned to New York to face murder charges which were outstanding against
him there. He subsequently was convicted and executed.)
O'Keefe Confesses
Despite the fact that substantial amounts of money were being spent by
members of the robbery gang during 1954, in defending themselves against
legal proceedings alone, the year ended without the location of any bills
identifiable as part of the Brink's loot. In addition, although violent
dissension had developed within the gang, there still was no indication
that any of the men were ready to "talk." Based on the available
information, however, the FBI felt that O'Keefe's disgust was reaching the
point where it was possible he would turn against his confederates.
During an interview with him in the jail in Springfield, Massachusetts, in
October,1954, Special Agents found that the plight of the missing Boston
racketeer was weighing on O'Keefe's mind. In December, 1954, he indicated
to the Agents that Pino could look for rough treatment if he (O'Keefe)
again was released.
From his cell in Springfield, O'Keefe wrote bitter letters to members of
the Brink's gang and persisted in his demands for money. The conviction
for burglary in McKean County, Pennsylvania, still hung over his head, and
legal fees remained to be paid. During 1955, O'Keefe carefully pondered
his position. It appeared to him that he would spend his remaining days in
prison while his co-conspirators would have many years to enjoy the
luxuries of life. Even if released, he thought, his days were numbered.
There had been three attempts on his life in June, 1954, and his
frustrated assassins undoubtedly were waiting for him to return to Boston.
Evidently resigned to long years in prison or a short life on the outside,
O'Keefe grew increasingly bitter toward his old associates. Through long
weeks of empty promises of assistance and deliberate stalling by the gang
members, he began to realize that his threats were falling on deaf ears.
As long as he was in prison, he could do no physical harm to his Boston
criminal associates. And the gang felt that the chances of his "talking"
were negligible because he would be implicated in the Brink's robbery
along with the others.
Two days after Christmas of 1955, FBI Agents paid another visit to
O'Keefe. After a period of hostility, he began to display a friendly
attitude. Interviewed again on December 28, 1955, he talked somewhat more
freely, and it was obvious that the Agents were gradually winning his
respect and confidence.
At 4:20 p.m. on January 6, 1956, O'Keefe made the final decision. He was
through with Pino, Baker, McGinnis, Maffie, and the other Brink's
conspirators who had turned against him. "All right," he told two FBI
Agents, "what do you want to know?"
In a series of interviews during the succeeding days, O'Keefe related the
full story of the Brink's robbery. After each interview, FBI Agents worked
feverishly into the night checking all parts of his story which were
subject to verification. Many of the details had previously been obtained
during the intense six-year investigation. Other information provided by
O'Keefe helped to fill the gaps which still existed.
The following is a brief account of the data which O'Keefe provided the
Special Agents in January, 1956:
Although basically the "brain child" of Pino, the Brink's robbery was the
product of the combined thought and criminal experience of men who had
known each other for many years. Serious consideration originally had been
given to robbing Brink's in 1947, when Brink's was located on Federal
Street in Boston. At that time, Pino approached O'Keefe and asked if he
wanted to be "in on the score." His close associate, Stanley Gusciora, had
previously been recruited, and O'Keefe agreed to take part. The gang at
that time included all of the participants in the January 17, 1950,
robbery except Henry Baker. Their plan was to enter the Brink's building
and take a truck containing payrolls. Many problems and dangers were
involved in such a robbery, and the plans never crystallized.
In December, 1948, Brink's moved from Federal Street to 165 Prince Street
in Boston. Almost immediately, the gang began laying new plans. The roofs
of buildings on Prince and Snow Hill Streets soon were alive with
inconspicuous activity as the gang looked for the most advantageous sites
from which to observe what transpired inside Brink's offices. Binoculars
were used in this phase of the "casing" operation.
Before the robbery was carried out, all the participants were well
acquainted with the Brink's premises. Each of them had surreptitiously
entered the premises on several occasions after the employees had left for
the day. During their forays inside the building, members of the gang took
the lock cylinders from five doors, including the one opening onto Prince
Street. While some gang members remained in the building to ensure that no
one detected the operation, other members quickly obtained keys to fit the
locks. Then the lock cylinders were replaced. (Investigation to
substantiate this information resulted in the location of the proprietor
of a key shop who recalled making keys for Pino on at least four or five
evenings in the Fall of 1949. Pino previously had arranged for this man to
keep his shop open beyond the normal closing time on nights when Pino
requested him to do so. Pino would take the locks to the man's shop, and
keys would be made for them. This man subsequently identified locks from
doors which the Brink's gang had entered as being similar to the locks
which Pino had brought him. This man claimed to have no knowledge of
Pino's involvement in the Brink's robbery.)
Each of the five lock cylinders was taken on a separate occasion. The
removal of the lock cylinder from the outside door involved the greatest
risk of detection. A passerby might notice that it was missing.
Accordingly, another lock cylinder was installed until the original one
was returned.
Inside the building, the gang members carefully studied all available
information concerning Brink's schedules and shipments. The "casing"
operation was so thorough that the criminals could determine the type of
activity taking place in the Brink's offices by observing the lights
inside the building, and they knew the number of personnel on duty at
various hours of the day.
A few months prior to the robbery, O'Keefe and Gusciora surreptitiously
entered the premises of a protective alarm company in Boston and obtained
a copy of the protective plans for the Brink's building. After these plans
were reviewed and found to be unhelpful, O'Keefe and Gusciora returned
them in the same manner. McGinnis previously had discussed sending a man
to the United States Patent Office in Washington, D.C., to inspect the
patents on the protective alarms used in the Brink's building.
Considerable thought was given to every detail. When the robbers decided
that they needed a truck, it was resolved that a new one must be stolen
because a used truck might have distinguishing marks and possibly would
not be in perfect running condition. Shortly thereafter--during the first
week of November--a 1949 green Ford stake-body truck was reported missing
by a car dealer in Boston.
During November and December, 1949, the approach to the Brink's building
and the flight over the "getaway" route were practiced to perfection. The
month preceding January 17, 1950, witnessed approximately a half-dozen
approaches to Brink's. None of these materialized because the gang did not
consider the conditions to be favorable.
During these approaches, Costa--equipped with a flashlight for signalling
the other men--was stationed on the roof of a tenement building on Prince
Street overlooking Brink's. From this "lookout" post, Costa was in a
position to determine better than the men below whether conditions inside
the building were favorable to the robbers.
The last "false" approach took place on January 16, 1950--the night before
the robbery.
Michael Vincent Geagon
At approximately 7:00 p.m. on January 17, 1950, members of the gang met in
the Roxbury section of Boston and entered the rear of the Ford stake-body
truck. Banfield, the driver, was alone in the front. In the back were
Pino, O'Keefe, Baker, Faherty, Maffie, Gusciora, Michael Vincent Geagan,
and Thomas Francis Richardson. (Geagan and Richardson, known associates of
other members of the gang, were among the early suspects. At the time of
the Brink's robbery, Geagan was on parole, having been released from
prison in July, 1943, after serving eight years of a lengthy sentence for
armed robbery and assault. Richardson had participated with Faherty in an
armed robbery in February, 1934. Sentenced to serve from five to seven
years for this offense, he was released from prison in September, 1941.
When questioned concerning his activities on the night of January 17,
1950, Richardson claimed that after unsuccessfully looking for work he had
several drinks and then returned home. Geagan claimed that he spent the
evening at home and did not learn of the Brink's robbery until the
following day. Investigation revealed that Geagan, a laborer, had not gone
to work on January 17 or 18, 1950.)
During the trip from Roxbury, Pino distributed Navy-type peacoats and
chauffeur's caps to the other seven men in the rear of the truck. Each man
also was given a pistol and a Halloween-type mask. Each carried a pair of
gloves. O'Keefe wore crepe-soled shoes to muffle his footsteps; the others
wore rubbers.
As the truck drove past the Brink's offices, the robbers noted that the
lights were out on the Prince Street side of the building. This was in
their favor. After continuing up the street to the end of the playground
which adjoined the Brink's building, the truck stopped. All but Pino and
Banfield stepped out and proceeded into the playground to await Costa's
signal. (Costa, who was at his "lookout" post, previously had arrived in a
Ford sedan which the gang had stolen from behind the Boston Symphony Hall
two days earlier.)
After receiving the "go ahead" signal from Costa, the seven armed men
walked to the Prince Street entrance of Brink's. Using the outside door
key they had previously obtained, the men quickly entered and donned their
masks. The other keys in their possession enabled them to proceed to the
second floor where they took the five Brink's employees by surprise.
When the employees were securely bound and gagged, the robbers began
looting the premises. During this operation, a pair of glasses belonging
to one of the employees was unconsciously scooped up with other items and
stuffed into a bag of loot. As this bag was being emptied later that
evening, the glasses were discovered and destroyed by the gang.
The robbers' carefully planned routine inside Brink's was interrupted only
when the attendant in the adjoining Brink's garage sounded the buzzer.
Before the robbers could take him prisoner, the garage attendant walked
away. Although the attendant did not suspect that the robbery was taking
place, this incident caused the criminals to move more swiftly.
Before fleeing with the bags of loot, the seven armed men attempted to
open a metal box containing the payroll of the General Electric Company.
They had brought no tools with them, however, and were unsuccessful.
Immediately upon leaving, the gang loaded the loot into the truck which
was parked on Prince Street near the door. As the truck sped away with
nine members of the gang--and Costa departed in the stolen Ford sedan--the
Brink's employees worked themselves free and reported the crime.
Banfield drove the truck to the house of Maffie's parents in Roxbury. The
loot was quickly unloaded, and Banfield sped away to hide the truck.
(Geagan, who was on parole at the time, left the truck before it arrived
at the home in Roxbury where the loot was unloaded. He was certain he
would be considered a strong suspect and wanted to begin establishing an
alibi immediately.) While the others stayed at the house to make a quick
count of the loot, Pino and Faherty departed.
Approximately one and one-half hours later, Banfield returned with
McGinnis. Prior to this time, McGinnis had been at his liquor store. He
was not with the gang when the robbery took place.
The gang members who remained at the house of Maffie's parents soon
dispersed to establish alibis for themselves. Before they left, however,
approximately $380,000 was placed in a coal hamper and removed by Baker
for security reasons. Pino, Richardson, and Costa each took $20,000, and
this was noted on a score sheet.
Before removing the remainder of the loot from the house on January 18,
1950, the gang members attempted to identify incriminating items.
Extensive efforts were made to detect pencil markings and other notations
on the currency which the criminals thought might be traceable to Brink's.
Even fearing the new bills might be linked with the crime, McGinnis
suggested a process for "aging" the new money "in a hurry."
On the night of January 18, 1950, O'Keefe and Gusciora received $100,000
each from the robbery loot. They put the entire $200,000 in the trunk of
O'Keefe's automobile. Subsequently, O'Keefe left his car--and the $200,
000--in a garage on Blue Hill Avenue in Boston.
During the period immediately following the Brink's robbery, "the heat"
was on O'Keefe and Gusciora. Thus, when he and Gusciora were taken into
custody by state authorities during the latter part of January, 1950,
O'Keefe got word to McGinnis to recover his car and the $200,000 which it
contained.
A few weeks later, O'Keefe retrieved his share of the loot. It was given
to him in a suitcase which was transferred to his car from an automobile
occupied by McGinnis and Banfield. Later, when he counted the money, he
found that the suitcase contained $98,000. He had been "short changed" $2,
000.
O'Keefe had no place to keep so large a sum of money. He told the
interviewing Agents that he trusted Maffie so implicitly that he gave the
money to him for safe keeping. Except for $5,000 which he took before
placing the loot in Maffie's care, O'Keefe angrily stated, he was never to
see his share of the Brink's money again. While Maffie claimed that part
of the money had been stolen from its hiding place and that the remainder
had been spent in financing O'Keefe's legal defense in Pennsylvania, other
gang members accused Maffie of "blowing" the money O'Keefe had entrusted
to his care.
O'Keefe was bitter about a number of matters. First, there was the money.
Then, there was the fact that so much "dead wood" was included--McGinnis,
Banfield, Costa, and Pino were not in the building when the robbery took
place. O'Keefe was enraged that the pieces of the stolen Ford truck had
been placed on the dump near his home, and he generally regretted having
become associated at all with several members of the gang.
Before the robbery was committed, the participants had agreed that if
anyone "muffed," he would be "taken care of." O'Keefe felt that most of
the gang members had "muffed." Talking to the FBI was his way of "taking
care of" them all.
Arrests and Indictments
On January 11, 1956, the United States Attorney at Boston authorized
Special Agents of the FBI to file complaints charging the 11 criminals
with (1) conspiracy to commit theft of Government property, robbery of
Government property, and bank robbery by force and violence and by
intimidation, (2) committing bank robbery on January 17, 1950, and
committing an assault on Brink's employees during the taking of the money,
and (3) conspiracy to receive and conceal money in violation of the Bank
Robbery and Theft of Government Property Statutes. In addition, McGinnis
was named in two other complaints involving the receiving and concealing
of the loot.
Six members of the gang--Baker, Costa, Geagan, Maffie, McGinnis, and Pino--
were arrested by FBI Agents on January 12, 1956. They were held in lieu of
bail which, for each man, amounted to more then $100,000.
Three of the remaining five gang members were previously accounted for,
O'Keefe and Gusciora being in prison on other charges and Banfield being
dead. Faherty and Richardson fled to avoid apprehension and subsequently
were placed on the list of the FBI's "Ten Most Wanted Fugitives." Their
success in evading arrest ended abruptly on May 16, 1956, when FBI Agents
raided the apartment in which they were hiding in Dorchester,
Massachusetts. At the time of their arrest, Faherty and Richardson were
rushing for three loaded revolvers which they had left on a chair in the
bathroom of the apartment. The hideout also was found to contain more than
$5,000 in coins. (The arrests of Faherty and Richardson also resulted in
the indictment of another Boston hoodlum, as an accessory after the fact).
As a cooperative measure, the information gathered by the FBI in the
Brink's investigation was made available to the District Attorney of
Suffolk County, Massachusetts. On January 13, 1956, the Suffolk County
Grand Jury returned indictments against the 11 members of the Brink's
gang. O'Keefe was the principal witness to appear before the state grand
jurors.
Part of the Loot Recovered
Despite the arrests and indictments in January, 1956, more than $2,775,
000, including $1,218,211.29 in cash, was still missing. O'Keefe did not
know where the gang members had hidden their shares of the loot--or where
they had disposed of the money if, in fact, they had disposed of their
shares. The other gang members would not talk.
Early in June, 1956, however, an unexpected "break" developed. At
approximately 7:30 p.m. on June 3, 1956, an officer of the Baltimore,
Maryland, Police Department was approached by the operator of an amusement
arcade. "I think a fellow just passed a counterfeit $10.00 bill on me," he
told the officer.
In examining the bill, a Federal Reserve note, the officer observed that
it was in musty condition. The amusement arcade operator told the officer
that he had followed the man who passed this $10.00 bill to a nearby
tavern. This man, subsequently identified as a small-time Boston
underworld figure, was located and questioned. While the officer and
amusement arcade operator were talking to him, the hoodlum reached into
his pocket, quickly withdrew his hand again and covered his hand with a
raincoat he was carrying. Two other Baltimore police officers who were
walking along the street nearby noted this maneuver. One of these officers
quickly grabbed the criminal's hand, and a large roll of money fell from
it.
The hoodlum was taken to police headquarters where a search of his person
disclosed he was carrying more than $1,000, including $860 in musty, worn
bills. A Secret Service agent, who had been summoned by the Baltimore
officers, arrived while the criminal was being questioned at the police
headquarters; and after examining the money found in the bill changer's
possession, he certified that it was not counterfeit.
This underworld character told the officers that he had found this money.
He claimed there was a large roll of bills in his hotel room--and that he
had found that money, too. The criminal explained that he was in the
contracting business in Boston and that in late March or early April,
1956, he stumbled upon a plastic bag containing this money while he was
working on the foundation of a house.
A search of the hoodlum's room in a Baltimore hotel (registered to him
under an assumed name) resulted in the location of $3,780 which the
officers took to police headquarters. At approximately 9:50 p.m., the
details of this incident were furnished to the Baltimore Field Office of
the FBI. Much of the money taken from the money changer appeared to have
been stored a long time. The serial numbers of several of these bills were
furnished to the FBI Office in Baltimore. They were checked against serial
numbers of bills known to have been included in the Brink's loot, and it
was determined that the Boston criminal possessed part of the money which
had been dragged away by the seven masked gunmen on January 17, 1950.
Of the $4,822 found in the small-time criminal's possession, FBI Agents
identified $4,635 as money taken by the Brink's robbers. Interviews with
him on June 3 and 4, 1956, disclosed that this 31-year-old hoodlum had a
record of arrests and convictions dating back to his "teens" and that he
had been conditionally released from a Federal prison camp less than a
year before--having served slightly more than two years of a three-year
sentence for transporting a falsely made security interstate. At the time
of his arrest, there also was a charge of armed robbery outstanding
against him in Massachusetts.
During questioning by the FBI, the money changer stated that he was in
business as a mason contractor with another man on Tremont Street in
Boston. He advised that he and his associate shared office space with an
individual known to him only as "Fat John." According to the Boston
hoodlum, on the night of June 1, 1956, "Fat John" asked him to rip a panel
from a section of the wall in the office; and when the panel was removed,
"Fat John" reached into the opening and removed the cover from a metal
container. Inside this container were packages of bills which had been
wrapped in plastic and newspapers. "Fat John" announced that each of the
packages contained $5,000. "This is good money," he said, "but you can't
pass it around here in Boston."
According to the criminal who was arrested in Baltimore, "Fat John"
subsequently told him that the money was part of the Brink's loot and
offered him $5,000 if he would "pass" $30,000 of the bills.
The Boston hoodlum told FBI Agents in Baltimore that he accepted six of
the packages of money from "Fat John." The following day (June 2, 1956),
he left Massachusetts with $4,750 of these bills and began passing them.
He arrived in Baltimore on the morning of June 3 and was picked up by the
Baltimore Police Department that evening.
The full details of this important development were immediately furnished
to the FBI Office in Boston. "Fat John" and the business associate of the
man arrested in Baltimore were located and interviewed on the morning of
June 4, 1956. Both denied knowledge of the loot which had been recovered.
That same afternoon (following the admission that "Fat John" had produced
the money and had described it as proceeds from the Brink's robbery), a
search warrant was executed in Boston covering the Tremont Street offices
occupied by the three men. The wall partition described by the Boston
criminal was located in "Fat John's" office, and when the partition was
removed, a picnic-type cooler was found. This cooler contained more than
$57,700, including $51,906 which was identifiable as part of the Brink's
loot.
The discovery of this money in the Tremont Street offices resulted in the
arrests of both "Fat John" and the business associate of the criminal who
had been arrested in Baltimore. Both men remained mute following their
arrests. On June 5 and June 7, the Suffolk County Grand Jury returned
indictments against the three men--charging them with several state
offenses involving their possessing money obtained in the Brink's robbery.
(Following pleas of guilty in November, 1956, "Fat John" received a two-
year sentence, and the other two men were sentenced to serve one year's
imprisonment.)
(After serving his sentence, "Fat John" resumed a life of crime. On June
19, 1958, while out on appeal in connection with a five-year narcotics
sentence, he was found shot to death in an automobile which had crashed
into a truck in Boston.)
The money inside the cooler which was concealed in the wall of the Tremont
Street office was wrapped in plastic and newspaper. Three of the
newspapers used to wrap the bills were identified. All had been published
in Boston between December 4, 1955, and February 21, 1956. The FBI also
succeeded in locating the carpenter who had remodeled the offices where
the loot was hidden. His records showed that he had worked on the offices
early in April, 1956, under instructions of "Fat John." The loot could not
have been hidden behind the wall panel prior to that time.
Because the money in the cooler was in various stages of decomposition, an
accurate count proved most difficult to make. Some of the bills were in
pieces. Others fell apart as they were handled. Examination by the FBI
Laboratory subsequently disclosed that the decomposition, discoloration,
and matting together of the bills were due, at least in part, to the fact
that all of the bills had been wet. It was positively concluded that the
packages of currency had been damaged prior to the time they were wrapped
in the pieces of newspaper; and there were indications that the bills
previously had been in a canvas container which was buried in ground
consisting of sand and ashes. In addition to mold, insect remains also
were found on the loot.
Even with the recovery of this money in Baltimore and Boston, more than $1,
150,000 of currency taken in the Brink's robbery remained unaccounted for.
Death of Gusciora
The recovery of part of the loot was a severe blow to the gang members who
still awaited trial in Boston. Had any particles of evidence been found in
the loot which might directly show that they had handled it? This was a
question which preyed heavily upon their minds.
In July, 1956, another significant turn of events took place. Stanley
Gusciora, who had been transferred to Massachusetts from Pennsylvania to
stand trial, was placed under medical care due to weakness, dizziness, and
vomiting. On the afternoon of July 9, he was visited by a clergyman.
During this visit, Gusciora got up from his bed, and, in full view of the
clergyman, slipped to the floor, striking his head. Two hours later he was
dead. Examination revealed the cause of his death to be a brain tumor and
acute cerebral edema.
O'Keefe and Gusciora had been close friends for many years. When O'Keefe
admitted his part in the Brink's robbery to FBI Agents in January, 1956,
he told of his high regard for Gusciora. As a Government witness, he
reluctantly would have testified against him. Gusciora now had passed
beyond the reach of all human authority; and O'Keefe was all the more
determined to see that justice would be done.
Trial of Remaining Defendants
With the death of Gusciora, only eight members of the Brink's gang
remained to be tried. (On January 18, 1956, O'Keefe had pleaded guilty to
the armed robbery of Brink's.) The trial of these eight men began on the
morning of August 6, 1956, before Judge Feliz Forte in the Suffolk County
Courthouse in Boston. The defense immediately filed motions which would
delay or prevent the trial. All were denied, and the impaneling of the
jury was begun on August 7.
In the succeeding two weeks, nearly 1,200 prospective jurors were
eliminated as the defense counsel used their 262 peremptory challenges.
Another week passed--and approximately 500 more citizens were considered--
before the 14-member jury was assembled.
More than 100 persons took the stand as witnesses for the prosecution and
the defense during September, 1956. The most important of these, "Specs"
O'Keefe, carefully recited the details of the crime, clearly spelling out
the role played by each of the eight defendants.
At 10:25 p.m. on October 5, 1956, the jury retired to weigh the evidence.
Three and one-half hours later, the verdict had been reached. All were
guilty.
The eight men were sentenced by Judge Forte on October 9, 1956, Pino,
Costa, Maffie, Geagan, Faherty, Richardson, and Baker received life
sentences for robbery, two-year sentences for conspiracy to steal, and
sentences of 8 years to 10 years for breaking and entering at night.
McGinnis, who had not been at the scene on the night of the robbery,
received a life sentence on each of eight indictments which charged him
with being an accessory before the fact in connection with the Brink's
robbery. In addition, McGinnis received other sentences of two years, two
and one-half to three years, and eight to ten years.
While action to appeal the convictions was being taken on their behalf,
the eight men were removed to the State prison at Walpole, Massachusetts.
From their prison cells, they carefully followed the legal maneuvers aimed
at gaining them freedom.
The record of the state trial covered more than 5,300 pages. It was used
by the defense counsel in preparing a 294-page brief which was presented
to the Massachusetts State Supreme Court. After weighing the arguments
presented by the attorneys for the eight convicted criminals, the State
Supreme Court turned down the appeals on July 1, 1959, in a 35-page
decision written by the Chief Justice.
On November 16, 1959, the United States Supreme Court denied a request of
the defense counsel for a writ of certiorari.
35 Of The FBI's Most Famous Closed Cases - End of Chapters 1-3
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