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The Virginia Campaign - Parts XVI-XX
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PART XVI
CONCENTRATION OF THE ALLIES AROUND YORKTOWN
Before General Washington set out from Head of Elk on the 8th of
September, 1781, to join the troops of Lafayette and St. Simon at
Williamsburg, he received letters from the Count de Grasse and General
Duportail dated the 2d of the month, giving full information of conditions
in the Chesapeake. Washington replied to the admiral's letter on the 6th
of the month, and after felicitating him upon "the happy arrival of so
formidable a Fleet of His Most Christian Majesty," said that a force of
about 2,000 men constituting the van of the French and American Armies,
would embark in about two days and "fall Down the Chesapeake." The limited
shipping available to carry the troops was a great misfortune. It became
necessary to employ most of the vessels to transport the heavy ordnance
and necessary stores, and the greater part of both armies had to suffer
the delay of marching to Baltimore and Annapolis to embark.
From Head of Elk to Washington's "own Seat at Mount Vernon" was a distance
of about 120 miles but, in his impatience to be home after an absence of
more than six years, Washington made the trip in two days. Here the Count
de Rochambeau and the Chevalier de Chastellux joined him on the 10th of
September and accepted the hospitality of their friend and commander.
About this time Washington received word of the sailing of the French
Fleet from the capes of Virginia on the 5th of September; and being
apprehensive of the security of the transports, he ordered the troops who
had embarked at Head of Elk to discontinue their passage until further
intelligence was had as to naval conditions in the lower part of the bay.
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Washington and his guests set out from Mount Vernon on the morning of the
12th and spent the night at Fredericksburg. They stopped at New Castle the
following night, and on the evening of the 14th effected a joyful reunion
with Lafayette at Williamsburg. Here Washington learned that the French
Fleet was again in possession of the Chesapeake, whereupon he dispatched
the Count de Fersen up the bay with orders to General Lincoln to press
forward "with every despatch possible." In his letter to Lincoln,
Washington said:
Every day we now lose is comparatively an age. As soon as it is in our
power with safety, we ought to take our position near the enemy. Hurry on
then, my dear Sir, with your troops on the wings of speed.
On the night of September 7th Lafayette had moved his corps to a position
near Williamsburg. The next day he was joined by St. Simon's command,
consisting of 3,100 men made up from leading regiments of the French
Infantry, and eight field pieces served by a detachment of the French
Royal Artillery Corps. The position selected by Lafayette for the allied
troops was just weft of Williamsburg. Its right flank was covered by a
small mill pond along the road to Jamestown, its left by Queens Creek and
some rivulets and marshes, and its front by the substantial buildings of
the town.
The great anxiety felt by Washington to expedite the arrival of the armies
from the North prompted him to write De Grasse on the 15th and ask that
transports be sent up the bay to take the troops aboard. The admiral had
anticipated this need by dispatching to Baltimore, under convoy of the
Romulus, all the transports brought by De Barras, together with some
frigates seized since the arrival of the fleet. These transports and
frigates were able to carry more than 4,000 men, as De Grasse had removed
part of the crew for this operation.
On the 17th of September General Washington, the Count de Rochambeau, the
Chevalier de Chastellux, and Generals Knox and Duportail went aboard the
French flagship, Ville de Paris, to pay
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their respects to the admiral of the fleet, and to confer upon the joint
operations to be undertaken as soon as the armies were assembled on the
Peninsula. During the interview Washington presented to De Grasse a
questionnaire, the preamble of which contained the following comments on
general policy:
The measures which are now persuing are big with great events; the Peace &
Independence of this Country, and the general tranquillity of Europe will,
it is more than probable, result from our Compleat success;--disgrace to
ourselves, Triumph to the Enemy, and probable Ruin to the American cause,
will follow our disappointment.
The first is certain, if the powerful Fleet, now in Chesapeak Bay or such
part of it as will be competent to the purpose, can remain to the close of
a regular operation, which, from various unforeseen causes, may be
protracted beyond our present expectations, --The second is much to be
apprehended, if from the fear of loosing the Aid of the Fleet, the
operations by Land are precipitated faster than a necessary prudence &
regard to the lives of men, will warrant--the first may be slow, but sure--
the second must be bloody & precarious.
Under this state of matters, General Washington begs, that the Count de
Grasse will have the goodness to give him a Resolution of the following
Questions:
The discussion of the questions which followed brought about an agreement
on all essential matters. De Grasse was willing to deviate from the
instructions fixing the time of his departure from America for October
15th, and remain until the end of the month. The matter of forcing a
passage between Yorktown and Gloucester with some of the ships was to be
determined after the admiral had an opportunity to reconnoiter the York
River. In answer to Washington's request for a strong force to be placed
on each side of the York above the British posts, De Grasse offered to
land from 1,800 to 2,000 men if they would be employed only in a coup de
main.
All matters of discussion having been settled satisfactorily, except that
there was no assurance ships would be sent above York, town and that the
fleet would not remain longer than November, Washington and his party
boarded the Queen Charlotte on the 18th of September to return to
Williamsburg. Owing to contrary
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winds a landing could not be made until four days later. Upon Washington's
arrival in camp at Williamsburg on the 22d he learned that most of the
troops which had embarked at Head of Elk had arrived and landed in the
upper part of College Creek; and that those under M. de Choisy, brought by
the squadron of De Barras from Newport, had also reached camp.
The convoy which had been sent up the bay by De Grasse to embark the
remainder of the troops, arrived in the lower part of the Chesapeake on
the 22d of September. De Grasse wrote to Washington in great elation:
Everything is entering the river today, even your artillery. There are
still a few boats which lay behind the van, but that should not prevent us
from being under way. It is time to begin to close in on the enemy, and to
give him a taste of our combined strength.
An alarming situation arose at this time which caused much anxiety in the
minds of the French and American commanders. Washington and De Grasse
learned that Admiral Digby was nearing New York Harbor at the head of a
British squadron reported to consist of six sail of the line. "The enemy
are beginning to be almost equal to us," De Grasse wrote to Washington on
the 23d of September, "and it would be imprudent of me to put myself in a
position where I could not engage them in battle should they attempt to
come here with succours." The letter continued with the alarming
information that De Grasse would leave two ships of the line, and several
frigates and corvettes to blockade the York and James Rivers, and with all
the others would hoist sail and go to sea, "so that if the fleet come to
force the entrance, I can engage them in a less disadvantageous position,"
Reference was made in his letter to the possibility of the French Fleet
being driven to sea in the course of battle and not being able to return
in time to regain the harbor. In case this unhappy event occurred, De
Grasse said he would try to reach New York, "where, perhaps, I could do
more for the common cause, than by remaining here, an idle spectator."
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The receipt of this letter caused Washington "painful anxiety." All the
brilliant prospects for success were about to be frustrated--
and the consequences would be, not only the disgrace and loss of
renouncing an enterprise, upon which the fairest expectations of the
allies have been founded, after the most expensive preparations and
uncommon exertions and fatigues, but the disbanding perhaps of the whole
army for want of provisions.
In his reply to De Grasse, written on the 25th of September, Washington
said:
I had invariably flattered myself, from the accounts given me by skilful
mariners, that your Excellency's position, moored in the Chesapeake, might
be made so respectable as to bid defiance to any attempt on the part of
the British fleet, at the same time that it would support the operations
of the siege, secure the transportation of our supplies by water, and
economize the most precious time by facilitating the debarkation of our
heavy artillery and stores conveniently to the trenches in York River.
Fortunately De Grasse saved the situation by convening "a council of
general officers" of his army on the same day that Washington's letter was
written. The council, after considering all phases of the situation,
decided that the "major part of the naval army", should proceed without
delay to an anchorage in the York River, and De Grasse hastened to inform
Washington that he would immediately carry this recommendation into
execution. In thanking De Grasse for making this decision, Washington said
it "proves that a great Mind knows how to make personal Sacrifices to
secure an important general Good."
The navigation charts of the time showed that safe anchorage for 20 or 30
ships could be found at the mouth of the York, but upon occupying the
position on the 26th of September the admiral found "it bad and unsuited
to be of any service" to the Army. The next day he was back at the
anchorage inside Cape Henry, which gave "the naval Army greater facility
for subsistence, and procuring the necessary water, wood and refreshments.
It affords an opportunity likewise of fighting as circumstances may
require either at anchor or under sail."
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By the 27th of September all of the allied troops had arrived in College
Creek and established a camp west of Williamsburg. Orders were prepared
for their march to Yorktown. The Order of Battle for the Army is given in
Washington's Orderly Book under of the 27th of September. The Americans
were to be the right wing under command of the senior Continental officer,
General Lincoln. Upon reaching the vicinity of Yorktown they were to form
in two lines, in the right wing of the position of investment.
Muhlenberg's and Hazen's brigades of Continentals would constitute the
division on the right of the front line, under the command of the Marquis
de Lafayette. The Continentals from Pennsylvania under Wayne, and those
from Maryland and Delaware under Gist, would form the center division of
the front line under Baron von Steuben. Dayton's and Clinton's brigades of
Continentals would be on the left of the front line under Lincoln's
immediate orders. Stevens's and Lawson's brigades of militia were to form
the second line. The Park of Artillery, the Corps of Sappers and Miners,
and the Virginia State Regiment were to be posted between the two lines in
the order mentioned, commencing from the right. Count de Rochambeau was to
command the left wing of the allied armies and make his own dispositions.
The troops began the march to Yorktown at 5 o'clock on the morning of the
28th of September. The Continentals, followed by the French troops, formed
one column on the left, and the militia a column on the right. The left
column marched by way of the main road to Yorktown to a point "half a mile
beyond the half way H[ous]e," where the two armies separated, the
Americans filing off to the right in the direction of Munford's bridge,
and the French continuing on the direct road "by the Brick House" to
Yorktown. The militia took the road from Williamsburg to Harwoods mill,
and at Munford's bridge fell in behind the Continentals after they had
passed that point. About noon the heads of both columns encountered the
enemy's pickets and drove them back to the main British position outside
of Yorktown. By nightfall the allied armies
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had reached their several positions and "the line being formed, all the
Troops, Officers and Men, lay upon their arms during the Night."
The description given by Tarleton of the British lines held at this time
is an excellent delineation of both the natural features of the ground and
the defenses prepared by the Army. The labor bestowed on the outward
position at Yorktown had improved its natural advantages and rendered it
in every respect convenient for the King's troops. The right rested on a
ravine and swamp which covered that flank of the town. A large redoubt was
constructed beyond the swamp, close to the river road from Williamsburg,
and completed with fraising and abatis. This work is generally referred to
by the name "star redoubt." The Charon, Guadaloupe, and other armed
vessels were moored in the York River opposite the mouth of this ravine
and swamp. Batteries commanded all the roads and causeways which
approached the town. Near the center of the position, at the head of the
ravine which lay in front of the right of the town, two redoubts were
placed, one on each side of what was then the main road from Williamsburg.
The right sector was further protected by a thin wood, the front of which
was cut down and the branches made to form an abatis.
There was a field work, mounted with cannon, on the left of the center to
command the Hampton Road. A sharp ravine, in which flowed a stream
tributary to Wormley Creek, and the creek itself covered the left. "Trees
were felled, fleches were thrown up, and batteries were constructed, at
the points where deemed most vulnerable." The distance from the head of
the ravine and morass on the right to the head of the tributary stream
which connected with Wormley Creek on the left was somewhat less than half
a mile. The intervening area was referred to as the gorge. The ground in
front of this particular sector was almost a level plain, open for nearly
2,000 yards, and it offered favorable opportunities for both attack and
defense.
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On the 2d of September General Clinton had written to Lord Cornwallis that
Admirals Graves and Hood sailed from the Hook two days before with a fleet
of 19 ships of the line, and he flattered himself that Cornwallis would
have "little to apprehend from that of the French." He was soon to be
disillusioned, however, for one of the several dispatch bearers whom
Cornwallis had sent by boat to New York on August 31 and September 1
succeeded in passing the blockade and on the 6th reached New York.
Clinton's action upon receipt of Cornwallis's letter was one of prompt
decision. He immediately wrote Cornwallis that he would join him "as soon
as possible, with all the force that can be spared from hence, which is
about four thousand men." Clinton had no doubt but that Washington was
moving southward with at least "six thousand French and rebel troops," and
that only a small part of the British troops would be needed for the
defense of New York. He said that the troops intended for Virginia were
already embarked, and would proceed the instant he received word from the
admiral that it was safe to venture to sea. He added the pleasing
information that he had "every reason to expect Admiral Digby hourly on
the coast."
Cornwallis received the above letter on the 16th of September, at which
time the French Fleet was back at Lynnhaven Roads; General Washington was
at Williamsburg with Lafayette and St. Simon; and the remainder of the
allied armies was hastening to Yorktown. In view of the menacing situation
which confronted him, and the expectation that on Digby's arrival the
entire British Fleet would come to his relief, Cornwallis decided that the
wisest course to adopt would be to refrain from any offensive action. He
wrote Clinton of this decision on the 16th of September, within a few
hours after receipt of Clinton's dispatch.
If I had no hopes of relief, I would rather risk an action than defend my
half-finished works; but as you say Digby is hourly expected, and promise
every exertion to assist me, I do not think myself justified in putting
the fate of the war on so desperate an attempt. By examining the
transports with care, and turning out useless mouths, my provisions will
last at least six weeks from this day, if we can preserve them from
accidents. * * * This place is in no state of defence. If you cannot
relieve me very soon, you must be prepared to hear the worst.
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It was of course impossible for the New York troops to go to sea until the
return to Sandy Hook of the English Fleet, and that did not occur until
the 20th of September. Three days later Clinton received Cornwallis's
letter referred to above, and on the 24th he called a meeting of the
general and flag officers to determine what should be done. The council
decided that as soon as necessary repairs to some of the ships could be
made a fleet consisting of 23 sail of the line, augmented by Digby's 3
ships which had just arrived at the Hook, should convoy a force of about 5,
000 men to the Chesapeake, and by the joint exertions of the army and navy
attempt to relieve Cornwallis. Clinton transmitted this decision to
Cornwallis in a letter dated the 24th and added: "There is every reason to
hope we start from hence the 5th October." The next day, however, he found
his hands tied by the necessities of the navy and sent another dispatch to
Cornwallis, saying that his Lordship "must be sensible that unforeseen
accidents may lengthen" the time of departure a "day or two longer."
On the 26th of September Admiral Graves wrote to the admiralty that--
the whole fleet are as busy as they can be but I am very apprehensive that
so much as is wanted to the fleet, such a poverty of every kind of Stores
and provisions, and so much to do for the army afterwards, will consume
more time than was foreseen.
Preparations did consume much precious time, when every day was of vital
consequence. Clinton knew on the 23d of the month that Cornwallis had
assumed a defensive attitude a week before, because of the succor promised
the army in Virginia. He knew, furthermore, that Cornwallis's troops had
provisions to last only through the month of October.
Notwithstanding the great need for haste, the fleet was not ready to sail
by the 13th of October, at which time a squall of wind seriously damaged
the Shrewsbury and Alcide, parted the cables of two other ships at Staten
Island, and drove several
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vessels into the North River. Writing to the admiralty of these vexatious
events, Admiral Graves said that
the immense repairs wanted for a crazy and shatter'd Squadron, with many
cross accidents which have interven'd, has thrown back the equipment of
the Squadron to a great distance. * * * I see no end to disappointments.
It was not until the 18th of October that a force of 7,149 officers and
men boarded the men-of-war from the transports, upon which they had been
held in readiness for some days. On the 19th day of October the whole
fleet, consisting of 25 sail of the line, 2 fifty's, and 8 frigates,
passed out of Sandy Hook and set their course for the Chesapeake. Little
did anyone know that while the afternoon tide was carrying the ships in
safety over the bar the vanquished army of Cornwallis was laying down its
arms on the fields of Yorktown.
* * * * * * *
On the 29th of September the American troops shifted their position more
to the right and "Encamped on the East side of Bever dam Creek," a
tributary of the Warwick River, where they were about a "Cannon shot from
the enemys line." The British made no resistance to this movement other
than to fire a few shots from the work on the Hampton Road, and to conduct
a desultory fire from the line of pickets in front of the Anspach
battalions on the extreme left. The two armies observed each other with
cautious attention, without anything important occurring in either camp
until evening. Then a dispatch boat reached Yorktown with Clinton's letter
of the 24th of September, in which he expressed the hope that
reenforcements would leave New York on the 5th of October. After reading
the dispatch Cornwallis decided to retire within the works of Yorktown. At
10 o'clock on the night of the 29th of September he wrote to Clinton:
I have this evening received your letter of the 24th, which has given me
the greatest satisfaction. I shall retire this night within the works, and
have no doubt, if relief arrives in any reasonable time, York and
Gloucester will be both in possession of his Majesty's troops.
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The retirement to the immediate defenses of Yorktown was accomplished
before daybreak of the 30th. The works consisted of redoubts and batteries
on the right, with a line of stockade in rear which supported a high
parapet of earth. The redoubts were protected with fraising and abatis.
The deep, marshy ravine which covered the right of the town made the works
secure from an attack in that quarter; the star redoubt gave additional
security. The morass on the right extended in front of the center, which
was defended by a line of stockade, and by batteries that "looked upon all
the avenues to the swamp." On the left of the center was a horn work with
a ditch, a row of fraise, and an abatis. Several embrasures for cannon
were opened in the horn work. The left was fortified by redoubts,
communications of earth, and batteries; all furnished with fraising but
without stockade or abatis.
Two small redoubts were advanced before the left of the line, but these
were not so well finished as was the star redoubt in front of the right.
The ground in front of the left was in some places on a level with the
works; in other places it was cut by ravines and offered very convenient
avenues of approach to the besiegers. The space within the works was
rather narrow, and not of sufficient extent for the construction of
retrenchments. The entire position was exposed to enfilading fire, except
in the several abrupt ravines which dropped from the heights of Yorktown
to the level of the York River, and along the narrow strip of land between
the foot of the bluff and the river.
Tarleton says in his history of the siege that a retreat to the
fortifications of the town was a measure prematurely adopted. The outer
position was strong and well adapted to the number and nature of the
King's troops. He thought it highly improbable that the allied armies
would attack in force until they received their heavy cannon, and that
they would then advance by regular approaches. Time would be gained, did
the British Army hold the outer position and contest the ground inch by
inch, both to finish the works at Yorktown and to retard the operations of
the
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allies. No sudden danger was to be apprehended if the troops were
vigilant; but by the premature relinquishment of the outer line the army
would be cooped in the contracted and unfinished works of Yorktown.
There was only one man who could decide the matter--Cornwallis. He hoped
"by the labour and firmness of the soldiers" to protract the defense until
Clinton and the fleet arrived, and he believed this could best be done
within the second line. Tarleton's critical comments were in a large
measure sound, but in reaching his conclusions he adopted the too general
habit of judging "the propriety of measures by after events."
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PART XVII
THE SIEGE OF YORKTOWN
In the course of the forenoon of the 30th of September the French and
American Armies took possession of the ground abandoned by the British
upon their withdrawal to the works surrounding Yorktown. The Viscount de
Viomesnil, desiring to reconnoiter the British star fort in front of the
left of the French position, sent a part of St. Simon's troops on this
mission. The detachment engaged the pickets of the Twenty-third Regiment
(Welsh Fusiliers), which was stationed in that quarter, and withdrew from
the reconnaissance as soon as strong resistance was encountered.
Rochambeau sent the grenadiers of the Bourbonnais to occupy one of the
abandoned British redoubts along the main Williamsburg Road, and 50
chasseurs of the Royal Deux-Ponts to occupy the other. These redoubts were
not very solid, the parapets consisting of sandy soil of no great
thickness; but the abatis was of excellent construction, although, being
built of pine, it was quite inflammable.
Early on the morning of October 1 the Americans broke ground for a redoubt
on the south side of the main Williamsburg Road, about 300 yards east of
the British redoubt south of the road; and another detachment of Americans
reversed the work on the Hampton Road. With the completion of both of
these works the gorge would be covered by four redoubts at an average
distance of 950 yards from the British horn work. The plain on which these
redoubts were located had the name of Pigeon Hill.
On the 1st and 2d of the month detachments of the allies, with general
officers and engineers, reconnoitered the British lines. It appeared quite
evident to Cornwallis that the besiegers would
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make their approach across the gorge, spreading out to the right, after
passing the ravine of Wormley Creek, as far as the bluff overhanging the
river. Within the British lines large parties of Infantry worked on the
magazines in the town, and on the two outer redoubts upon their left. In
the evening of the 2d the legion cavalry and mounted infantry, under
Tarleton, passed over the river to Gloucester for the purpose of
increasing the force defending that post.
The work of repairing and strengthening the three redoubts on Pigeon Hill
previously occupied by the British, and of constructing the additional
intermediate one was completed by the 6th of October. Washington wrote to
the President of Congress on the 6th that both the allied armies were
"assiduously employed in making fascines and gabions, and in transporting
our heavy cannon, mortars, and stores from Trebell's landing on James
River." Progress had been slow until the arrival of wagons and teams from
Head of Elk, but "it being the opinion of the engineers, that we now have
a sufficient stock to commence operations, we shall this night open
trenches."
Washington's Orderly Book for the 6th of October contains 55 paragraphs of
regulations for the Service of the Siege. Extracts of the more interesting
portions of the regulations are as follows:
1st. The Service of the Siege will be performed by divisions alternately--
the fatigue men will first be detailed out of the division and the
remainder will form Battallions under their respective commanders to guard
the Trenches--
4 The Major General of the division which mount will be the Major General
of the Trenches--the Brigadiers will mount with their Brigades.
5th. The General officers of the Trenches will reconnoitre carefully all
the avenues, places of arms & advantageous angles, that he may determine
in consequence the order & disposition of the Troops in case of attack
17 The Trenches shall be relieved every 24 hours unless a particular order
to the contrary by the General in which case the relief shall be in the
rear of the others
26 When the troops shall have taken their post in the Trenches the
standard bearers will plant their Standards upon the Epaulements &
centries will be posted with proper intervals with orders to give notice
of whatever they may see com-
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ing out from the place & of the shells that may be thrown by the Enemy but
no notice to be given or any movement to be made for cannon shot
29 No honours to be rendered in the trenches when the Commander in chief &
general officers of the Trenches visit them the soldiers will &and to
their arms facing the Epaulement & ready to mount the Banquet
The Commander in Chief ordered a force of 1,500 fatigue men to begin
opening the trenches on the night of the 6th of October. They were to be
covered by armed detachments totaling 2,800 men. Six regiments of
Americans, one from the right of each brigade, marched at 6 p. m. under
command of Generals Lincoln, Clinton, and Wayne to engage in this
enterprise. The Count de Rochambeau designated the regiments of
Bourbonnais and Soissonnais, together with 250 men from each of the four
regiments of Royal Deux-Ponts, Saintonge, Agenois, and Gatinais, for this
duty. The regiment of Touraine was detached for special duty to construct
a battery of four 12-pounders and six mortars and howitzers 450 yards in
front of the British star redoubt.
The position selected for the first parallel extended from the bluff
overlooking the river on the right, westward through the upper portions of
two ravines communicating with Wormley Creek, thence across the Hampton
Road, about 350 yards in front of the old British redoubt on that road, to
the heads of several slight ravines which break off from the gorge in the
vicinity of the old main road to Williamsburg. The parallel was located at
an average distance of 800 yards from that part of the left of the British
works which extended from the horn work to the York River. In Washington's
diary is the entry:
The work was executed with so much secrecy and dispatch that the enemy
were, I believe, totally ignorant of our labor till the light of Morning
discovered it to them. Our loss on this occasion was extremely
inconsiderable, not more than one Officer (french) and about 20 Men killed
and wounded; the Officer and 15 of which were on our left from the Corps
of the Marqs. de St. Simond, who was betrayed by a deserter from the
Huzzars that went in and gave notice of his approaching his parrallel.
On the 7th of October Lafayette's division, consisting of the brigades of
Muhlenberg and Hazen, mounted the trenches at
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noon. The American troops designated daily for this duty were ordered to
"parade precisely at 11 on the right of the Marquis de la Fayettes
Division." They would then be able to march to the trenches under cover of
the ravines which head Wormley Creek. The regiments of Agenois and
Saintonge relieved the French portion of the trenches at the same hour.
The next day Von Steuben's division, composed of the Mary, land and
Pennsylvania brigades, mounted the trenches. The regiments of Royal Deux-
Ponts and Gatinais went into the French sector.
On the 9th of October Lincoln's division, and the regiments of Bourbonnais
and Soissonnais, relieved the trenches. According to the diary--
About 3 o'clock P.M. the French opened a battery on our extreme left of 4
Sixteen [twelve] pounders, and Six Morters, and Howitzers and at 5 o'clock
an American battery of Six 18s. and 24s.; four Morters and 2 Howitzers
began to play from the extremity of our right. Both with good effect as
they compelled the Enemy to withdraw from their ambrazures the Pieces
which had previously kept up a constant firing.
Part of the fire of the French battery was directed against the star
redoubt, defended by about 120 men of the Twenty-third Regiment and a
detachment of marines, "who maintained that post with uncommon gallantry."
Fire from this battery directed against near-by shipping in the York River
compelled a frigate and other vessels to withdraw from their stations.
The American division of Lafayette and the French regiments of Agenois and
Saintonge mounted the trenches at noon on the 10th. Four new batteries
went into action this day, and by their incessant fire against the cannon
showing in the embrasures of the British works, did much damage. The
largest of these batteries, constructed on both sides of the Hampton Road
and designated the French grand battery, consisted of sixteen 18 and 24
pounders and six mortars and howitzers, divided into three separate
batteries. On their front to the left of the Hampton Road was a French
bomb battery of six 13-inch mortars. The Americans opened a bomb bat-
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tery of four 10-inch mortars near the right extremity of their line, and
another battery of four 18-pounders on the left flank of their sector.
Shell dropped into Yorktown did much execution.
The fire now became so heavy, that the enemy withdrew their cannon from
the embrasures, placed them behind the merlins, and scarcely fired a shot
during the whole day. In the evening the Charon frigate of 44 guns was set
on fire by a hot shot from the French battery on the left, and was
entirely consumed.
A flag came out with Secretary Nelson, in whose house Cornwallis had
maintained his headquarters. The secretary said that the firing was
inflicting great damage within the town.
On the morning of the 10th of October Major Cochran arrived at Yorktown,
having come "express from New York through the French fleet," bearing
Clinton's dispatch of September 30th in which he said "'we may pass the
bar by the 12th of October." About 40 pieces of cannon and 16 mortars were
firing without intermission into the small area in which the British Army
was confined. Cornwallis could scarcely fire a gun in return, as
"fascines, stockade platforms, and earth, with guns and gun-carriages,"
were "all pounded together into a mass." At noon on the 11th he replied to
the dispatch brought by Cochran and informed Clinton that the army had
lost about 70 men. Cornwallis added that much damage was being done to the
entrenchments, and "with such works on disadvantageous ground, against so
powerful an attack we can not hope to make a very long resistance."
The destruction caused by the French and American batteries, firing at
ranges from 800 to 1,200 yards, was so great, and the enemy's batteries
were so completely overpowered, that Washington was now ready to begin a
second parallel. It was to be opened on the night of the 11th-12th, about
halfway between the first parallel and the left front of the British
works. On the French front the regiments of Gatinais and Royal Deux-Ponts
were assigned to this work, with additional detachments in support. The
Chevalier de Chastellux was in charge, and he made such dispositions of
the troops as to receive the enemy in the most advantageous manner. The
brigades of Wayne and Gist opened the American
Page 194
portion of the parallel, and Von Steuben was in command of the trenches.
The work on the parallel continued throughout the entire night, with
intermittent activity on the part of the British. The ditch was dug 3½
feet deep and 7 feet wide. The troops labored in quiet, but the noise of
pick and shovel and low conversation carried the short distance of 400
yards to the British lines. The left of the parallel extended west of the
Hampton Road as far as the morass. The two redoubts in front of the
British left flank made it necessary to terminate the right of the
parallel by an epaulement at a distance of 120 yards from the nearer
redoubt. Washington described the point of termination as being--
near to the intersection of the line of fire from the American 4 Gun
Battery to the enemy's advanced redoubt on their left.
Beyond this point the parallel could not go until the two British redoubts
were taken.
At one time during the night the French batteries on the first parallel
stopped firing, as the cannon were elevated but slightly above the heads
of the workmen in the second parallel and several were wounded; but the
enemy immediately took advantage of this period of silence to direct a
brisk fire against the works, and firing by the French was resumed. In a
letter to the President of Congress written on the 12th of October,
Washington said that the second parallel was advanced with "little or no
annoyance" from the British, and with a loss to the allied forces of only
one man killed and three or four wounded.
I shall think it strange indeed, if Lord Cornwallis makes no vigorous
exertions in the course of this night, or very soon after.
The days and nights offered the British troops no opportunity to escape
from the destruction of the siege. There was "one continual roar of
cannon, mixed with the bursting of shells and rumbling of houses torn to
pieces." The troops were much weakened by sickness and exhausted by the
havoc wrought within their lines. Two transports were fired by hot shot,
and all ship-
Page 195
ping was warped as far over to the Gloucester shore as possible.
Immediately after the arrival of Major Cochran on the 10th officers in the
confidence of Cornwallis had advised him--
to evacuate the miserable works of York town; where every hour both by day
and night, was an hour of watching and danger to the officer and soldier;
where every gun was dismounted as soon as shown; and where a long defence,
against superior numbers and superior artillery, was utterly hopeless. ***
To abandon fortifications that were not tenable, and adopt a design,
which, at this juncture, had every probability of success, was equally
honorable and judicious.
During the 12th and 13th the routine procedure by the allied armies of
relieving the trenches continued. Work on the second parallel and the
battery positions was progressing. The close proximity of the troops to
the British lines made the work hazardous, and the occasional fire of
cannon and mortars by the enemy caused some casualties. The losses were
small, however, the total being only 22 Americans and 186 French, from the
commencement of the siege to the storming of the redoubts on the 14th.
The day of the 14th was spent in additional work on the second parallel
and the new batteries. The fire of the batteries in the first parallel was
directed principally against the abatis and salient angles of the enemy's
advanced redoubts on their extreme right and left, so as to cause
uncertainty in Cornwallis's mind as to the quarter in which the allied
army would make the next move. That evening the French made a false attack
against the star redoubt on the extreme right of the British line, and a
half hour after this action started two detachments of French and
Americans assaulted the redoubts in front of the left of the British works.
Page 196 [blank]
Page 197
PART XVIII
THE CAPTURE OF REDOUBTS 9 AND 10
The plans prepared by the Commander in Chief of the allied armies for the
attack on the two British redoubts, generally referred to as numbers 9 and
10, provided that the American Light Infantry under the Marquis de
Lafayette should attack No. 10, situated on the edge of the bluff
overlooking the river; and that a detachment of French grenadiers and
chasseurs under Major General the Baron Viomesnil should attack No. 9,
located less than 200 yards from the right of where the second parallel
ended.
Lafayette designated the battalion of Lieutenant Colonel Gimat, supported
by Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton's battalion, to make the assault on No. 10.
A party of 80 men under Lieutenant Colonel Laurens was given the mission
of turning the redoubt to prevent the escape of any of its defenders. The
entire assaulting party was commanded by Lieut. Col. Alexander Hamilton.
The troops advanced in two columns, Gimat's battalion in the lead of the
column on the right, followed by Hamilton's battalion, under Major Fish.
The detachment under Laurens formed the left column. Ahead of the right
column was a vanguard of 20 men and a detachment of sappers and miners.
All of Hamilton's troops marched to the assault with unloaded arms, in
compliance with Lafayette's orders.
Gimat's battalion--
encouraged by the decisive and animated example of their leader, advanced
with an order and resolution superior to every obstacle. They were well
seconded by Major Fish, with the battalion under his command, who, when
the front of the column reached the abattis, unlocking his corps to the
left as he had been directed, advanced with such celerity, as to arrive in
time to participate in the assault.
Page 198
Not one gun was fired by the Americans, and the gallantry of the troops
was such that time was not given the sappers in the van, guard to cut
openings in the abatis.
As it would have been attended with delay and loss to wait for the removal
of the abbatis and pallisades, the ardour of the troops was indulged in
passing over them.
The troops selected to assault redoubt No. 9 were 400 grenadiers and
chasseurs from the regiments of Gatinais and Royal Deux-Ponts, under the
Viscount de Deux-Ponts of the latter regiment. In the course of the
afternoon Viomesnil, Deux-Ponts, and the Baron de L'Estrade, lieutenant
colonel of the Gatinais, reconnoitered the road which they were to follow
during the night, and carefully arranged all the details for the attack.
Shortly after nightfall Deux-Ponts left the cover of the trenches and
formed his column in the order of attack.
The chasseurs of the regiment of Gatinais, formed in column by platoons,
were at the head of the column. The first 50 men carried fascines; of the
other 50 men in this group, 8 carried ladders. After them came the
grenadiers of the regiment, ranged by files. Next were the grenadiers and
chasseurs, of the regiment of Royal Deux-Ponts, formed in column by
sections. The chasseurs of the regiments of Bourbonnais and Agenois were a
hundred paces to the rear in support, and a battalion of Gatinais under
the Count de Rostaing constituted the reserve. Before starting orders were
given that no one should fire until the crest of the parapet of the
redoubt was reached.
When the moment to advance arrived the signal battery fired six shells and
the troops marched to the assault. Soon the line of abatis was reached, at
about 25 paces from the redoubt. Here delay, occurred while passages were
being cut, then "we threw ourselves into the ditch at once," Deux-Ponts
says, "and each one sought to break through the fraises, and to mount the
parapet." The defenders made a brief resistance lasting six or seven
minutes, and just at the moment when Deux-Ponts--
wished to give the order to leap into the redoubt and charge upon the
enemy with the bayonet; then they laid down their arms, and we leaped in
with more
Page 199
tranquillity and less risk. I shouted out over the field the cry of "Vive
le Roi," which was repeated by all the grenadiers and chasseurs, * * * by
all the troops in the trenches, and to which the enemy replied by a
general discharge of artillery and musketry; I never saw a sight more
beautiful or more majestic.
The American loss in this action was 44 killed and wounded. The British
killed and wounded in redoubt No. 10 did not exceed eight. All others were
captured. Hamilton said in his report of the action:
Incapable of imitating examples of barbarity, and forgetting recent
provocations, the soldiery spared every man that ceased to resist.
The loss amongst the French amounted to about 100 killed and wounded.
By daylight on the morning of the 15th the second parallel was completed
to the river and connected with the first parallel by a communicating
trench. The two captured redoubts were included in the line of the second
parallel.
A few hours after the redoubts were lost Cornwallis wrote to Clinton:
Experience has shewn that our fresh earthen works do not resift their
powerful artillery, so that we shall soon be exposed to an assault in
ruined works, in a bad position, and with weakened numbers. The safety of
the place is, therefore, so precarious, that I cannot recommend that the
fleet and army should run great risque in endeavouring to save us.
Page 200
PART XIX
THE SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS'S ARMY AT YORKTOWN
On the 15th of October the allied troops engaged in strengthening the
second parallel and the several battery positions. The Americans placed
two howitzers in each of the captured redoubts and about 5 o'clock in the
afternoon opened them upon the enemy. They began work, also, on a grand
battery between the two redoubts, which was intended for seven 18-
pounders, three 24-pounders, 4 howitzers, eight 10-inch and ten 5½-inch
mortars. Part of this armament opened on the 16th, but the battery was
never completed. On the left of the American sector a battery of four 18-
pounders opened on the 17th. The French completed a redoubt on the left
flank of the parallel, intended for a bomb battery of ten 13-inch mortars.
Between this redoubt and the Hampton Road they completed a battery with
six 18 and 24 pounders; another east of the road with the same armament;
and a third battery with four 18-pounders on the extreme right flank of
their sector.
Cornwallis knew that the British works could not stand many hours after
the batteries on the second parallel opened, and he determined to make a
sortie and gain possession of part of the parallel, from which position he
might enfilade the French guns. The attempt was made with too small a
force, however, to accomplish anything. Near daybreak on the morning of
the 16th Colonel Abercrombie, with a party of about 350 men, attacked the
American and French batteries where the two sectors of the second parallel
joined. A detachment of the guards, with the
Page 202
company of grenadiers from the Eightieth Regiment, all under the command
of Lieutenant Colonel Lake, attacked one of the batteries; and a
detachment of light infantry under the command of Major Armstrong attacked
the other. The British succeeded in spiking the four French guns and two
guns in the American battery, when a body of troops under the Viscount de
Noailles, from De Chastellux's reserves, moved forward and recaptured the
works. The sally was made by the British upon that part of the parallel
guarded by Rochambeau's troops. The French had 1 officer and 12 men
killed. The American loss was only one man, a sergeant of artillery.
There was now no place on that part of the British front which extended
from the horn work to the extreme left of the position where a single gun
could be shown. The supply of shells was nearly exhausted, and Cornwallis
had to choose "between preparing to surrender next day, or endeavouring to
get off with the greatest part of the troops." He determined to make the
attempt to transfer the major portion of his army across the York River to
the Gloucester side. This plan, though less practicable than when first
proposed on the 10th of October, was the last recourse.
In the evening of the 16th Cornwallis sent Lord Chewton to Gloucester with
instructions for Tarleton, who had crossed with the legion fourteen days
before, to prepare for an attack upon De Choisy at daybreak. The first
embarkation of troops, consisting of the light infantry, the greater part
of the guards, and part of the Twenty-third Regiment, arrived on the
Gloucester side before midnight.
At this critical moment, the weather from being moderate and calm, changed
to a most violent storm of wind and rain, and drove all the boats, some of
which had troops on board, down the river. It was soon evident that the
intended passage was impracticable, and the absence of the boats rendered
it equally impossible to bring back the troops that had passed.
Thus expired the last hope of the British Army. A rain squall was
responsible for bringing about the surrender of Lord Cornwallis at
Yorktown.
Page 203
On the night of the 16th-17th the allied artillery was moved from the
first to the second parallel. In the morning all of the batteries opened
with a devastating fire. The opinion of Cornwallis coincided with that of
the engineer and principal officers of the Army, "that by the continuence
of the same fire for a few hours longer," the British "would be in such a
state as to render it desperate" to attempt to maintain the position. They
could not fire a single gun; only one 8-inch and little more than a
hundred coehorn shells remained; the troops were "exhausted by the fatigue
of constant watching and unremitting duty." Under these circumstances
Cornwallis--
thought it would have been wanton and inhuman to the last degree to
sacrifice the lives of this small body of gallant soldiers, who had ever
behaved with so much fidelity and courage, by exposing them to an assault,
which from the numbers and precautions of the enemy could not fail to
succeed.
About 10 o'clock on the morning of the 17th day of October, 1781, the
British Army beat a parley. The letter from Lord Cornwallis to General
Washington read:
I propose a cessation of hostilities for twenty four hours, and that two
officers may be appointed by each side, to meet at Mr. Moore's house, to
settle term for the surrender of the posts of York and Gloucester.
Washington's reply to the letter, granting a suspension of hostilities for
two hours, was as follows:
I have had the honour of receiving your Lordship's letter of this date.
An ardent desire to spare the further effusion of blood, will readily
incline me to hasten to such terms, for the surrender of your posts and
garrisons at York and Gloucester as are admissible.
I wish, previous to the meeting of Commissioners, that your Lordship's
proposals, in writing, may be sent to the American lines; for which
purpose, a suspension of hostilities, during two hours from the delivery
of this letter, will be granted.
At 4.30 in the afternoon of the 17th of October Cornwallis sent a reply to
Washington's letter, in which he gave an outline of the conditions under
which he hoped an agreement could be reached. Some of his propositions
were satisfactory, others were not, and
Page 204
[image caption: THE MOORE HOUSE]
Page 205
on the 18th Washington so wrote him. In this letter Washington said that--
the same honours will be granted to the surrendering army as were granted
to the garrison of Charles-town.
The letter closed with the injunction:
Your Lordship will be pleased to signify your determination, either to
accept or reject the proposals now offered, in the course of two hours
from the delivery of this letter, that Commissioners may be appointed to
digest the articles of capitulation, or a renewal of hostilities may take
place.
The terms offered by Washington were accepted by Cornwallis that day. The
British commander wrote that he would appoint two field officers of his
army to meet two officers from the allied armies at any time and place
that Washington might think proper, "to digest the articles of
capitulation." The commissioners appointed were Lieutenant Colonel Dundas
and Major Ross of the British Army, the Viscount de Noailles of the French
Army, and Lieutenant Colonel Laurens of the American Army. They met at the
Moore house, in rear of the first parallel, and prepared the terms of
surrender.
The articles of capitulation were signed at 11 o'clock on the morning of
the 19th of October. The introductory portion of the articles mentions the
parties to the treaty in a most interesting way:
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION,
Settled between his Excellency General Washington, Commander in Chief of
the combined forces of America and France--his Excellency the Count de
Rochambeau, Lieutenant General of the armies of the King of France, Great
Cross of the royal and military order of St. Louis, commanding the
auxiliary troops of his Most Christian Majesty in America; and his
Excellency the Count de Grasse, Lieutenant-General of the naval armies of
his Most Christian Majesty, Commander of the order of St. Louis, Commander
in Chief of the naval army of France in the Chesapeak, on the one part;
and the Right Honourable Earl Cornwallis, Lieutenant-general of his
Britannic Majesty's forces, commanding the garrisons of York and
Gloucester; and Thomas Symonds, Esq. commanding his Britannic Majesty's
naval forces in York River, in Virginia, on the other part.
Page 206
The articles provided that the troops, seamen, and marines were to
surrender themselves prisoners of war, "the land troops to remain
prisoners to the United States--the navy to the naval army of his Most
Christian Majesty." Officers were to retain their side arms and private
papers and property. The soldiers were to be kept in Virginia, Maryland,
or Pennsylvania. General Cornwallis and certain other officers were to be
permitted to go on parole to New York or to Europe. The sloop of war
Bonetta was to be left at the disposal of the British commander to carry
dispatches to Sir Henry Clinton, and on her return she was to be turned
over to the Count de Grasse. At noon on the 19th two redoubts on the left
flank of Yorktown were to be delivered, one to a detachment of American
infantry, the other to a detachment of French grenadiers. The surrender of
the army was provided for in the following terms:
The garrison of York will march out to a place to be appointed in front of
the posts, at two o'clock precisely, with shouldered arms, colours cased,
and drums beating a British or German march. They are then to ground their
arms, and return to their encampments, where they will remain until they
are dispatched to the places of their destination. Two works on the
Gloucester side will be delivered at one o'clock to a detachment of French
and American troops appointed to possess them. The garrison will march out
at three o'clock in the afternoon; the cavalry with their swords drawn,
trumpets sounding, and the infantry in the manner prescribed for the
garrison of York. They are likewise to return to their encampments until
they can be finally marched off.
In the afternoon of the 19th of October, 1781, the allied armies were
formed in lines about a mile long on opposite sides of the road leading to
Hampton. The Americans were on the right of the formation, facing west,
with the right of their line resting on the second parallel. The French
were on the left of the formation, facing east, their left resting on the
second parallel. Washington and Rochambeau, with their staffs, were in
front of the flanks of their respective lines, in the vicinity of this
parallel. The British troops marched out through the horn work about 2
o'clock. Lord Cornwallis, being too much distressed mentally and
physically to engage in the ceremony, sent his sword by General O'Hara,
second
Page 207
in command. When O'Hara reached the flank of the allied armies he asked
the French aide who accompanied him where General Rochambeau was. The
French commander being pointed out, O'Hara approached him and offered the
sword. General Rochambeau informed the British general that the person to
receive the surrender was General Washington. General O'Hara then
approached General Washington and offered Lord Cornwallis's sword in
surrender. Washington said that General Lincoln would receive the
surrender. General O'Hara then handed the sword of Lord Cornwallis to
General Lincoln. The British troops marched down the Hampton Road between
the two lines of victors, and just before reaching the road to Warwick
passed into a field bordered by the two roads and laid down their arms.
* * * * * * *
In writing to the President of Congress on the evening of the day of the
surrender, the Commander in Chief of the allied armies said:
I should be wanting in the feelings of gratitude, did I not mention on
this occasion, with the warmest sense of acknowledgment, the very cheerful
and able assistance, which I have received in the course of our operation
from his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau and all his officers in every
rank in their respective capacities. Nothing could equal the zeal of our
allies, but the emulating spirit of the American officers, whose ardor
would not suffer their exertions to be exceeded.
I wish it was in my power to express to Congress, how much I feel myself
indebted to the Count de Grasse and the officers of the fleet under his
command, for the distinguished aid and support which has been afforded by
them, between whom and the army the most happy concurrence of sentiments
and views has subsisted, and from whom every possible cooperation has been
experienced, which the most harmonious intercourse could afford.
* * * * * * *
Washington's Orderly Book for the 20th of October contains the following
After Orders:
The General congratulates the Army upon the glorious event of yesterday
The generous proofs which his most Christian Majesty has given of his
attachment to the cause of America must force conviction on the minds of
the most
Page 208
[image caption: LAFAYETTE MONUMENT IN WASHINGTON]
Page 209
deceived among the Enemy: relatively to the decisive good consequences of
the alliance and inspire every Citizen of these States with Sentiments of
the most unalterable Gratitude
His fleet the most numerous & powerful that ever appeared in these Seas
commanded by an admiral whose fortunes and talents ensure great events.
An Army of the most admirable composition both in officers &P men are the
pledges of his Friendship to the United States-and their cooperation has
secured us the present signal success.
The General upon this occasion entreats his Excellency the Count de
Rochambeau to accept his most grateful acknowledgments for his counsils
and assigtance at all times--He presents his warmest thanks to the
Generals Baron de Viomenil, Chevalier Chastellux, Marquis de St. Simond &
Count Viominil & to Brigadier General de Choisy (who had a separate
command) for the illustrious manner in which they have advanced the
interest of the common cause
He requests the Count de Rochambeau will be pleased to communicate to the
army under his immediate command the high Sense he entertains of the
distinguished Merits of the Officers & Soldiers of every corps and that he
will present in his name to the Regiments of Agenois and Deuxponts the two
pieces of Brass ordnance captured by them; as a testimony of their
Gallantry in storming the Enemy's Redoubt on the night of the 14th inst.
When Officers & Men so universally vied with each other in the exercise of
every Soldierly Virtue--
The General's thanks to each individual of Merit would comprehend the
whole Army but he thinks himself bound however by Affection Duty &
Gratitude to express his Obligations to Major Generals Lincoln, de la
Fayette and Steuben for their dispositions in the Trenches.
To Genl. DuPortail & Colo. Carney for the Vigour & Knowledge which were
conspicuous in their conduct of the attacks--and to Genl. Knox & Colo.
D'Aberville for their great care attention & fatigue in bringing forward
the artillery & stores & for their judicious & spirited management of them
in the parrallels.
He requests the Gentlemen above mentioned to communicate his thanks to the
Officers & Soldiers of their respective commands
Ingratitude which the General hopes never to be guilty of would be
conspicuous in him was he to omit thanking in the warmest terms His
Excelly. Governor Nelson for the aid he derived from him and from the
Militia under his Command to whose Activity Emulation & Courage much
applause is due, the Greatness of the Acquisition will be an ample
Compensation for the Hardships & Hazards which they encountered with so
much patriotism & firmness
In order to diffuse the general joy through every Breast the General
orders that those men belonging to the Army who may now be in confinement
shall be pardoned, released, & join their respective corps.
Page 210
[image caption: ROCHAMBEAU MONUMENT IN WASHINGTON]
Page 211
Divine service is to be performed tomorrow in the several Brigades or
Divisions
The Commander in Chief earnestly recommends that the Troops not on Duty
should universally attend with that seriousness of deportment & gratitude
of heart which the recognition of such reiterated and astonishing
interposition of Providence demand of us.
* * * * * * *
On Wednesday, October 24,1781, Congress received the letter from General
Washington written on the 19th of the month, in which he inclosed the
correspondence between Earl Cornwallis and himself concerning the
surrender of the garrisons of Yorktown and Gloucester and the articles of
capitulation. These papers were referred to a committee of four "to report
what in their opinion, will be the most proper mode of communicating the
thanks of the United States in Congress assembled, to General Washington,
Count de Rochambeau and Count de Grasse, for their effectual exertions in
accomplishing this illustrious work."
The committee delivered its report to Congress on the 26th of October,
1781, and on the 29th of the month Congress took the following action:
Resolved, That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled, be
presented to his excellency General Washington, for the eminent services
which he has rendered to the United States, and particularly for the well
concerted plan against the British garrisons in York and Gloucester; for
the vigor, attention and military skill with which that plan was executed;
and for the wisdom and prudence manifested in the capitulation:
That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled, be presented
to his excellency the Count de Rochambeau, for the cordiality, zeal,
judgment and fortitude, with which he seconded and advanced the progress
of the allied army against the British garrison in York:
That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled be presented to
his excellency Count de Grasse, for his display of skill and bravery in
attacking and defeating the British fleet off the Bay of Chesapeake, and
for his zeal and alacrity in rendering, with the fleet under his command,
the most effectual and distinguished aid and support to the operations of
the allied army in Virginia:
That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled, be presented
to the commanding and other officers of the corps of artillery and
engineers of the allied army, who sustained extraordinary fatigue and
danger in their animated and gallant approaches to the lines of the enemy.
Page 212
That General Washington be directed to communicate to the other officers
and the soldiers under his command, the thanks of the United States in
Congress assembled, for their conduct and valor on this occasion:
Resolved, That the United States in Congress assembled, will cause to be
erected at York, in Virginia, a marble column, adorned with emblems of the
alliance between the United States and his Most Christian Majesty; and
inscribed with a succinct narrative of the surrender of Earl Cornwallis to
his excellency General Washington, Commander in Chief of the combined
forces of America and France; to his excellency the Count de Rochambeau,
commanding the auxiliary troops of his Most Christian Majesty in America,
and his excellency the Count de Grasse, commanding in chief the naval army
of France in the Chesapeake.
Page 213
PART XX
RETURNS OF BRITISH CASUALTIES AT YORKTOWN AND PRISONERS OF WAR
Return of British Casualties from the 28th of September to the 19th of
October, 1781
Organization Killed Wounded Missing Total
Royal Artillery 24 21 2 47
Guards 4 22 26
Light Infantry 28 57 83
17th Regiment 1 7 8
23rd Regiment 11 20 31
33rd Regiment 8 12 8 28
43rd Regiment 10 18 12 40
71st Regiment 10 22 11 43
76th Regiment 6 5 11
80th Regiment 1 11 10 22
Two battalions
Anspach 12 34 46
Prince
Hereditaire 23 57 16 96
Regiment de Bose 18 40 11 69
TOTAL 156 326 70 552
Page 214
General Return of British Troops Surrendered Prisoners of War on the 19th
of October, 1781
Organization Officers Men Other personnel Total
General & staff 31 46 77
Royal Artillery 13 198 31 242
Guards 23 504 527
Light Infantry 31 640 671
17th Regiment 17 227 244
23rd Regiment 12 221 233
33rd Regiment 11 259 270
43rd Regiment 14 345 359
71st Regiment 22 272 294
76th Regiment 31 684 715
80th Regiment 32 657 689
Two battalions
Anspach 69 1,005 12 1,086
Prince
Hereditaire 22 455 7 484
Regiment de Bose 15 333 1 349
Yagers 5 69 74
British Legion 25 216 241
Queen's Rangers 43 277 320
North Carolina
Volunteers 21 121 142
Pioneers 5 37 42
Small detachments 14 10 24
Taken on 14th and
16th October 6 72 78
Camp followers 80 80
TOTAL 462 6,602 177 7,241
The Virginia Campaign - End of Parts XVI-XX
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