The Virginia Campaign - Parts I-IV



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PART I
YORKTOWN, 1781

YORKTOWN! Indicative of Achievement ** Expressive of Greatness ** 
Significant of Independence.

A name which in itself seems sonorous, suggestive, sacred; but which 
derives these distinctive attributes from an imperishable glory that found 
lodgment there, and which shall not depart as long as this country endures.

A place richly endowed with the beauty of a majestic river, of open fields 
of green encircled by densely wooded hills and vales; a community that 
conserves a calm serenity undisturbed, prideful that history selected it 
for great distinction.

It was at Yorktown that the nascent nationalism of each of the thirteen 
States of America was assured of eventual coalescence into a single 
nationalism, and where an endless fraternalism between the peoples of the 
United States and France was sealed.

The revolt of the thirteen colonies against the mother country showed 
signs of disturbing activity soon after the termination of the French and 
Indian war in 1763. Opposition to the oppressive measures adopted by 
Parliament was most aggressive in the trading colonies of Massachusetts, 
Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New York; but the patriots of Virginia and 
North Carolina were equally determined to bring about reforms. Lexington 
was the accumulation of many incipient fires which finally broke into a 
flaming fury on that battlefield. At Saratoga, after two and a half years 
of warfare, a great army surrendered. This notable American success 
brought about an alliance with France. At Yorktown the greatest soldier 
that England ever sent to America laid down his arms. The

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[image caption: WASHINGTON IN 1772]

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Independence of the United States was now assured; with the aid of France 
this had been made possible.

Over the fair face of Tidewater and Piedmont Virginia, on the broad 
stretches of the Chesapeake, through the sinuous curves of the James, and 
upon the serene surface of the York marched armies and sailed fleets 
during the great Southern Campaign of the Revolutionary War far more 
numerous and complex in their movement than were the operations of any 
other land and naval forces during the entire period of hostilities. 
Toward the end there were assembled in the Peninsula and on the adjacent 
waters, nearly all the leaders who at any time had held independent 
commands in the South: Washington, Rochambeau, Lafayette, Von Steuben, and 
St. Simon of the Allied Armies; Cornwallis and O'Hara of the British Army; 
De Grasse and De Barras of the French Fleet; Graves, Hood, and Drake of 
the British Fleet. Greene and Balfour were in South Carolina; Phillips's 
day on earth was past; Leslie had returned to Europe; Rawdon was a 
prisoner of De Grasse; and Arnold was driven by the tortures of conscience 
from the province.

From the time that Cornwallis crossed the frontier in May of 1781 Virginia 
became the battle ground wherein the fate of the new Nation was to be 
determined. In October of the preceding year Clinton had sent Leslie to 
that province, with instructions to establish a post on the Elizabeth 
River at Portsmouth. If Cornwallis should be in need of reenforcements, 
however, Leslie was to place himself under the orders of that officer. 
Complying with orders given to him later, Leslie moved his army to 
Charleston and joined Cornwallis the day after the battle of the Cowpens.

When Clinton learned that Leslie was about to abandon Virginia, a 
detachment was placed under the command of the traitor Arnold, who on the 
20th of December sailed from New York to conduct operations in that 
province. Later Phillips was sent to the same place to strengthen the 
force already there and to take command. He was to establish the British 
more firmly in Virginia, which was becoming more and more the dominant 
battle ground of the revolution.

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At this time Greene was campaigning in the Carolinas, and Von Steuben was 
organizing the troops in Virginia. Von Steuben and the several commanders 
of militia occupied the attention of the British until the death of 
Phillips. Arnold then took over the command of the British, which he 
retained until Cornwallis arrived from North Carolina.

Into this complicated theater of operations came Lafayette. The handling 
of his army, which opposed that of Cornwallis, was performed in a 
brilliant manner. Meanwhile Washington and Rochambeau eagerly awaited news 
from De Grasse, and when it was finally reported that the French Fleet 
would enter the Chesapeake they moved their armies with all possible speed 
into the Peninsula, there to bring about the final major action of the 
Revolutionary War.

In this narrative tribute is paid to the honorable services of those 
commanders who fought against the thirteen colonies. Credit is given to 
France for making possible the independence of the United States. To the 
Marquis de Lafayette is accorded the homage due the one who, more than any 
other individual in America except George Washington, was in obtaining 
victory. Acknowledgment is made of the military genius of the Count de 
Rochambeau and the Count de Grasse in leading gallant troops through 
successful battles on land and sea. Appreciation is expressed for the 
sympathetic interest in the colonists felt by Louis XVI and the Count de 
Vergennes, and for their efforts in influencing the French people to 
regard the United States as a military and economic ally.



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PART II
THE FRENCH-AMERICAN ALLIANCE

The Revolutionary War may well be divided into two parts: That antedating 
1778, designated the American period; and that subsequent to 1777, which 
may be called the French-American period. These periods, while entirely 
distinctive, have one bond to hold them together--Lafayette.

Two of the major events that preceded the actual outbreak of war between 
England and the thirteen colonies were the "Boston tea party," which 
occurred on the night of December 16, 1773, and the meeting of the First 
Continental Congress in Philadelphia on the 5th of September, 1774. Then 
rebellion broke forth when the British soldiers and the Minutemen 
exchanged shots at Lexington on the 19th of April, 1775. On the 10th of 
the following month the Second Continental Congress assembled in 
Philadelphia, and on the 17th of June of the same year the Battle of 
Bunker Hill was fought.

Long before Lexington and Bunker Hill, however, the province of North 
Carolina had been militantly engaged in opposing the tyrannous conduct of 
Governor Tryon, through the medium of an association called the 
"Regulation." The governor was indifferent to the grievances presented to 
him; he refused to remedy the just causes for complaint, and the spirit of 
disaffection grew. Its culmination came on the 16th day of May, 1771, when 
a body of about 2,000 Regulators was defeated in the Battle of the 
Alamance by a force of regulars and militia, commanded by the governor, 
but little more than a thousand strong. When the news reached North 
Carolina that open hostilities had begun at Lexington, the inhabitants of 
Mecklenberg County promulgated a declaration

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[image caption: THE YORKTOWN MONUMENT]

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of independence, which antedated by more than a year the declaration made 
on July 4, 1776, by the Continental Congress at Philadelphia.

The second year of the war found the British in possession of New York 
City, which was occupied following the Battle of Long Island, fought on 
August 27, 1776. From New York the British moved up the North River and 
effected a crossing, and then began overrunning the jerseys. By the end of 
the year they occupied a front with the right resting on the North River 
and the left at Trenton on the Delaware. In the following year Lord Howe 
moved the major portion of his army to the head of the Chesapeake and then 
marched to Philadelphia, the city being occupied by an advance detachment 
under Cornwallis on the 26th of September, 1777. Later in the year 
Washington went into winter quarters at Valley Forge.

The year 1777 is notable for the outstanding achievement of American arms 
at Saratoga, where on the 17th day of October the British Army commanded 
by Lieut. Gen. John Burgoyne surrendered to Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates. 
Immediately a copy of the articles of convention was sent to Benjamin 
Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, the American commissioners who had 
been sent to Paris for the purpose of effecting an alliance between the 
United States and France. The letter from the Committee of Foreign 
Affairs, dated the 31st of October, which transmitted the capitulation, 
said, in part:

We rely on your wisdom and care to make the best and most immediate use of 
the intelligence, to depress our enemies, and produce essential aid to our 
cause in Europe * * * we are sensible how essential European aid must be 
to the final establishment and security of American freedom and 
Independence.

The news of Burgoyne's surrender reached France by a packet from Boston 
early in December. It "apparently occasioned as much general joy in
France," wrote the commissioners, "as if it had been a victory of their 
own troops over their own enemies, such is the universal, warm, and 
sincere good will and attachment to us and our cause in this nation."

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The commissioners took this favorable opportunity of pressing the ministry 
to a conclusion of the proposed treaties, which had so long been under 
consideration. A meeting was arranged for the 12th of December, at which 
final accord was reached. As the concurrence of Spain was necessary, a 
courier was dispatched to Madrid the following day to obtain the agreement 
of that Government.

On the 6th of February, 1778, three treaties were signed with France. One 
was a treaty of amity and commerce; another a treaty of alliance, eventual 
and defensive; and the third an act separate and secret which provided 
that the other two treaties were to be referred to the King of Spain for 
approval. In the treaty of alliance it was provided that if war should 
break out between France and Great Britain, during the continuance of the 
conflict then existing between the United States and Great Britain, His 
Majesty and the United States would make--

it a common cause, and aid each other mutually with their good offices, 
their counsels, and their forces.

The essential and direct purpose of the defensive alliance was--

to maintain effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and independence 
absolute and unlimited of the said United States, as well in matters of 
government as of commerce.

The three treaties were unanimously ratified by the Congress of the United 
States on the 4th day of May, 1778. At the same time it was resolved that 
the commissioners at the court of France be directed--

to present the grateful acknowledgments of this Congress to his most 
Christian majesty, for his truly magnanimous conduct respecting these 
states, in the said generous and disinterested treaties, and to assure his 
majesty, on the part of this Congress, it is sincerely wished that the 
friendship so happily commenced between France and these United States may 
be perpetual.



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PART III
LAFAYETTE

Lafayette! Another name to be interpreted in the light of history. A name 
whose mere mention brings to mind valiant youth, vividly questioning, 
imaginative, ambitious, proud, reticent, affectionate, worshipful; a 
crusader by instinct; a soldier from love of glory; a friend faithful and 
true, compelling affection because of the sparkling sincerity of his 
personality. Born at Chavaniac in Auvergne on the 6th day of September, 
1757, Lafayette was destined to add immeasurably to the martial glory of a 
name already adorned by a father whom he never saw--killed in battle 
shortly before the birth of the son. Lafayette's mother died when he was 
in his thirteenth year and was followed in death some days later by her 
father, the Marquis de la Riviere. It was from this grandparent that he 
inherited the very considerable wealth which made possible so many 
gracious acts in connection with his services in the Army of the United 
States.

Lafayette in his Memoirs wrote:

You ask me at what period I first experienced my ardent love of liberty 
and glory? I recollect no time of my fife anterior to my enthusiasm for 
anecdotes of glorious deeds, and to my projects of travelling over the 
world to acquire fame.

Love of liberty and glory were the dominant characteristics of his youth, 
but the latter was always kept subjected to the former. He writes of the 
unfavorable opinion entertained of him owing to his habitual silence when 
he did not think the subject under discussion worthy of thought or 
comment. His days in the college at Paris, where he continued his 
education at the tender age of 12, were uneventful except for his ardent 
desire to study without restraint. He said that as a student he never 
deserved to be chastised,

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[image caption: LAFAYETTE IN 1779]

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and that "in spite of my usual gentleness, it would have been dangerous to 
have attempted to do so." He deliberately sacrificed the hope of a high 
mark in rhetoric by describing a perfect courser as "one who, on 
perceiving the whip, threw down his rider."

The marriage of Lafayette to the daughter of the Duke d'Ayen was 
celebrated on the 11th day of April, 1774, at which time he Was but 16 
years and 7 months of age and his bride only 14 years and 5 months old. 
The head of the elder branch of his wife's family, the Marshal de 
Noailles, wished to obtain for the young man a place in the household of a 
prince of royal blood (afterwards Louis XVIII), but Lafayette's love of 
republican principles was so great that he did not hesitate displeasing 
his patrons to preserve his independence. Such was his frame of mind when 
he first learned of the rebellion in America, and when in the following 
year "the memorable declaration of the 4th of July" reached France.

It was during the month of August, 1775, that Lafayette, then a subaltern 
stationed at Metz, met the Duke of Gloucester, brother of the King of 
England, at a dinner given by Count de Broglie, the of the fort. The 
conversation was soon directed to American affairs, the resistance of the 
colonists, generally referred to in Europe as the "insurgents," and the 
strong measures adopted by the ministry to crush the rebellion. Lafayette 
absorbed this information with avid attention. The idea of a people 
fighting for liberty so inflamed his imagination that when he left the 
table he was determined to look further into the matter, to see if a 
youthful, chivalric "love of liberty and glory" would be satisfied by 
offering the aid of his banner to the revolutionists. As an answer to the 
obstacles which were to be expected from his own and his wife's family, 
and equally to serve as an encouragement to himself and as a reply to 
others, he ventured to adopt for a device on his arms the words, "Cur 
non?" In commenting, later in life, upon political conditions which 
preceded the revolution, Lafayette wrote:

The Americans, attached to the mother country, contented themselves at 
first with merely uttering complaints; they only accused the ministry, and 
the whole

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nation rose up against them; they were termed insolent and rebellious, and 
at length declared the enemies of their country: thus did the obstinacy of 
the king, the violence of the ministers, and the arrogance of the English 
nation, oblige thirteen of their colonies to render themselves 
independent. Such a glorious cause had never before attracted the 
attention of mankind; it was the last struggle of Liberty; and had she 
then been vanquished, neither hope nor asylum would have remained for her.

Great care and discretion were necessary in determining who would be the 
recipients of Lafayette's confidence. Intimate friends were approached, 
only to have their enthusiasm for the adventure frowned on by more worldly-
wise parents. His friend, Count de Broglie, when requested to countenance 
the enterprise, answered:

I have seen your uncle die in the wars of Italy; I witnessed your father's 
death at the battle of Minden; and I will not be accessory to the ruin of 
the only remaining branch of the family.

De Broglie did relent, however, to the extent of introducing the ardent 
adventurer to Baron de Kalb, an officer of German birth, then in the 
service of France. De Kalb in 1768 had made an intelligence examination of 
America as the agent of M. de Choiseul, and was now desirous of offering 
his sword to the United States. Lafayette and De Kalb secured an audience 
with Silas Deane, who at the time represented the new Confederation of 
States in Paris. When the marquis presented his boyish face (for he was 
only 19 years of age) he spoke more of his ardor in the cause than of his 
experience. Deane knew but little French, De Kalb was a poor interpreter, 
the British ambassador's spies were suspicious, and it became necessary to 
place the further conduct of the affair in the hands of an intermediary. 
An agreement was finally entered into on the 7th of December, 1776, signed 
by Silas Deane, Lafayette, and De Kalb, to the effect that--

The ranks and the pay, which the most honorable Congress shall affix to 
them to commence at the periods marked in the present list, have been 
agreed to by us the undersigned.

The name of Lafayette headed the list. His rank of major general was to 
date from the 7th of December, 1776. De Kalb, who

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came next on the list, was given the same rank, to date from the 7th of 
November. The list contained 11 other names.

Following the agreement, and constituting part of it, is a further accord 
entered into between Deane and Lafayette, largely for the information of 
Congress. Deane says of Lafayette:

His high birth, his alliances, the great dignities which his family holds 
at this Court, his considerable estates in this realm, his personal merit, 
his reputation, his disinterestedness, and above all his zeal for the 
liberty of our provinces, are such as to induce me alone to promise him 
the rank of major general in the name of the United States.

Then follows a voluntary statement signed by Lafayette, that he is to 
serve without any pension or particular allowance, reserving to himself 
the liberty of returning to Europe when his family or his King shall 
recall him.

Preparations were made to dispatch a vessel with arms and other military 
supplies for the American Army, in which Lafayette was to take passage. 
Unfortunately for the venture, bad news was accumulating in Europe of a 
prolonged series of reverses suffered by the "insurgents." First it was 
the Battle of Long Island; then the evacuation of the city of New York; 
and later the island of York; followed by the retreat of Washington's army 
across the Jerseys and beyond the Delaware. All the credit of the 
Americans vanished. To Deane's earnest efforts to dissuade him from 
further participation in the enterprise, Lafayette, thanking him for his 
friendly concern, said:

Until now, Sir, you have seen only my ardour in your cause, and that may 
not prove at present wholly useless. I shall purchase a ship to carry out 
your officers; we must feel confidence in the future, and it is especially 
in the hour of danger that I wish to share your fortune.

The deep sincerity of this statement is evidenced by its reiteration in 
another form, contained in a letter written to the President of Congress 
after more than a year's residence in America, and after Lafayette had 
been severely wounded at the Battle of Brandywine:

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The moment I heard of America, I loved her; the moment I knew she was 
fighting for freedom, I burnt with a desire of bleeding for her.

Lafayette's project was received with approbation by Deane, and an agent 
was dispatched to Bordeaux with instructions to purchase a vessel.

In order to fulfill an engagement of long standing and allay suspicion 
which might be directed toward him, the young marquis made a visit to 
England in the latter part of February. He paid his respects to the King 
and to high officials; and at the opera saw General Clinton, whom he was 
afterwards to meet at Monmouth. He openly avowed his sentiments of 
republicanism and often defended the Americans. He refused offers made him 
to visit the seaports, vessels fitting out against the "'rebels," and 
everything that might be construed as an abuse of confidence.

On the 12th day of March, 1777, Lafayette returned to Paris and lay 
concealed for three days at De Kalb's house in Chaillot. He saw a few of 
his friends and then set out for Bordeaux. Here it was learned that his 
intended departure for America was known at Versailles, and that a King's 
messenger was hastening to overtake him. Lafayette lost not a moment in 
setting sail and made for the harbor of Los Pasajes, the nearest port in 
Spain, only to be encountered there by two officers who had traveled 
overland from Bordeaux, with a lettre de cachet from the King, prohibiting 
his departure. He also received letters of extreme severity from his own 
family. The orders of his government were peremptory, forbidding him to 
proceed to the American continent under penalty of willful disobedience of 
his sovereign. He was enjoined to repair to Marseilles and there await 
further orders.

The letters from the ministers were severe--

wrote Sparks, who visited France in 1828 and had extensive conversations 
with Lafayette--

charging him with violating his oath of allegiance to the King, and of 
rashly committing an act which might involve the government with other 
powers.

It was not fear, however, of the ultimate action which the government 
might take against him that prompted Lafayette to obey

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the King's command. It was thought of his friends and family and concern 
for his young wife, soon to become a mother a second time.

Lafayette returned to Bordeaux to enter into a justification of his 
conduct, and to bear upon his own shoulders all the consequences of his 
acts. He called attention to the fact that an officer of the King's Irish 
regiment had been permitted to join the British forces, and that Duportail 
and three other engineers belonging to the King's army had obtained 
special permission to enter the American service. As the court to which 
his justification was addressed "did not deign to relax in its 
determination," Lafayette wrote to M. de Maurepas that "that silence was a 
tacit consent," and his own departure from Bordeaux took place soon after 
this facetious dispatch had been sent to the minister of state.

Ostensibly setting out for Marseilles, Lafayette proceeded but a short 
distance on that highway, then turned in the direction of Bordeaux, where 
he rejoined his ship on the 17th of April. Three days later he set sail 
for the American continent, accompanied by Baron de Kalb and 11 other 
officers seeking service in America.

The departure of young Lafayette produced, in Paris, in the commercial 
towns, in all societies, and even at court, a sensation that was very 
favorable to the American cause. The enthusiasm it excited was in a great 
measure owing to the state of political stagnation into which the country 
had so long been plunged, the resentment excited by the arrogance of 
England, her commissioner at Dunkirk, her naval pretensions, and the love 
inherent in all mankind of bold and extraordinary deeds, especially when 
they are in defiance of the powerful, and to protect the weak in their 
struggle for liberty.

American history offers but few opportunities to observe youth occupying a 
position in public affairs of such momentous possibilities as fell to the 
lot of Lafayette; or to know with equal intimacy the emotions which 
stirred him in the sacred relations of home, and in the more public 
affairs of military adventure. The pathos of one so young. showering his 
love like warm, gentle rain upon the wife from whom he was so far 
separated, fills the heart with immeasurable sympathy. His letters to her 
were inspired by an ardent and protective love beyond description. He 
cherished her

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above all else on earth except honor. From the ship Victoire, which was 
carrying him to the shores of South Carolina, he addressed her:

How many fears and anxieties enhance the keen anguish I feel at being 
separated from all that I love most fondly in the world. * * * The sea is 
so melancholy, that it and I mutually, I believe, sadden each other.

To bring cheer to her and lessen her fears for his safety he playfully 
writes:

The post of general officer has always been considered like a commission 
for immortality. * * * Ask the opinion of all general officers, and these 
are very numerous, because, having once attained that height, they are no 
longer exposed to any hazards.

Impatient to land--there is "always sky, always water, and the next day a 
repetition of the same thing." He is concerned for the welfare of their 
daughter, Henriette, and of the infant brother or sister whose coming he 
will welcome "with unbounded joy." His honor, his motives, the "love of 
liberty and glory" for which he is engaging in this adventure, are told in 
simple, forceful messages to her:

Whilst defending the liberty I adore, I shall enjoy perfect freedom 
myself: I but offer my service to that interesting republic from motives 
of the purest kind, unmixed with ambition or private views; her happiness 
and my glory are my only incentives to the task.

He adds a thought which occurs with frequency throughout his 
correspondence:

I hope that, for my sake, you will become a good American, for that 
feeling is worthy of every noble heart.

Then follows a revelation of what the future had in store for the infant 
Nation:

The happiness of America is intimately connected with the happiness of all 
mankind; she will become the safe and respected asylum of virtue, 
integrity, toleration, equality, and tranquil happiness.

He has forbidden the use of candles aboard the ship and closes this letter 
as daylight fades with the everlasting message of love:

Once more, adieu; if my fingers be at all guided by my heart, it is not 
necessary to see clearly to tell you that I love you, and that I shall 
love you all my life.

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After a voyage unduly prolonged by contrary winds, and which threatened to 
end in disaster when two English frigates were en, countered off the 
Carolina coast, on the 13th day of June, at the end of a passage of eight 
weeks, the Victoire dropped anchor off Georgetown, S. C. Lafayette was 
rowed ashore on Winyaw Bay, and as midnight approached found shelter in 
the plantation home of Major Huger on North Island. As his foot touched 
the friendly soil he swore that "'he would conquer or perish" in the cause 
which had brought him to America.

The resiliency of youth caused the discomforts of the trip soon to be 
forgotten. A vessel sailing for France a short time after his arrival 
carried back letters, and he was ready for the great adventure that had 
been agitating his mind for nearly a year. The novelty of his surroundings 
at the plantation home, the beds covered with mosquito nets, the black 
servants, the beauty of the vegetation; all united in producing a magical 
effect and in exciting a variety of inexpressible sensations. His spirits 
soared on high like an eagle's flight; he had unlimited confidence in his 
lucky star.

That same star has protected me to the astonishment of every person.

And he wants his dear one to be of equal faith.

You may, therefore, trust a little to it in the future, my love, and let 
this conviction tranquillize your fears.

His temperament was such that he viewed this new country with a 
sympathetic eye. It was foreign to him, but his devotion to his ideals 
filled everything with a glorified charm, and there was no artificiality 
of pretense in his affectionate interest and concern. Charleston was one 
of the best built, handsomest, and most agreeable cities that he had ever 
seen.

The American women are very pretty, and have great simplicity of character.

What gave him most pleasure was--

to see how completely the citizens are all brethren of one family. 
Simplicity of manner, kindness of heart, love of country and of liberty, 
and a delightful state of equality, are met with universally.

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Lafayette and his retinue were most hospitably received by the citizens of 
Charleston. He was enchanted with everything he saw and with all whom he 
met. Every one showed him "the greatest attention and politeness." He was 
entertained in magnificent manner. Meanwhile horses and carriages were 
hired, and all plans hastened to speed his departure for Philadelphia, the 
seat of government.

Several days before setting out from Charleston on the long journey which 
lay ahead of him, he wrote his loved one about his experiences and 
impressions during the few days he had been in America, and of how he 
longed to see her. The letter contains a message of whimsy. A twisted, 
tear-distorted smile must have accompanied the penning of it:

Embrace, most tenderly, my Henriette: may I add, embrace our children? The 
father of those poor children is a wanderer, but he is, nevertheless, a 
good, honest man; a good father, warmly attached to his family, and a good 
husband also, for he loves his wife most tenderly.

He sent his remembrances to his friends, particularly to that personal 
circle, formerly of the court, which had become the Society of the Wooden 
Sword. Concerning this change in the society he wrote:

We republicans like it the better for the change.

En route to Petersburg, which was reached in about 25 days, Lafayette 
observed closely the language and customs of the people, the methods of 
cultivating the fields, the vast forests and immense rivers which "combine 
to give to that country an appearance of youth and majesty." "Several of 
my comrades have suffered a great deal," he wrote his wife from that town 
on the 17th of July, adding, "I have scarcely myself been conscious of 
fatigue." To bring a smile into the eyes of her to whom his thoughts sped 
"every moment of the day," he wrote in a light vein:

You know that I set out in a brilliant manner in a carriage, and I must 
now tell you that we are all on horseback, having broken the carriage, 
according to my usual praiseworthy custom, and I hope soon to write you 
that we have arrived on foot.

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And then, in conclusion, a tender plea--

not to forget an unhappy man, who pays most dearly for the error he 
committed in parting from you, and who never felt before how tenderly he 
loved you.

The highway north passed through Fredericksburg, thence to Alexandria, and 
after crossing the Potomac continued to Annapolis, at which place 
Lafayette arrived on the 23d of July. Here he had a quarter of an hour in 
which to write a letter and get it aboard a vessel that was on the point 
of sailing for France. He could tell his wife nothing of the town, "for, 
as I alighted from my horse," he wrote, "I armed myself with a little 
weapon dipt in invisible ink." He was-sure that ere this letter reached 
her she would have had five others from him, "unless King George should 
have received some of them."

In this letter occurs the first intimation of the remarkable psychological 
change which took place in Lafayette while in America. The evolution 
unconsciously began when he signed the agreement with Silas Deane in Paris 
on the 7th day of December of the preceding year. He had now experienced 
one month's interesting happenings in the land of adventure; he was 
subconsciously becoming a citizen of America. How this quality of mind 
developed naturally, graciously, and without artificiality will be seen 
from time to time as the importance of the rôle played by Lafayette 
becomes more pronounced. Before writing at Annapolis he learned that--

Ticonderoga, the strongest American post, has been forced by the enemy.

In referring to the incident in his letter, he uses the pronoun in the 
first person:

This is very unfortunate, and we must endeavor to repair the evil. * * * 
Our troops have taken * * * 

In such manner did he continue to write throughout the war to officers of 
France who were in America, to the French Government, and to his family. 
In the mind and heart of Lafayette "we," "our," "my," meant "America."

When Philadelphia was reached, on the 26th of July, Lafayette put his 
letters of introduction and the agreement made with Silas

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Deane into the hands of Mr. Lovell, chairman of the Committee of Foreign 
Affairs. He called at the halls of Congress the next day and learned from 
Mr. Lovell that so many foreigners had offered themselves for employment 
that Congress was embarrassed with their applications and that there was 
very little hope of his application meeting with success. Without 
appearing disconcerted by the rebuff with which he was received, Lafayette 
entreated the committee to return to the floor of the Congress and read to 
the delegates the note which he handed them:

After the sacrifices I have made, I have the right to exact two favours: 
one is, to serve at my own expense; the other is, to serve at first as 
volunteer.

The noble disinterestedness of this proposal was accorded prompt 
recognition by Congress. A resolve dated July 31 provided that:

Whereas, the marquis de la Fayette, out of his great zeal to the cause of 
liberty, in which the United States are engaged, has left his family and 
connexions, and, at his own expence, come over to offer his service to the 
United States, without pension or particular allowance, and is anxious to 
risque his life in our cause:
Resolved, that his service be accepted, and that, in consideration of his 
zeal, illustrious family and connexions, he have the rank and commission 
of major general in the army of the United States.

The age of the Marquis de Lafayette at the time Congress granted him this 
commission was a few days less than 20 years.

On Sunday, August 3, Washington was in Philadelphia for the purpose of 
conferring with Congress relative to the defense of the city, which was 
threatened by Howe's army, and to discuss measures which might be adopted 
to put an end to Burgoyne's successes in the Northern Department. Here it 
was that Washington and Lafayette met. Washington received the young 
volunteer in the most friendly manner and invited him to reside in his 
house as a member of his military family. Lafayette accepted this gracious 
offer with joy, and from that moment there began a friendship which grew 
into a love of wonderful depth; of vital consequence in furthering the 
revolution; steadfast unto death.



Page 21

PART IV
WASHINGTON

General and Commander in chief, of the army of the United Colonies, and of 
all the forces now raised, or to be raised, by them, and of all others who 
shall voluntarily offer their service, and join the said Army for the 
Defence of American liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion 
thereof.

The campaign of 1777 opened on the 13th day of June, when General Howe 
began his march from Brunswick, seemingly with an intention to push 
directly for the Delaware, but in reality to draw Washington down from the 
heights which his army occupied along the entire British front. The main 
body of the grand army under Washington's immediate command was encamped 
at Middlebrook, with a considerable force under General Sullivan at 
Sourland Hills. Howe a front no farther than Somerset Court House; and 
finding that the feint was unsuccessful in tempting Washington to abandon 
his strong position, Howe pretended to end the ruse on the 22d by 
evacuating Brunswick and retiring to Amboy. Washington followed, halting 
at Quibbletown, whereupon the British suddenly countermarched on the 26th 
and turned upon him. The Americans lost no time in withdrawing from the 
unfriendly plains and hastening once more to the protection of the 
mountains. On the 30th of June Howe totally evacuated the State of New 
Jersey and threw the whole of his army over to Staten Island.

During the next three weeks Washington was of the opinion that Howe's 
first and immediate move would be up the North River, where his army could 
cooperate with that of Burgoyne, now actively engaged on Lake Champlain. 
He therefore marched rapidly by way of Morristown and the Clove, to take 
post on the river, from which vantage point his future movements would be 

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[image caption: WASHINGTON'S OATH OF ALLEGIANCE]

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determined by those of the British. Finally information was received on 
the 24th of July that the fleet had left the Hook the day before, 
whereupon the army was immediately put in motion for the Delaware. 
Coryell's Ferry, about 33 miles above Philadelphia, was reached on the 
27th of the month.

The crossing of the Delaware was delayed until the destination of the 
British Fleet should become known. Intelligence was received in a few days 
that 228 sail had reached the capes of Delaware on the 30th, and the army 
was now hastily moved to Germantown in the near vicinity of Philadelphia. 
On the morning of the 31st the fleet sailed from the capes on an easterly 
course, leaving behind a much bewildered foe.

It was at this time, on the 3d of August, while Washington was in 
Philadelphia, that the meeting with Lafayette occurred. The following day 
the Commander in Chief, accompanied by his guest, returned to the 
headquarters of the army at Germantown. The young marquis now found 
himself included into the loyal and efficient group of aides who 
constituted Washington's official family at this time. Those nearest 
Lafayette's age, and with whom a deep friendship developed, were Tench 
Tilghman--calm, sure, dispassionate; Alexander Hamilton--already known for 
his superior mental attainments and restless ambition; and the lovable 
John Laurens--devoted, steadfast, and true.

Not until the 10th did Washington learn that the fleet had returned to the 
coast three days before, but as it again promptly disappeared at sea, 
greater confusion than ever existed in his mind as to Howe's intentions. 
During the next 12 days conjectures were rife as to whether the fleet 
would make for Halifax, Charleston Harbor, the West Indies; or return to 
the North River or the Delaware. As day after day of inaction passed, the 
necessity to arrive at some determination became more and more apparent, 
and finally a council of war was held on the 21st, in which Lafayette 
participated. The opinion was expressed that as the fleet had probably 
sailed for Charleston, the army should march without delay toward the 
North River, with a view of opposing Burgoyne.

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On the day after the council of war was held, an express arrived from 
Maryland with an account of near 200 sail being at anchor far up in 
Chesapeake Bay. Washington again turned to the relief of Philadelphia. The 
"American Diana" was the finest city upon the continent, but in the 
opinion of General Greene it was "'an object of far less importance than 
the North River."

For some days a delicate and vexatious situation had been developing at 
the headquarters of the Army. Lafayette desired active duty with troops. 
He asked for a small command at first, and a division later when 
Washington might consider him fit for such command. It was Lafayette's 
thought that such was the purpose of Congress in appointing him major 
general, but that body entertained no such idea. In reply to a letter 
written by Washington on August 19 to Benjamin Harrison, in which he asked 
for the sentiments of Congress on the matter, Harrison said that every 
member viewed the appointment as "merely honorary," as Congress never 
meant that Lafayette should have a command and "will not countenance him 
in his applications."

To add to the embarrassment of the situation, Washington's affectionate 
regard for the marquis had not been slow in developing, and he would have 
liked to give the young man an opportunity to gain experience and glory, 
but his scrupulous regard for the dignity and authority of Congress 
prevented him taking action with, out the advice of that body. 
Furthermore, he had previously expressed his objections to the absorption 
in the Army of the numerous foreigners already in America. A resolution of 
Congress of May 30, which provided Washington with commissions in blank 
for the French artillery officers who had lately arrived in the 
Amphitrite, elicited from him the warning that this action "has excited 
much uneasiness in the artillery corps." He feared that accepting the 
services of foreign officers would result in the replacement of an equal 
number of officers from the States, whose record for service and 
efficiency justified their retention and promotion. Then, too, certain 
irritating matters had occurred, which seemed to indi-

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cate an impracticability of cooperation between European and American 
officers. Brigadier General de Borre was presumptuous and too officious. 
Brigadier General Conway's merit existed "more in his own imagination, 
than in reality." Du Coudray failed in his persistent demands, which only 
terminated with his death by drowning.

In his Memoirs Lafayette accounts for his rebuff by Congress from the fact 
that--

The Americans were displeased with the pretensions, and disgusted with the 
conduct, of many Frenchmen; the imprudent selections they had in some 
cases made, the extreme boldness of some foreign adventurers, the jealousy 
of the army, and strong national prejudices, all contributed to confound 
disinterested zeal with private ambition, and talents with quackery.

However, back of all this was an inherent antagonism engendered by 
centuries of war between the English and French nations, and from the 
earliest days of colonization these wars had been fought with equal 
intensity on American soil. The training of Washington as a youth was such 
as to develop a spirit of hostility toward the Government of France. In 
his dealings with its nationals in America, they were "public enemies." 
When, in 1750, the Ohio Company began building outposts to protect its 
vast holdings west of the mountains, the French advanced their frontier 
forts to resist encroachment upon territory claimed by them through long 
occupation. Instructions were sent by Lord Halderness to the colonial 
governors to warn the French that encroachments on the Ohio lands claimed 
by the British would not be permitted. In 1753 Washington carried Governor 
Dinwiddie's letter of protest to the commandant of the French forces on 
the Ohio. The young ambassador was then but little older than was 
Lafayette when 24 years later he came into Washington's life.

On the 4th day of December, 1753, Major Washington reached Venango, at the 
junction of French Creek and the Ohio, and in conversation with the French 
commandant learned that--

It was their absolute Design to take possession of the Ohio, and by G-- 
they would do it: For that altho' they were sensible the English could 
raise two Men

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for their one; yet they knew their Motions were too slow and dilatory to 
prevent any Undertaking of theirs. 

Continuing his report to the governor, Washington wrote:

They pretend to have an undoubted Right to the River, from a Discovery 
made by one La Salle 60 Years ago; and the Rise of this Expedition is, to 
prevent our settling on the River or Waters of it, as they had heard of 
some Families moving-out in Order thereto.

The young English-born American of that period was as prejudiced in his 
views of right in the valley of the Mississippi as have been his blood 
brothers of later generations.

In the following year, 1754, Washington went again to the frontier, and on 
the 28th of May engaged in the unfortunate action in which Jumonville was 
killed. At the Great Meadows Fort Necessity was prepared for defense, and 
on the 4th day of July Washington surrendered that post and his command to 
the French. The next year he returned once more to this fated section, 
this time as an aide to General Braddock.

* * * * *

The baptism of blood which Lafayette received in the battle of Brandywine 
on the 11th day of September, 1777, and the bravery and efficiency of his 
conduct on the field of battle, caused Washington to recognize the 
desirability of Congress changing its intent with regard to the marquis by 
giving him a command. The wound was troublesome, but not dangerous, and 
the period of convalescence brought new friends and increased the warmth 
of feeling of the old. He wrote his wife on Odober 1:

I must now give you your lesson, as wife of an American general officer. 
They will say to you, "They have been beaten:" you must answer--"That is 
true; but when two armies of equal number meet on the field, old soldiers 
have naturally the advantage over new ones."

He tells her to be easy in mind about his wound, that he has a friend who 
has given strict injunctions he is to be well taken care of.

This excellent man, whose talents and virtues I admired, and whom I have 
learnt to revere as I know him better, has now become my intimate friend.

Page 27

When he sent his best surgeon to me, he told him to take charge of me as 
if I were his son, because he loved me with the same affection.

He speaks of the dissatisfied foreigners who are returning to France 
because they were not given employment in the Army. They complain,

detest others, and are themselves detested: they do not understand why I 
am the only stranger beloved in America, and I cannot understand why they 
are so much hated. * * * I, for my part, who am an easy and a good-
tempered man, am so fortunate as to be loved by all parties, both 
foreigners and Americans.

During Lafayette's convalescence, feeling that his conduct at Brandywine 
was viewed with favor by the Commander in Chief, he became more and more 
solicitous that a command commensurate with his rank be given him, and 
reaffirmed that he certainly did not understand the purposes of his 
appointment to be those mentioned to Washington by Congress. His claims 
for recognition met with sympathetic support.

I do not know in what light they will view the matter--

Washington wrote, from near Whitemarsh, to the President of Congress on 
the 1st of November--

but it appears to me, from a consideration of his illustrious and 
important connexions, the attachment which he has manifested for our 
cause, and the consequences which his return in disgust might produce, 
that it will be advisable to gratify him in his wishes. * * * Besides, he 
is sensible, discreet in his manners, has made great proficiency in our 
language, and from the disposition he discovered at the battle of 
Brandywine, possesses a large share of bravery and military ardor.

Before the virile young soldier entirely recovered from his wound, in 
order to acquire more experience, he volunteered for service with General 
Greene, who was about to lead an expedition into New Jersey. Greene gave 
him a detachment of some 400 militia and the rifle corps, and with this 
command Lafayette attacked the enemy's pickets, killing about 20, wounding 
many more, and taking approximately 20 prisoners. The marquis was "charmed 
with the spirited behavior of the militia and rifle corps," Greene wrote 
to Washington, and "is determined to be in the way of danger."

Page 28

This commendation Washington immediately forwarded to Congress, and on the 
same day it was received, December 1, Congress took the following action:

Resolved, That General Washington be informed, it is highly agreeable to 
Congress that the Marquis de la Fayette be appointed to the command of a 
division in the continental army.

Three days later it was announced in orders that Lafayette would take 
command of the division recently under General Stephens, who had been 
dismissed from the Army for misconduct on the retreat from the Battle of 
Brandywine.

On the 22d day of January, 1778, Congress resolved--

That an irruption be made into Canada, and that the Board of War be 
authorized to take every necessary measure for the execution of the 
business, under such general officers as Congress shall appoint.

The proposed campaign was conceived by the Board of War, of which General 
Gates was then president, and sanctioned by Congress without any reference 
to the Commander in Chief. In fact, the battles fought at Brandywine and 
Germantown did not add to Washington's popularity, while on the other hand 
Gates stood high in the estimation of a majority of the delegates, due to 
his achievements with the northern army which culminated in the surrender 
of Burgoyne.

The Marquis de Lafayette, Major General Conway, and Brigadier General 
Stark were elected by Congress on the 23d to lead the invasion into 
Canada. The purpose of that venal group then engaging in the cabal against 
Washington was to entice Lafayette with martial glory and win him from his 
affectionate association with his chief. To the endless glory of Lafayette 
it can be asserted that the tempters failed completely in their nefarious 
purposes.

He calls himself my soldier--

Lafayette wrote to Washington on the 30th of December, referring to 
Conway--

and the reason of such behaviour to me is, that he wishes to be well 
spoken of at the French court, and his protector, the Marquis de Castries, 
is an intimate

Page 29

acquaintance of mine. * * * I found that he was an ambitious and dangerous 
man. He has done all in his power, by cunning manoeuvres, to take off my 
confidence and affection for you. His desire was to engage me to leave 
this country.

The letter continues with a friendly criticism of the modesty of his 
beloved chief and an inspirational evaluation of his necessity to America:

Take away, for an instant, that modest diffidence of yourself, (which, 
pardon my freedom, my dear General, is sometimes too great, and I wish you 
could know, as well as myself, what difference there is between you and 
any other man) you would see very plainly that if you were lost for 
America, there is nobody who could keep the army and the revolution for 
six months.

The nobility of Washington's character, his friendly concern for all over 
whom his responsibility extended, and his conscious rectitude of personal 
conduct is nowhere better exemplified than in the reply sent to Lafayette, 
penned at a time when the attacks of jealous enmity were most malignant. 
He expressed his deep appreciation of Lafayette's regard for him, and 
counseled dispassionate calmness in considering the ills which were 
present. In so great a contest it was too much to "expect to meet with 
nothing but sunshine." Everything happens for the best, and in the end "we 
shall triumph over all our misfortunes." When the war is terminated and 
Lafayette gives him his company in Virginia, "we will laugh at our past 
difficulties and the folly of others."

The seat of government was removed to York Town, Pa., when the British 
took possession of Philadelphia in September, and thither Lafayette 
proceeded in February, 1778, to receive from Congress and the Board of War 
instructions for the conduct of the campaign. From York Town he hastened 
with utmost speed to Albany, spurred by ambition and the pleasantry of 
Gates that "General Stark will have burnt the fleet before your arrival." 
He reached his destination on February 17. Conway was already on the 
ground, actively engaged with his preparations, but Stark was awaiting 
further information and instructions before marching with his command.

The expedition was conceived from false premises as to men available, 
supplies, and transportation. Its impracticability was

Page 30

brought to the attention of the Board of War, in correspondence from 
Generals Schuyler, Lincoln, and Arnold to Conway, and on the 2d of March 
the following resolution was adopted in Congress:

Whereas it appears from authentic accounts that difficulties attend the 
prosecution of the irruption ordered to be made into Canada under the 
conduct of the Marquis de la Fayette, which render the attempt not only 
hazardous in a high degree but extremely imprudent;
Resolved, That the Board of War instruct the Marquis de la Fayette to 
suspend for the present the intended irruption, and at the same time, 
inform him that Congress entertain a high sense of his prudence, activity 
and zeal, and that they are My persuaded nothing has, or would have been 
wanting on his part, or on the part of the officers who accompanied him, 
to give the expedition the utmost possible effect.

It was a matter of bitter disappointment to Lafayette that he had been 
inveigled into lending himself to this expedition, in view of its failure 
to accomplish anything. His friends in Europe knew of it, as Members of 
Congress had requested him to write to France about the important command 
entrusted to him. He felt that his reputation and chance to earn glory was 
imperiled. Washington wrote him in a consoling vein on the 10th of March, 
declaring that it would not be to his disadvantage to have it known in 
Europe that he had received so manifest a proof of the good opinion and 
confidence of Congress, adding:

I am persuaded, that everyone will applaud your prudence in renouncing a 
project, in pursuing which you would vainly have attempted physical 
impossibilities.

By resolution of Congress of March 13, Washington was authorized to order 
Lafayette to join the main Army without delay.

The long winter period of inaction was about to draw to a close, and 
events of great importance to the opposing armies were unfolding. The 
British were fast completing preparations to evacuate Philadelphia; and 
news of the treaties signed with France reached America. In October of the 
year previous General Howe had tendered his resignation of the command in 
America, and in April was informed of its acceptance. His departure from 
Phila-

Page 31

delphia was marked by an elaborate celebration, famous in the annals of 
pageantry, called the "Mischianza." Clinton succeeded to the command and, 
complying with orders from his government, carried to completion the plans 
to move the army back to New York, where it would be safer should a French 
fleet arrive in America.

The tremendously important news of the signing of the treaties with France 
was brought to America by Simeon Deane, brother of Silas Deane. He made 
the passage in the French frigate Sensible, sent by the King for the 
express purpose, and arrived at Falmouth, in Casco Bay, on the 13th of 
April. Thence he hastened to York Town, Pa., reporting to the President of 
Congress on Saturday, the 2d day of May. The delegates were promptly 
assembled and the dispatches read. The following Monday the two treaties 
and the act separate and secret were unanimously ratified. The 
ratification was immediately succeeded by the following action of Congress:

Resolved, That this Congress entertain the highest sense of the 
magnanimity and wisdom of his most Christian majesty, so strongly 
exemplified in the treaty of amity and commerce, and the treaty of 
alliance, entered into on the part of his majesty, with these United 
States, at Paris, on the 6th day of February last; and the commissioners, 
or any of them, representing these States at the court of France, are 
directed to present the grateful acknowledgments of this Congress to his 
most Christian majesty, for his truly magnanimous conduct respecting these 
states, in the said generous and disinterested treaties, and to assure his 
majesty, on the part of this Congress, it is sincerely wished that the 
friendship so happily commenced between France and these United States may 
be perpetual.

The joyful news from France was received at the headquarters of the Army 
on the 3d of the month, and preparations were at once made to 
appropriately celebrate the happy event as soon as Congress should 
authorize its public announcement.

The Orderly Book of Wednesday, May 6, contains the following instructions 
to be carried out the next day:

It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the Universe to defend the cause 
of the United American States, and finally to raise us up a powerful 
friend among the princes of the earth, to establish our liberty and 
independency upon a lasting

Page 32

foundation; it becomes us to set apart a day for gratefully acknowledging 
the divine goodness, and celebrating the important event, which we owe to 
his divine interposition.

Orders followed for the troops to form in a ceremonious manner; for the 
chaplains to deliver discourses suitable to the occasion; and for firing a 
salute of 13 cannon, to be followed by a feu de joie along the entire line.

Upon a signal given, the whole army will huzza, Long live the King of 
France, the artillery then begins again and fires thirteen rounds; this 
will be succeeded by a second general discharge of the musketry in a 
running fire, and huzza, Long live the friendly European Powers. The last 
discharge of thirteen pieces of artillery will be given, followed by a 
general running fire, and huzza, The American States.

The affair was conducted with great eclat.

The army made a most brilliant appearance; after which his Excellency 
dined in public, with all the officers of his army, attended with a band 
of music.

The entertainment was concluded with a number of patriotic toasts, 
attended with huzzas. Every countenance displayed unfeigned and perfect 
joy.

When the General took his leave, there was a universal clap, with loud 
huzzas, which continued till he had proceeded a quarter of a mile, during 
which time there were a thousand hats tossed in the air. His Excellency 
turned round with his retinue, and huzzaed several times.

Lafayette participated in the rejoicing with a sad heart, for news had 
come of the death of his little daughter Henriette.

The time was near when the Army should take the field, and Congress 
directed the Commander in Chief to hold a council of war--

to form such a plan for the general operations of the campaign as he shall 
deem consistent with the general welfare of these states.

Washington laid before the council on May 8 the state of the enemy's 
forces and that of the Continentals, and the unanimous opinion was that it 
was best to remain on the defensive and await events. It was agreed that 
to storm Philadelphia, still occupied by the British, was impracticable, 
and that 30,000 men would be

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required for a blockade, a force far in excess of what could be raised.

Meanwhile additional news would be forthcoming from Europe as to the 
action taken by Great Britain upon a paper delivered to Lord Weymouth by 
the French ambassador on the 13th day of March, 1778. Louis XVI had 
instructed his ambassador to inform the English court of the treaty of 
friendship and commerce made between France and the United States, and to 
say that His Majesty--

being determined to cultivate the good understanding subsisting between 
France and Great Britain--

thinks it necessary that the English court know that the ally of France 
will treat with any other nation upon the same footing of "equality and 
reciprocity," and hopes His Britannic Majesty will be particular to take 
effective measures--

to prevent the commerce between his Majesty's subjects and the United 
States of North America from being interrupted.

In a letter of May 12 to the President of Congress, Washington 
characterized this message as--

more degrading to the pride and dignity of Britain, than anything she has 
ever experienced since she has been a nation.

War between the two countries became inevitable, and hostilities broke out 
in June. The following year, 1779, Louis XVI fixed the date of June 17, 
1778, on which occurred the naval engagement off Ouessant, as the time of--

commencement of hostilities against my subjects, by the subjects of the 
King of England.

On the 18th of May Lafayette was ordered to march with the command that 
had been assigned to him upon his return from Albany and obtain 
intelligence of the British Army. The detachment crossed the Schuylkill 
and proceeded to Barren Hill, about 11 miles from Philadelphia. On the 
20th the British concentrated a greatly superior force on Lafayette's 
front and flanks, and it was

Page 34

only by the merest chance, attended by much good fortune, that the marquis 
was able to extricate his command and recross the Schuylkill.

The British evacuated Philadelphia on the 18th day of June, 1778. Under 
cover of the fleet the army crossed the Delaware at Gloucester, from which 
place Clinton proceeded by way of Moorestown and Mount Holly to Crosswicks 
and Allentown. Washington immediately put his army in motion for Coryell's 
Ferry, where the main body crossed on the 22d of June, and then directed 
his march toward Princeton for the purpose of threatening the flank of the 
British column. He pushed Morgan's corps forward to gain the enemy's 
flank, Maxwell's brigade to hang on their left, and Scott's brigade and 
Cadwalader's detachment to harass the rear guard.

Upon reaching Kingston on the 25th, several miles northeast of Princeton, 
Lafayette was ordered to take command of the detachment under General Poor 
and, after effecting a junction with Scott's brigade, to use the most 
effectual means for gaining Clinton's left flank and rear and give every 
degree of annoyance. All Continental parties that were already on the 
lines were to come under Lafayette's command, and he was to take such 
measures in concert with General Dickinson as would cause the enemy the 
greatest impediment and loss in their march. He was to attack by 
detachment as occasion offered and, if a proper opening were given, he was 
to attack with his entire force and bring the withdrawing army to a stand.

The quick development of purpose regarding the troops led by Lafayette, 
from that of a harassing detachment to one that might bring on a general 
engagement, caused considerable regret on the part of General Charles Lee 
that he had not accepted this command, to which his rank entitled him. He 
now asked Washington that it be given to him. The request occasioned an 
embarrassing moment for the Commander in Chief. Unfortunately he adopted a 
compromise measure. Lee was to march with certain troops, and

Page 35

when he approached Lafayette he was to request him to carry on with any 
plans already determined upon for the purpose of attacking or otherwise 
annoying the enemy, but at the same time Lee's rank would place him in 
command of both detachments.

The British rear guard, of considerable strength, under Cornwallis, was at 
Monmouth Court House when Lee and Lafayette made contact with it on the 
28th of June. Lafayette had graciously relinquished any separate authority 
which he might have exercised and engaged in the ensuing action under 
Lee's orders. The British turned upon Lee; confusion arose in his command, 
and very soon many of his troops were streaming to the rear. Washington 
was informed of the situation and hastened to the scene of conflict, where 
he was able, with the assistance of near-by officers, to halt part of the 
frightened troops and form them into line. His remarks to Lee were 
forceful, but "dictated by duty, and warranted by the occasion."

Despite the fact that General Lee was placed in charge of the 
reestablished line, his anger because of General Washington's remarks and 
actions did not cool following the battle, and within the next few days he 
foolishly wrote the Commander in Chief two insolent letters. He was tried 
for this and for misconduct on the battlefield, found guilty, and 
sentenced to be suspended from command for the term of 12 months. Congress 
approved the sentence of the court-martial and ordered the proceedings of 
the trial to be published. Shortly after the expiration of the sentence, 
Congress ordered that General Lee be informed that they "have no farther 
occasion for his services in the army of the United States."

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