The Virginia Campaign - Parts V-VII



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PART V
D'ESTAING

On the 8th day of July, 1778, a fleet of 12 ships of the line and 4 
frigates belonging to His Most Christian Majesty, Louis XVI, under the 
command of Admiral Count d'Estaing, reached the mouth of the Delaware. Had 
not the passage been attended with unfavorable winds, the fleet would have 
arrived at a time when many British ships were in the river, covering the 
evacuation of Philadelphia, which had been completed about three weeks 
previous. Detaching a frigate to land a distinguished visitor at 
Philadelphia (Monsieur Gerard, the French minister plenipotentiary to the 
United States), D'Estaing sailed for Sandy Hook, where he arrived on the 
11th of July, just a few days after the British had established themselves 
on Long Island, Staten Island, and York Island.

The mission of the French Fleet in America was twofold--one of immediate 
service to their ally along the Atlantic coast; another of indirect 
service by making the English ports in the West Indies untenable. 
D'Estaing was imbued with the same ideas of liberalism which inspired the 
mind of Lafayette. Just before reaching the capes of Delaware he wrote 
Washington that his talents and great actions "have insured him, in the 
eyes of all Europe, the title, truly sublime, of Deliverer of America." 
Before this letter was received, Washington had intelligence of the 
fleet's arrival from the President of Congress, and the following day, 
July 14, he dispatched Colonel Laurens with information for the count as 
to his position, which was within 20 miles of the North River, and of his 
intention to cross 50 miles above New York, "'to facilitate such 
enterprises, as you may form, and are pleased to Communicate to me." At 
Haverstraw Bay, on the night of the day of Laurens's departure,

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[image caption: D'ESTAING]

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the Commander in Chief received a letter written by D'Estaing of Sandy 
Hook the day before. Colonel Hamilton was sent off on the 17th with a 
reply, accompanied by four captains of vessels, and two pilots, "'in whose 
skill, expertness, fidelity," Washington wrote, '"'I believe you may place 
great dependence."

The question of entering the Hook with the larger ships of the line was 
found to be a most serious one. Circumstances required that the admiral 
reconnoiter the coast himself, and in a small boat he discovered the 
communication of Shrewsbury River. The English colors were seen waving "on 
the other side of a simple barrier of sand, upon so great a crowd of 
masts." His own investigations, and the knowledge of the pilots, 
"destroyed all illusion." These experienced persons unanimously declared 
that it was impossible to carry the fleet into the harbor. D'Estaing 
offered in vain a reward of 50,000 crowns to any one who would promise 
success. All refused, and the particular soundings which the admiral 
caused to be taken too well demonstrated that the pilots were right. North 
of the Hook there was a wide channel leading into the harbor, but just 
outside it was blocked by two parallel sandbars that gave only three and a 
half fathoms of water. Previous to his dispatching Colonel Hamilton on his 
mission to the admiral, General Washington had made inquiries respecting 
the navigation at the Hook, and was led to suspect, "however interesting 
and desirable the destruction or capture of the British fleet might be, 
that it was not sufficient to introduce the Count's ships." On the 18th 
Laurens returned to Army headquarters, bringing information that it was 
not safe for the fleet to enter New York Harbor, and that the admiral was 
inclined to make an attempt against Rhode Island, as soon as the frigate 
which carried M. Gerard into the Delaware should rejoin him.

The alternative plan of campaign which Washington provided for by halting 
his army at White Plains was now put into effect. Glover's and Varnum's 
brigades and the detachment of Colonel Henry Jackson were placed under 
Lafayette's command, and he

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was ordered to march with celerity to Providence, reporting on his arrival 
to General Sullivan, who would conduct an expedition against the British 
post at Newport. Several days later Washing, ton decided that Greene, who 
was acquainted in Rhode Island, would be able to render valuable service 
there, and on the 27th of July wrote Lafayette to that effect. At the same 
time Sullivan was ordered "to throw all the American troops, both 
Continental, State, and Militia, into two divisions, making an equal 
distribution of each," to be under the immediate command of Greene and 
Lafayette in the descent from Providence to Newport. Lafayette accepted 
this order with the same gracious spirit of loyalty and affection as was 
shown by him at Monmouth.

Anything, my dear General--

he wrote--

you will order, or even wish, shall always be infinitely agreeable to me, 
and I will always feel happy in doing anything which may please you, or 
forward the public good.

The French Fleet appeared off Newport on the 29th of July. The same day 
General Sullivan boarded the admiral's ship, and the situation was 
discussed by the two commanders. Due to the unavoidable delay of some of 
the troops intended for the operations, the movement of the American Army 
from Providence to Rhode Island could not be made at once. To this 
unfortunate but necessary delay can be attributed the ultimate failure of 
the amphibian campaign in the effort to secure possession of the harbor. 
The plan adopted in the ensuing days was for a part of the fleet, on the 
8th of August, to force a passage between Rhode Island and Conanicut 
Island, and on the 10th land a detachment of 4,000 French troops, who 
would join Lafayette's command. The north end of Rhode Island was then to 
be occupied by the entire allied forces, and in the advance on the outer 
works of Newport the British were to be attacked wherever encountered. The 
fleet meanwhile was to engage the land defenses covering the harbor. The 
joy of Lafayette in anticipating the rôle assigned to him was un-

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bounded. The standards of France and America were to be united under his 
command. He wrote to Washington on the 6th:

I could not have wished a more pleasing event than my joining my 
countrymen with my brothers of America, under my command, and the same 
standards. When I left Europe, I was very far from hoping such an 
agreeable turn of our business in the American glorious revolution.

The uncertainty of war was again demonstrated by the untoward events which 
soon occurred. D'Estaing passed the channel between the two islands on the 
8th of August, and the British detachments on the north end of Rhode 
Island retired within their fines at Newport. The following day Admiral 
Howe's fleet appeared off Point Judith. Its presence was a complete 
surprise. No intelligence had been received that the ships were about to 
leave New York. In a letter to Congress written on the 26th of the month 
D'Estaing said that--

However unexpected, surprising, and miraculous General Sullivan found the 
appearance of this fleet, as he did me the honor to inform me in his 
letter of the 10th of August, its existence was not the less certain.

A large number of the sailors, who were suffering with the scurvy, had 
just been landed on Conanicut Island, and the admiral himself had gone on 
shore to meet General Sullivan, leaving orders for the troops to follow. 
"The King's ships," he wrote, "were about to be left disarmed." With the 
dissipation of a fog which had been covering their movements came the 
discovery of Lord Howe's fleet approaching the entrance of the port. 
Fourteen ships with two tiers of guns, many frigates, fire ships, bomb 
ketches, in all about 36 sail, were in sight. Two of the French ships were 
out at sea; two others at the north end of the west channel; the three 
frigates at a distance in the eastern channel; and eight ships which had 
forced the middle channel were between Rhode Island, thick set with 
English batteries, and the island of Conanicut.

In the opinion of the admiral it was necessary to go to sea, where there 
would be an opportunity to engage the foe on even terms. The wind being 
favorable the next day, D'Estaing set sail. A

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terrible storm arose on the night of the 11th, causing great damage to 
several of the ships and dispersing the two fleets, thus preventing a 
general action. The American troops, who had crossed over to Rhode Island, 
were much chagrined at the unexpected departure of their allies. 
Entertaining the hope that the fleet would soon return, Sullivan took post 
on the 15th within 2 miles of the British lines covering Newport, and 
prepared a position of defense. Admiral D'Estaing returned to the coast on 
the 20th of the month. Generals Greene and Lafayette went aboard the 
flagship to persuade the count to engage in further operations. The 
request met with a positive refusal. D'Estaing considered that he would be 
culpable for his disservice to America should he "for a moment think of 
not preserving a squadron destined for her defence." He informed his 
visitors that he had positive orders from his government that in case of 
any disaster, or of being pursued by a superior force, his squadron should 
rendezvous in the harbor of Boston. In the storm of the 11th his own ship 
had lost all her masts, and the rudder was unshipped. His coming back to 
the shores of Rhode Island was to fulfill a promise made to General 
Sullivan that no matter what happened, he would return, ""dead or alive." 
Sullivan interpreted this promise as indicating an intent to renew the 
joint operations against Newport, hence it was with regret, bordering upon 
resentment, that he and his command learned of the departure of the fleet 
for Boston on the night of the 21st.

Immediately resentment flamed into unreasoning criminations. Anger took 
control of the senses, and on the morning after D'Estaing's departure a 
tactless protest, signed by all the general officers except Lafayette, was 
dispatched to the fleet. Colonel Laurens carried the protest in a fast-
sailing privateer but was unable to overtake D'Estaing's ship, and the 
paper was eventually delivered through other channels. The offensiveness 
of the protest may be judged from the following extract:

For the reasons above assigned we in the most solemn manner protest 
against the measure, as derogatory to the honor of France, contrary to the 
intentions of his Most Christian Majesty and to the interests of his 
nation, destructive in the

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highest degree of the welfare of the United States, and highly injurious 
to the alliance formed between the two nations.

Washington transmitted to Congress a copy of all the correspondence on 
this matter, and that body, by resolution dated August 28, placed the ban 
of secrecy upon his letter and the accompanying papers. The selection of 
Laurens as the bearer of the protest was made because of his sympathetic 
regard for the allies. In reporting the incident to General Washington by 
letter dated the 2d of September, Laurens refers to the absurd prejudices 
against the French "which we inherited from the British Nation." He says 
the count's sensibility was much wounded and that in a letter written by 
D'Estaing to Sullivan, he declared that "this paper imposed on the 
Commander of the King's squadron the painful but necessary law of profound 
silence."

The next few days failed to restore the poise of Sullivan's command, and 
on the 24th a general order was published to the troops in which it was 
said that--

the General yet hopes the event will prove America able to procure that by 
her own arms, which her allies refuse to assist in obtaining.

Lafayette was torn by conflicting emotions--his deep affection for his 
comrades in arms, and the feeling that the honor of his country was being 
assailed. His protest to General Sullivan resulted in the publication of 
another general order on the 26th to the effect that the commanding 
general had not meant to insinuate "that the departure of the French fleet 
was owing to a fixed determination not to assist in the present
enterprise," as he did not wish to give the least color to ungenerous and 
illiberal minds to make such an unfair interpretation.

This disagreement between the army commanded by General Sullivan and the 
French Fleet came to Washington's attention on the 16t day of September 
and gave him singular uneasiness.

The continent at large is concerned in our cordiality--

he wrote Sullivan on that day

and it should be kept up by all possible means, consistent with our honor 
and policy. First impressions you know are generally longest remembered, 
and will

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serve to fix in a great degree our national character among the French. In 
our conduct towards them we should remember, that they are a people old in 
war, very strict in military etiquette, and apt to take fire, where others 
scarcely seemed warmed. Permit me to recommend, in the most particular 
manner, the cultivation of harmony and good agreement, and your endeavors 
to destroy that ill humor, which may have got into the officers.

The same day the Commander in Chief appealed to his loyal friend Greene 
and said that he depended upon his "temper and influence to conciliate 
that animosity" which Washington plainly perceived, in a letter from 
Lafayette, "subsists between the American officers and the French in our 
service." The marquis will "take any advice coming from you in a friendly 
light"; and if he can be pacified, "the other French gentlemen will of 
course be satisfied, as they look up to him as their head."

It was, however, in a letter written at the same time to Lafayette that 
Washington reaches a superb height of dignity and vision. He sympathizes 
with Lafayette; he feels for the allies and D'Estaing; "and lastly I feel 
for my country." Even the love of a father for a son must not prevail to 
insinuate itself between the love of that father for his country. He asks 
Lafayette to help heal the wound:

America esteems your virtues and your services, and admires the principles 
upon which you act. Your countrymen in our army look up to you as their 
patron. * * * and I, your friend, have no doubt but you will use your 
utmost endeavors to restore harmony, that the honor, glory, and mutual 
interest of the two nations may be promoted and cemented in the firmest 
manner.

This appeal to his devotion Lafayette met with a response in words and 
deeds that did not end even at Yorktown.

A board of general officers thought that one more attempt should be made 
to solicit the aid of D'Estaing before the army was with, drawn from Rhode 
Island, and Lafayette was asked to carry a letter to Boston on the 28th of 
August conveying the request. He traveled with remarkable speed, covering 
the more than 60 miles in 7 hours, and taking half an hour less time for 
the return trip. During his absence Sullivan withdrew the army to the 
north end

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of Rhode Island, and Lafayette came upon the field at 11 o'clock on the 
night of the 30th, in time "to bring of the pickets and other parties 
which covered the retreat of the army." Greatly perturbed because he was 
absent from the main battle on the 29th, Lafayette wrote to Washington:

That there has been an action fought where I could have been, and where I 
was not, is a thing which will seem as extraordinary to you, as it seems 
so to myself.

His disinterestedness in sacrificing his personal feelings by engaging in 
a mission which removed him from the field of battle was favorably 
commented on by Congress on the 9th of September as follows:

Resolved, That Mr. President be requested to inform the Marquis de la 
Fayette, that Congress have a due sense of the sacrifice he made of his 
personal feelings in undertaking a journey to Boston, with a view of 
promoting the interest of these states, at a time when an occasion was 
daily expected of his acquiring glory in the field, and that his gallantry 
in going on Rhode Island when the greatest part of the army had retreated, 
and his good conduct in bringing off the pickets and out-sentries, 
deserves their particular approbation.

In thanking the President of Congress for the honor conferred upon him in 
this resolution, Lafayette wrote:

The moment I heard of America, I loved her; the moment I knew she was 
fighting for freedom, I burnt with a desire of bleeding for her; and the 
moment I shall be able to serve her at any time, or in any part of the 
world, will be the happiest one of my life.

The designs of the British and their future movements were for a long time 
entirely unknown to the Americans. A squadron under Admiral Byron arrived 
in New York Harbor, and a large part of Clinton's command was known to 
have been embarked upon ships, but in Washington's mind the expectation of 
their leaving the continent was daily decreasing. The hurricane season 
seemed opposed to their going to the West Indies, and the passage to 
Europe would in a little time become more and more dangerous. As a matter 
of fact, Clinton had received instructions dated the 21st of March to

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send 5,000 men to the West Indies for the purpose of attacking St. Lucia, 
but was delayed in carrying out the order by the appearance of the French 
Fleet. The situation was not cleared up in October, when on the 3d 
Washington addressed the President of Congress regarding a report that the 
British were sending a detachment southward.

I am well convinced myself, that the enemy, long ere this, are perfectly 
well satisfied, that the possession of our towns, while we have an army in 
the field, will avail them little. * * * They well know, that it is our 
arms, not defence, less towns, which they have to subdue before they can 
arrive at the haven of their wishes.

The approach of winter presaged a cessation of hostilities. Even the 
abortive plans having in contemplation a winter campaign into Canada soon 
collapsed, and Washington advised Lafayette to avail himself of the 
eagerly awaited opportunity "of paying a visit to your court, to your 
lady, and to your friends this winter," and suggested that he signify his 
desires to Congress on the subject of his voyage and absence. Washington 
himself addressed a letter to Congress relative to a furlough for 
Lafayette, expressing "a reluctance to part with an officer, who unites to 
all the military fire of youth an uncommon maturity of judgment."

About this time there occurred an interesting incident but little known, 
which adds to the sum of knowledge pertaining to both Washington and 
Lafayette. Lord Carlisle, head of a British commission in America, sent an 
address to Congress in which the commission expressed themselves in terms 
derogatory to France. The French officers believed the honor of their 
country was concerned, and Lafayette challenged his lordship. The 
challenge was refused, Carlisle declaring he was responsible only to his 
country and King for his public remarks. In reply to a letter from the 
marquis on the subject, Washington wrote on October 4:

The generous spirit of Chivalry, exploded by the rest of the world, finds 
a refuge, my dear friend, in the sensibility of your nation only.



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PART VI
INACTION DURING 1779

The French Fleet remained in Boston Harbor to make repairs and reprovision 
until November 3, 1778, at which time it sailed for the West Indies. Its 
mission for the winter season in those waters had been assigned by the 
French Government prior to the departure of D'Estaing from Europe. The 
British and American troops in the Northern States were preparing for the 
customary winter role of inactivity. The infant government was still 
confronted with proofs of its inherent weakness. At no period of the 
revolution were the difficulties to be surmounted by the Congress, the 
States, and the Army of an inconsiderable number. Embarrassment of public 
affairs varied merely in magnitude. Lafayette said with infinite truth, as 
has been previously noted, that were Washington lost to America, "there is 
nobody who could keep the army and the revolution for six months."

The Commander in Chief comprehended the dangers of command, the gross 
venality of certain citizens, and the barbs of jealousy hurled at him as 
did no other individual. Fortunate he was in having the moral support of a 
loyal military family and the confidence of his many friends in Congress, 
the Army, and the States. From his inner self came a spiritual uplift 
without which he would have ceased to be the leader of his distressed 
country. None saw with clearer vision the ramifications of government in 
the making. At no other time in the history of the United States has such 
a diversified knowledge of nationalism, government, foreign relations, 
finance, food, an army, and a navy found lodgment in one individual. Had 
Washington been less human, less rounded out in all the virile qualities 
essential to success, he would ulti-

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mately have failed. When justified by circumstances he showed anger, 
disdain, irony, and cold hardness; but it was the kindly qualities of 
sympathetic understanding, affection, appreciation, and warmth of 
friendship that dominated the greater part of his thoughts and actions. In 
his analysis of public affairs and military objectives his mind never 
failed in clarity of vision. The crises that threatened were not always 
foreseen with clearness--and thus it is with the ebb and flow of impending 
events--nevertheless, Washington's acumen in predicting these matters was 
of a superior quality.

It was "not a little pleasing, nor less wonderful to contemplate, that 
after two years' manoeuvering and undergoing the strangest vicissitudes, 
that perhaps ever attended any one contest since the creation," Washington 
saw the American and British armies in August of 1778 brought back to the 
very point from which they had set out. "The hand of Providence has been 
so conspicuous in all this," he wrote at that time, "that he must be worse 
than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked, that has not 
gratitude enough to acknowledge his obligations." His righteous anger was 
directed against the individual--

who can build his greatness upon his country's ruin. * * * Those murderers 
of our cause, the monopolizers, forestallers, and engrossers * * I would 
to God, that one of the most atrocious in each State was hung in gibbets 
upon a gallows five times as high as the one prepared by Haman.

The vitriolic pen of Gen. Charles Lee assailed the court which tried him, 
and the country which would permit its defenders to be so defamed, and 
Washington felt that for him to have escaped the venom of Lee's tongue and 
pen so long "'is more to be wondered at than applauded."

He viewed with scorn those citizens of Philadelphia who entertained with 
costly assemblies, concerts, and dinners, and those Delegates in Congress 
who absented themselves from attention to public business by attending 
these entertainments, "while a great part of the officers of our army, 
from absolute necessity, are quitting the service." The depreciation of 
the currency reached such an alarming point, Washington facetiously wrote 
to a Delegate in

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Congress, "that a wagon-load of money will scarcely purchase a wagon-load 
of provisions."' In another letter he asks:

Can not our common country possess virtue enough to disappoint--

those who do not scruple to declare--

that we shall be our own conquerors? * * * Is the paltry consideration of 
a little dirty pelf to individuals to be placed in competition with the 
essential rights and liberties of the present generation, and of millions 
yet unborn? * * * Shall we at last become the victims of our own 
abominable lust of gain? * * * Our cause is noble. It is the cause of 
mankind, and the danger to it is to be apprehended from ourselves.

In the early part of November Lafayette departed from Philadelphia for 
Boston, at which port he expected to embark for France. Congress had 
granted him leave on the 21st of the previous month and given him their 
thanks--

for that disinterested zeal which led him to America, and for the services 
he hath rendered to the United States by the exertion of his courage and 
abilities on many signal occasions.

They directed that the minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles 
"cause an elegant sword, with proper devices, to be made and presented" to 
him in the name of the United States.

While en route to Boston the marquis was taken ill and could proceed no 
farther than Fishkill. His ailment became rapidly worse, and for many days 
his life was despaired of. To the assiduous care of Dr. John Cochran, 
physician and surgeon general of the Army, his ultimate recovery may be 
attributed. At the end of two months he was able to resume his journey, 
and on the 11th of January, 1779, he sailed from Boston aboard the 
Alliance.

The Army went into winter quarters from Danbury to the Delaware in the 
month of December, the headquarters of the Commander in Chief being 
established at Middlebrook. Once more a defensive rôle became necessary, 
as no offensive operations could be thought of, now that the French ships 
and troops had departed from the Atlantic coast. Another proposed campaign

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[image caption: DESIGNS ON LAFAYETTE'S SWORD]

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into Canada, still a popular project with many of the delegates, was 
finally abandoned because of the persistent objections raised by 
Washington against its execution. He favored only such activities as might 
become necessary against the Indians, to divert their ravages from the 
frontier settlements. In writing on these matters to a committee of 
Congress on the 12th of January, 1779, he said:

Our inactivity will be an argument of our weakness, and may injure our 
Credit and Consequence with Foreign Powers. This may influence the 
negotiations of Europe to our disadvantage. I would not suppose it could 
alienate our allies, or induce them to renounce our interests. Their own, 
if well understood, are too closely interwoven; their National Faith and 
Honor are pledged.

The intent of Count d'Estaing to return to the American continent in the 
early summer of 1779 was made known to General Washington by M. Gerard 
during a visit he made to headquarters of the Army in the early part of 
May. The many situations in which the fleet might be used were discussed. 
The Commander in Chief finally decided to request that it proceed with all 
dispatch directly from Martinique to New York, so as to arrive there 
before the return to that harbor of Admiral Byron's squadron, which had 
wintered in the Caribbean. Washington considered it essential to any 
extensive combined operations that France maintain a clear superiority 
over the British naval force in America. If this plan should not meet with 
favorable consideration, he suggested that D'Estaing sail for the South 
Atlantic coast and give aid to General Lincoln in driving the enemy from 
the province of Georgia, which had been invaded by the British the 
preceding November.

Before correspondence with the admiral of the fleet on these propositions 
could be exchanged, word was received from the count that he was about to 
sail for the southern coast, there to exert himself for the deliverance of 
Georgia and the preservation of the Carolinas. From there the squadron 
would proceed to the mouth Of the Delaware, and engage in any operations 
which might be agreed upon between Congress and the commander of His 
Majesty's forces. A memorial conveying this information was presented to 
Congress by M. Gerard on the 10th of May. Congress

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immediately directed that a copy of the memorial be transmitted to the 
Commander in Chief, "and that he consider himself at liberty so to direct 
the military operations of these states as shall appear to him most 
expedient. Such extensive powers had never before been delegated to 
Washington. In communicating these instructions to him the president wrote:

Congress confide fully in your Excellency's Prudence and Abilities; and I 
am directed to signify to you their wish, that neither an undue Degree of 
Delicacy or Diffidence may lead you to place too little Reliance on your 
own Judgment, or persuade you to make any further Communications of your 
Designs than necessity or high Expedience may dictate.

The impressions made upon M. Gerard during his stay at Army headquarters 
were transmitted to Count Vergennes in a communication sent from camp on 4 
May. It would be difficult to find a more laudatory letter written by any 
one at this period of Washington's career. The minister said, in part:

I have formed as high an opinion of the powers of his mind, his 
moderation, his patriotism, and his virtues, as I had before from common 
report conceived of his military talents and of the incalculable services 
he has rendered to his country.

In May, 1779, a British marauding expedition consisting of several ships 
and 2,500 men was sent into the Chesapeake, where they sacked the town of 
Portsmouth, burnt Suffolk, and carried off a large quantity of tobacco and 
other plunder. Pursuing the same methods in the month of July, a 
detachment of about 2,000 men under Generals Tryon and Garth raided the 
coast of Connecticut, plundering and burning New Haven on the 6th, 
Fairfield on the 9th, and Norwalk on the 12th. This measure of unusual 
severity was "only a chastisement, which the rebels justly deserved," 
Clinton reported to the war office, "in firing from their houses" upon the 
invading troops. Washington bitingly refers to the--

intrepid and magnanimous Tryon, who, in defiance of all the opposition 
that could be given by the women and Children, Inhabitants of these Towns, 
performed this notable exploit with two thousand brave and generous 
Britons, adding thereby fresh lustre to their arms and dignity to their 
King.

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Slight successes were gained by the Americans in the storming of Stony 
Point on the 16th of July and the surprise of Paulus Hook on the 19th of 
August. General Sullivan concluded a campaign against the hostile Indians 
in western New York, and on the 29th of August punished them very severely 
at Newtown.

Information that Spain had declared for France was received in the United 
States in August. The news increased immeasurably the spirits of the 
patriots, who, although they never lost hope completely, sometimes neared 
the precipice of despair. Washington pictures the situation in an apt 
simile: It has

given universal joy to every Whig; while the poor Tory droops, like a 
withering flower under a declining Sun.

In the month of September Don Bernardo de Galvez, His Catholic Majesty's 
governor and commander in chief of the province and forces of Louisiana, 
led a detachment against the redoubt at Baton Rouge, commanded by Lieut. 
Col. Alexander Dickson, who was in charge of all the British forces upon 
the Mississippi and the district of Baton Rouge in West Florida. Galvez 
invested the fort on the 12th and concluded siege operations until the 
21st, when a heavy cannonade by the besiegers forced the surrender of the 
post. The dependent fort at Natchez was included in the articles of 
capitulation.

Two letters were laid before Congress by M. Gerard on the 26th day of 
September, dated at Charleston on the 5th and 8th of the month, which 
contained information of D'Estaing's arrival on the coast of Georgia. 
Congress hastened to inform Washington that he was "authorized and 
directed to concert and execute such plans of cooperation with the 
Minister of France, or the Count, as he may think proper."

Two days prior to this action by Congress Lord Cornwallis had sailed from 
New York Harbor with 4,000 men and all the line of battle ships, his 
mission being to provide for the safety of Jamaica, next to protect 
Pensacola, and then to reduce New Orleans. After

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accomplishing this ambitious program he was to join the force in the South 
Atlantic which was based on Savannah. Cornwallis had scarcely cleared the 
port when he learned of the presence of the French Fleet off the Georgia 
coast. He hastened back to New York, arriving in the shelter of the harbor 
on September 27. The British promptly evacuated the upper Hudson River 
posts and Rhode Island and concentrated their northern army around New 
York, there to await the outcome of the naval action which seemed imminent.

A long period of waiting now ensued during which no definite word reached 
Washington as to what the French Fleet was doing or whether it would come 
north. The time for suspending major operations was drawing near, and no 
longer was it possible to expect a fulfillment of the projected plan to 
attack the British in and around New York Harbor. In November the 
disagreeable news was received that the siege operations conducted against 
Savannah by the combined forces of Lincoln and D'Estaing had failed. The 
works covering the city had been unsuccessfully stormed on the 9th of the 
preceding month, and on the 18th the allied forces had raised the siege. 
Lincoln withdrew his army to South Carolina, and D'Estaing sailed for the 
West Indies.

The American Army went into winter quarters early in December, the main 
army lying within 3 or 4 miles of Morristown. The months of January and 
February were so cold that ice formed in the channels between Long Island, 
York Island, and Staten Island, over which the troops could pass afoot. 
Just as the year 1779 was coming to an end Washington learned that Clinton 
had sailed from New York Harbor with more than one-half of his command.



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PART VII
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN IN 1780

Sir Henry Clinton was much discouraged by the progress of events during 
the year 1779 and on August 20 wrote Lord Germain that his spirits were 
"worn out by struggling against the consequences of many adverse 
incidents, which, without appearing publicly to account for my situation, 
have effectually oppressed me." His disappointment was great that urgency 
of government affairs in different quarters caused the withdrawal from his 
command of the extensive support which its mission required. He proffered 
his resignation, feeling that Lord Cornwallis, who had recently returned 
from England, was entirely competent to assume the official designation, 
"General and commander in chief of His Majesty's forces in the several 
Provinces in America on the Atlantic, from Nova Scotia to West Florida, 
inclusive. Of Cornwallis he wrote to Germain:

His Lordship's indefatigable zeal, his knowledge of the country, his 
professional ability, and the high estimation in which he is held by this 
army, must naturally give me the warmest confidence of efficacious support 
from him in every undertaking which opportunity may prompt and our 
circumstances allow.

Germain's reply to this letter was to the effect that His Majesty was too 
well satisfied with Clinton's conduct to wish to see the command of his 
forces in any other hands. Before the communication was received Clinton 
had effected all preparations to attempt the long-projected reduction of 
the southern provinces. By carrying an expeditionary force of great 
strength to South Carolina, the main army would be active during the 
winter months. The purpose of the campaign was to subjugate the two 
Carolinas, thus giving to England control of an immense domain on the 
Atlantic,

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which would include Georgia and the Floridas and be as large as the 10 
remaining colonies. The general plan contemplated sending a smaller force 
into Virginia to break up the foreign trade in tobacco, which was an 
important factor in the resources of the State and confederation. The 
departure of the French from the coast after the repulse of the allied 
armies at Savannah left Clinton at liberty to put these plans into effect.

An amphibious force was organized toward the end of 1779, the fleet being 
commanded by Vice Admiral Mariot Arbuthnot, and on the 26th day of 
December the expedition sailed from New York. The army consisted of about 
8,500 men, well supplied with artillery, military stores, and provisions. 
The command of the troops left in the North devolved upon the Hessian 
Lieut. Gen. Baron von Knyphausen, whose force was sufficient to act on the 
defensive against any detachment or army which might attack him during the 
winter months.

There never was a stage of the war in which dissatisfaction in the 
American Army was so general or alarming as it was at this time. Congress 
became more ineffectual from day to day, losing its strength to the 
voracious demands of the States. Much of the Army was starved, unclothed, 
and unpaid; these matters now being provided for, in theory at least, by 
the several States. Little less than the dissolution of the Army would 
have long since occurred had it not been for a spirit of patriotic virtue, 
seconded by the unremitting pains taken to compose and reconcile both 
officers and men to their situation. There was one hope that enabled 
Washington to preserve a semblance of equanimity during these days of 
gloom--that soon Lafayette would return from France with ships, men, and 
money in sufficient quantity to turn the tide of events in favor of the 
Revolutionary cause. Such was the condition of affairs in the sadly 
harassed country when Washington heard from General Lincoln that his army 
was besieged in Charleston, and that both it and the city were doomed.

Upon receipt of this intelligence the Commander in Chief determined to aid 
the South with such Continental troops as might be

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spared, despite the fact that every man under arms was needed in the 
North, owing to the facility with which the enemy, by the help of the 
fleet, could unite their forces at any point where they found the 
Americans weak. Washington realized that reenforcements would probably 
arrive too late to be of any service in raising the siege of Charleston; 
nevertheless they might "assist to arrest the progress of the enemy and 
save the Carolinas." There was every reason to believe that should the 
British succeed in capturing Charleston the Southern States would become 
the principal theater of war.

On the 2d of April Washington informed the President of Congress that the 
Maryland line and the Delaware regiment, which acted with the Maryland 
line, would be put under marching orders immediately, if Congress 
acquiesced in his views as to the propriety of taking such action. The 
expedition would be led by Major General Baron de Kalb, who commanded the 
Maryland division. The project was approved by Congress, and on the 16th 
of April the troops, to the number of 1,400, broke camp at Morristown and 
after a march of several days reached Philadelphia. From there the 
artillery, ammunition, and baggage continued south by land; and the 
infantry marched to the head of Elk River, where it embarked on the 3d of 
May. The command rendezvoused at Petersburg and was there enlarged by the 
addition of a Virginia regiment of 12 pieces of artillery. Considerable 
time was lost in assembling wagon transportation, and it was not until the 
1st of June that De Kalb was able to dispatch the first of the three 
brigades into which his command was divided. The second brigade was 
started the 6th of the month, on which day an express arrived from 
Georgetown, S. C., with the information that Charleston had capitulated on 
the 12th of the preceding month.

When the southern army under Lincoln surrendered, Clinton considered that 
the major effort in the subjugation of the province had been accomplished, 
and that with this showing of the power of the Crown many of the 
inhabitants would join the loyal cause.

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It would be necessary, of course, to occupy the country with a 
considerable force and thereby give protection to the loyalists; but it 
was thought that the British regulars would be largely augmented by tory 
militia, who would aid in keeping the revolutionists suppressed.

Cornwallis commanded in the field and on May 17th had a force of regulars 
amounting to 2,542 rank and file, which was believed by Clinton and 
himself to be sufficient, when augmented by militia, to subjugate South 
Carolina and continue the campaign into North Carolina. At the same time 
he was advised that, in view of the importance of his mission, troops were 
not to be stinted, and Clinton offered to supplement his force in the 
field by any that he might desire from the garrisons of the several forts 
which had been established. His army was to be temporarily increased by 
the light infantry and the Forty-second Regiment for the commencement of 
the campaign; but these troops were to be returned as soon as they could 
be spared, as the operations which Clinton contemplated conducting to the 
northward would be handicapped without them. Cornwallis was of the belief 
that he had sufficient regular forces to eventually control all the 
territory from the Floridas to Virginia, and on the 18th of May wrote 
Clinton that he would regret to see any part of the troops left behind, 
which were destined for use elsewhere; and unless considerable 
reenforcements of Continentals should come from the northward to join the 
revolutionists, he would not need more assistance.

On May 20th the light infantry and the Forty-second Regiment marched to 
Moncks Corner and joined the command in the field. At this time both 
Clinton and Cornwallis were hopeful that South Carolina would offer but 
little resistance to complete subjugation, although there was in Clinton's 
mind a measure of doubt, for he knew that the entire success of the 
campaign would depend upon whether or not "the temper of our friends in 
those districts is such as it has always been represented to us."

The time now arrived when Clinton and Arbuthnot could no longer delay 
their departure for New York. Intelligence had

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reached Clinton of Lafayette's return to America, bringing the promise of 
his government that a French fleet and army would follow in a short time. 
Cornwallis was informed that after finishing the campaign of subjugation 
he was to leave in the South such forces as might be necessary to dominate 
the territory and proceed with the remainder to the Chesapeake to assist 
in the operations which were to be undertaken there as soon as Clinton no 
longer feared a superior fleet, and the season was far enough advanced to 
permit of campaigning in that climate. Cornwallis was to command the 
troops which would be concentrated in Virginia, and it was supposed that 
the move to the Chesapeake could be undertaken in the early part of 
October. Clinton and Arbuthnot sailed from Charleston on the 5th day of 
June, and arrived in New York Harbor on the 17th of the month.

Cornwallis now established his headquarters at Camden and conducted an 
extensive correspondence with the loyalists in North Carolina. It was not 
desired that partisans of the King should be unduly active in that 
province, for fear the rebels would likewise become embodied and produce a 
situation inimical to the success of the army when it approached the 
border of North Carolina. However, if the loyalists considered themselves 
a match for the whigs and were determined to rise without further delay, 
Cornwallis promised to supply them with ammunition and to send incursions 
of fight infantry against their enemies. Meanwhile he was kept fully 
occupied in establishing posts from the Peedee to the Savannah Rivers for 
the purpose of awing the disaffected, and in raising provincial corps and 
militia both for the defense as well as for the internal government of 
South Carolina.

Having made the above arrangements and everything along the frontier 
appearing tranquil, Cornwallis set out on the 21st of June for Charleston, 
leaving the command of the troops to Lord Rawdon. On the last day of the 
month he wrote to Clinton that with the capitulation of Ninety Six, the 
most populous and powerful district in the province, and the dispersion of 
a party of rebels who had assembled at an ironwork on the northwest border 
of the

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province, there was an end to all resistance in South Carolina. He 
commented on the distant approach of De Kalb's command and the nearness of 
several other small detachments, but believed that it would be impossible 
for any considerable body of men to march across North Carolina before the 
harvest.

There was much public business to be attended to in Charleston, regulating 
the civil and commercial affairs of the town and country, organizing 
militia in the lower districts, and forwarding supplies to the army around 
Camden. Cornwallis planned to begin active operations the early part of 
September, at which time he expected that South Carolina could be left in 
security, while he moved with the main body of the troops into the back 
part of North Carolina, "with the greatest probability of reducing that 
province to its duty." This hopeful view of the situation was soon 
disturbed by the intelligence that a large body of militia under Colonel 
Sumter had advanced from the north as far as the Catawba settlement, and 
that De Kalb showed no intention of temporarily halting his march through 
North Carolina. On the 9th of August two expresses from Camden arrived in 
Charleston, bringing information that the American Army was approaching 
Lynches Creek, from which position it would threaten Camden and the 
supporting posts. On the evening of the next day Cornwallis and a small 
escort set out for Camden, making the journey of 140 miles in three days.

Upon the receipt of the news that General Lincoln was a prisoner, it 
became necessary for Congress to designate a new commanding general for 
the Southern Department. Congress did not deem it advisable to give this 
important and extensive command to Baron de Kalb, and on the 13th of June, 
without consulting the Commander in Chief, appointed General Gates to the 
position. Gates left Travellers Rest on the 26th of June to join the 
southern army, arriving at Coxe's Mill, beyond Hillsboro, on the 24th of 
the following month.

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The first order issued by General Gates upon assuming command the day 
after his arrival, was to pay the baron the compliment of confirming his 
standing orders. Then, much to the surprise of everyone, he directed the 
army to hold itself in readiness to march at an hour's warning. To those 
who knew the precarious wants of the troops this order was a matter of 
great astonishment. Members of the staff presented their objections for 
the consideration of the new commander and suggested a more leisurely 
march through the higher ground of the Yadkin, thence to the town of 
Salisbury. Gates listened to the advice but did not alter his plan in any 
detail. He intended to press forward on a direct course through the 
desolate country that lay between Coxe's Mill and Camden with all the 
speed of which his troops were capable. This decision was typical of the 
aggressiveness of his every action during the entire march.

The armies of Gates and Cornwallis came together on the 16th day of 
August, 1780, just north of Sanders Creek, which crosses the highway 5½ 
miles north of Camden. In the action that followed the American army was 
completely defeated and driven in utter rout from the field. The Battle of 
Camden presents a picture unique in the history of our country. The 
mention of it calls to mind the havoc wrought by untrained troops fleeing 
from a battlefield, pursued by the phantoms of terror. Without firing a 
shot they deserted the regular forces whom they might have protected, and 
from whom protection would have been received. The cowardice of the 
militia, induced by mob fear, resulted in the Continentals being overcome 
by the enemy. Their gallantry could not win victory from a more numerous 
foe of equal military merit. To add to the distressing effect of the 
battle Baron de Kalb, a most gallant leader, well beloved by his adopted 
country, was mortally wounded. Cruel and unjustifiable contumely was 
heaped upon General Gates, whose only error of judgment during the entire 
campaign was that he put too much confidence in untrained troops.

The complete dispersion of the southern army left only one organized force 
of any size in South Carolina--that under Colonel

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Sumter. Cornwallis determined to destroy this corps, as it might prove a 
foundation upon which to assemble the routed army. On the morning of the 
17th he detached Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton to pursue and attack Sumter. 
Orders were also sent to Maj. Patrick Ferguson, on the Little River, to 
engage in the same mission. Tarleton was successful in surprising Sumter 
on the 18th at Fishing Creek, near the Catawba, where he was engaged in 
escorting 250 prisoners and a large quantity of stores, artillery, and 
ammunition. The 800 men who composed the corps were killed, captured, or 
dispersed, and their leader barely escaped being taken.

The two disasters of Camden and Fishing Creek brought deep despair to the 
revolutionists, while they caused great elation to the victors. In a 
letter written to Lord Germain a few days after Camden, Cornwallis 
declared that the rebel forces were dispersed and that internal commotions 
and insurrections in the province would now subside. He stated that he had 
given directions to inflict exemplary punishment on some of the most 
guilty, hoping thereby to deter others "from tampering with allegiance, 
with oaths, and with the lenity and generosity of the British Government."

No further opposition to the advance into North Carolina now existed, and 
on the morning of the 17th of September Cornwallis dispatched messengers 
into that province with directions to his friends to take arms and 
assemble immediately. They were then to seize the most violent people and 
all the military stores and magazines belonging to the rebels and 
intercept all stragglers from the routed army. Realizing that a campaign 
in Virginia would lessen the pressure against the army in North Carolina, 
Cornwallis wrote to Clinton that next to the security of New York, the 
operations in the Chesapeake were among the most important objects of the 
war. Plans were made to move the first division of the army by way of 
Charlotte Town and Salisbury about the 6th or 7th of September. The second 
division would follow with the convalescents and stores 10 days later. The 
march of the first division was delayed until the 8th, and on the 26th of 
September Charlotte Town was reached.

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The orders sent to Ferguson on the 17th of August were received on the 
19th, and the same evening this intrepid leader put his column in motion. 
At that moment an express arrived with intelligence of a British 
detachment which had been attacked at Musgroves Mills on the Enoree River 
the day before, with disastrous results. Ferguson decided to hasten to 
their relief, and changing his direction of march he crossed the Broad at 
sunrise the next morning in close pursuit of the patriot leaders, whose 
march was impeded by the prisoners taken on the 18th. Colonel Williams, 
the senior officer with this partisan force, succeeded in leading the men 
to safety in the mountainous region of Gilbert Town. There he disbanded 
his command, after the several leaders had agreed to return to their 
respective homes and raise a band of volunteers to defeat any hostile 
force which might be brought to the eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge.

Ferguson made no effort to continue the pursuit farther and as Tarleton 
had disposed of Sumter he went to Camden to confer with Cornwallis 
regarding future activities. It was decided that the provincial corps 
under his command should be separated from the army and ad on the frontier 
with the militia, where its position along the base of the mountains would 
protect the left of the main army. Ferguson rejoined his command and put 
it in motion in a northerly direction. In the course of his march he 
arrived at Gilbert Town, where he paroled a prisoner and sent him into the 
mountains with a message to the leaders in that region--

that if they did not desist from their opposition to the British arms, and 
take protection under his standard, he would march his army over the 
mountains, hang their leaders, and lay their country waste with fire and 
sword.

The insolence of this message inflamed the mountain men to an extent that 
nothing else could have done. It aroused their anger and made them 
determined to drive this menacing force from the country.

Hitherto these mountaineers had only heard of war at a distance, and had 
been in peaceable possession of that independence for which their 
countrymen on the seacoast were contending.

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They gathered in great numbers on the Sycamore Flats bordering the Watauga 
River, and on September 26th started to cross the mountains, directing 
their march toward Gilbert Town.

When Ferguson learned of this movement he fell back in the direction of 
the main army and on the 6th of October reached Kings Mountain, about 36 
miles from Charlotte Town, where Cornwallis was now located. Kings 
Mountain offered favorable ground on which to give battle; and as the 
Americans were reported to be in hot pursuit, Ferguson determined to meet 
them in that position.

The various regiments and detachments of patriots, all under the command 
of Colonel Campbell, were like hunters in a chase. Their quarry was near, 
making a stand on top of a knifelike ridge, disdainfully awaiting the 
attack. Early in the morning of the 7th, after an all-night ride, the 
hunters came near their prey. With deliberation they formed a ring around 
the mountain and on a signal advanced up its steep sides to the attack. 
These men were not militia, ready to quit the field of battle with the 
first shot; they were volunteers who had embodied to rid their country of 
a dangerous enemy.

The attack was conducted with fierce intensity and ended only after 
Ferguson had been killed. Of the 1,104 men engaged under the British flag 
none escaped being killed, wounded, or captured. Not one of this number 
owed allegiance to the King, with the single exception of their leader. 
The command had been made up entirely of militia and provincial troops 
recruited in the United States.

The death of Ferguson and the destruction of his corps made it impossible 
for the British army to advance farther into North Carolina, or to hold 
its position at Charlotte Town. Cornwallis therefore withdrew a distance 
of 60 miles and went into camp at Wynnesborough. In this position he could 
protect the frontier of South Carolina and give assistance to the 
important posts of Camden and Ninety Six. He determined to remain on the 
defensive

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until information was received from General Leslie concerning the progress 
of the campaign in Virginia.

The Battle of Kings Mountain was the outstanding victory of the Americans 
during the year 1780. It put an end to the possibility of an eventual 
peace with England under such terms as might have resulted in the 
retention of the southern provinces under British rule. No other battle of 
the revolution has its background of romance. It exemplifies, the 
aspirations of the patriots for self-government and the spirit which 
finally won victory.

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