The Valley Campaigns - Chapters XIII-XVI



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CHAPTER XIII 
SUCCESS OF THE ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA

   THE defeat of McClellan on the Peninsula gave rise to a new movement 
that soon led to the withdrawal of the Federal forces from northern 
Virginia. General Lee withdrew his army from the defense of Richmond and 
on July 16th instructed Stonewall Jackson to move north to Gordonsville, 
and from that place to advance to Madison Court House. General Pope, in 
command of the Federal army of 40,000 men, was located near Culpeper Court 
House, with his outpost at the Rapidan River. Pope showed great activity 
and issued bombastic reports to his army of what he proposed to do to the 
Confederates, not disguising his hostile criticisms of McClellan's defeat 
on the Peninsula. With his "Headquarters in the Saddle," he pushed forward 
to attack Jackson's advance from Gordonsville. Some of his cavalry had 
passed around the east side of Gordonsville and had reached Hanover Court 
House, where they were repulsed by General J. E. B. Stuart's cavalry. 

   Jackson urged Lee to send him reinforcements from Richmond, and when it 
became clear to Lee 

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that Richmond was safe from an assault from McClellan he moved the greater 
number of his men to join Jackson and press north toward Washington. It 
was then announced that the policy of the Confederate Government was to 
make an advance into Maryland, and in this way draw McClellan's army from 
in front of Richmond. Both Lee and Jackson were advised as to the strength 
and position of the Federal army occupying the territory between the 
Rapidan and Potomac. They also sized up the character of Pope, and 
determined to deal him a blow that would silence his braggadocio and bold 
assumption of superiority over McClellan. Pope was the first of the 
Federal officers to order his troops to subsist upon the country and to 
hold the citizens responsible for all damages done to roads, railways, and 
telegraph lines by guerillas. He also ordered his generals to arrest every 
citizen within the limits of their lines, to administer the oath of 
allegiance to the Union, and to expel from their homes all who refused to 
take it. 

   "The Confederate Government retaliated by declaring that Pope and his 
officers were not entitled to be considered as soldiers. If captured they 
were to be imprisoned as long as their orders remained unrepealed and, in 
the event of any unarmed citizens being tried or shot, an equal number 

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of Federal prisoners were to be hanged."(1) 

   This put a check for a time upon a brutal policy that began to war upon 
innocent people. 

   Pope was greatly aided by the energy and enterprise of his cavalry, 
under General Buford and General Bayard, which annoyed the Confederates by 
raids within their lines. Jackson watched the movements of Pope with quiet 
patience. He had at this time a force of 24,000 men to oppose an army of 
47,000. It was Jackson's purpose to draw Pope forward and separate him as 
far as possible from Washington and his lines of communication. He retired 
beyond Gordonsville, having been reinforced by the army under Lee and A. 
P. Hill. On August 3d General McClellan moved his command, by order of 
General Halleck, - then the newly selected adviser of the War Department 
in Washington, - from the James to the Rappahannock at Fredericksburg. On 
August 6th Pope began to move south to attack Jackson at Gordonsville, but 
on the 7th Jackson advanced north to Orange Court House to oppose Pope. On 
August 8th Ewell's Division, in the advance, crossed the Rapidan and was 
within 18 miles of Culpeper Court House, where Pope had concentrated his 
forces. 

   On the afternoon of the 9th Ewell's Division, 

(1. Henderson.)

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in the advance, reached Slaughter Mountain, where it ran into a force of 
Federal cavalry that was massed on the banks of Cedar Run. Before three 
o'clock the Confederate lines had advanced, and a general engagement was 
brought on. The battle of Slaughter Mountain was hotly contested by the 
Federals but resulted in a victory for the Confederates. The loss on both 
sides was very heavy. In some 90 minutes 3,000 men had fallen. 

   At 5 o'clock the Federals left the field. Jackson soon learned from his 
prisoners that the men who opposed him were the same he had fought in the 
Valley. As Jackson was greatly outnumbered by the reinforcements that had 
come to Pope, he quietly withdrew behind the Rapidan. This movement so 
encouraged Pope that he claimed a victory and announced that this was only 
the first of a series of victories that awaited his army. The facts were 
that he was thoroughly done up by Jackson and did not make an advance on 
the 10th and 11th of August. 

   In the battle of Slaughter Mountain a gallant major of a Virginia 
regiment was killed leading a charge. He was a native of our village, but 
before the war had moved to a distant county in our State. He entered the 
army and by his gallantry was promoted to the rank of major. Had he lived 
longer he no doubt would have reached 

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a much higher grade. I have distinct recollections of his handsome and 
striking bearing as a young man. When I was a small boy my parents boarded 
in the home of his widowed mother, who by her kindness had won my 
affections. He had a number of near relatives in our county who were 
sorrowed by his death. 

   In the same fight a relative of mine, a brave lieutenant in a Virginia 
company, had his leg carried away by a shell. This incapacitated him for 
active service during the remainder of the war; and though after the war 
he graduated in medicine and practiced his profession with success, he was 
always greatly handicapped by his misfortune. Be labored hard and 
unselfishly in his profession for many years until called to join his 
companions in arms who had crossed the river before him. 

   When Jackson withdrew behind the Rapidan be had a distinct purpose in 
view. He hoped to draw Pope after him; he wished to rest and strengthen 
his forces, and he had under consideration a plan of flanking Pope and 
getting between him and Washington. He had the enemy disturbed by his 
actions, as it was uncertain what he would do. McClellan wrote to Halleck, 
"He will suddenly appear, when least expected." His movements were too 
unreliable for the comfort of Pope and the Federal authorities. 

   When the Confederates were quiet the North 

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was anxious. Wall Street was the barometer. Stocks fell and the premium on 
gold advanced. Pope's so-called victory at Slaughter Mountain had only 
given rest to the army; it had given no assurance that Jackson had been 
vanquished. McClellan had been allowed to move his army from the 
Peninsula, as fast as transports could carry it, to the defence of 
Washington. 

   On August 19th the exact position of the Federal armies was known. The 
following day Jackson, with three divisions, broke camp at Gordonsville 
and marched north to Pisgah Church. Lee had moved his forces from the 
defence of Richmond and had reached Gordonsville before the enemy knew of 
his change of base. The Federals were not apprehensive of danger and their 
forces, numbering now some 52,000 men, were scattered in camps over wide 
territory, stretching from the fords of the Rapidan to Culpeper Court 
House. 

   The main force was stationed along the road leading direct from 
Culpeper to Gordonsville, for the enemy assumed that Jackson would advance 
by that route. Pope made the same mistake that Banks had made in holding 
Strasburg when Jackson flanked his position by advancing by the Page 
Valley and getting in his rear at Front Royal and Middletown. 

   The move to Pisgah Church left the Federal 

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army open to attack on its left flank. Owing to a misunderstanding of 
Lee's orders the Confederate troops failed to push north from Pisgah 
Church and close in on the rear of Pope's army at Culpeper. A delay of two 
days gave Pope the opportunity to fall back and protect his rear; and he 
took a position on the Rappahannock River between Brandy Station and 
Manassas. 

   In the meantime, Jackson, following the retreating force of Pope, 
reached Brandy Station after a march of 20 Miles. On August 21st Pope had 
massed his entire force on the left bank of the Rappahannock, where he 
occupied a strong position. It now became necessary to employ one of those 
flank movements, with which Jackson was so familiar. While Lee, with a 
large force, threatened Pope in front Jackson moved around Pope's right 
wing in the direction of Warrenton Springs, where he crossed the river 
under many difficulties; and, by keeping the enemy deceived as to his 
movements, he pushed north around Pope's flank and soon reached Warrenton. 

   Up to this time the Confederate forces were obstinately confronted by 
the Federals, and a line of action was called for that would place Pope on 
the defensive and in a false position. At a conference held between Lee 
and Jackson on August the 24th it was decided to divide the army and to 
send Jackson north and across Bull Run 

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Mountain through Thoroughfare Gap, where he could strike the railroad in 
the rear of Pope and cut off his communication with Washington. In the 
meanwhile Longstreet was to hold Pope in his present position, by 
threatening his front. 

   Early on the morning of August 26th, Jackson passed through the Gap in 
Bull Run Mountain and pressed forward through Haymarket and Gainesville to 
Bristow Station, four miles south of Manassas Junction. Burning the 
railroad bridge across Broad Run and securing a strong position behind the 
stream, he proceeded to Manassas and seized all the stores, destroying 
what he could not use nor move. All Pope's supplies were now in Jackson's 
hands. Pope was at this time between Warrenton and Manassas, with Jackson 
in his rear and Longstreet pressing him in front. His force greatly 
outnumbered the divided armies of Lee and it was his plan to crush the 
forces under Jackson now in his rear at Manassas. Not knowing the strength 
and exact position of Jackson's army, Pope struck wildly and scattered his 
men in all directions, - an evidence of confusion of mind and desperation 
of spirit. Jackson loitered at the Junction some hours and allowed his men 
to enjoy the luxuries of food that were found in the enemy's camp. It is 
not difficult to imagine the happiness of the men, - who had for days 
covered long distances by march, living 

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largely on green corn and apples, - when they came into possession of the 
sutlers' wagons and dainty food supplies so abundantly handed out to them. 

   Jackson's position at Manassas was exceedingly dangerous, but he 
calculated his chances, with his usual clearness and discretion. He was in 
the rear of large forces commanded by Pope and was separated from the army 
under Longstreet by over a day's march. Removing as much captured goods as 
possible, he set fire to the enormous stores at Manassas and quietly 
withdrew to a strong position about five miles north by west, where he 
encamped and took measures for the expected attack by the Federal army. 

   Jackson had planned that in case of defeat he could withdraw his army 
through a pass in Bull Run Mountain by way of Aldee. Established in this 
position, he was prepared for offensive operations on the part of the 
enemy; and if he could hold his ground until Longstreet could join him, he 
felt able to deal a severe blow to the Federals. Pope, as soon as he was 
informed of the capture of Manassas, withdrew from the Rappahannock and 
rushed back to Manassas, holding to the view that the force that had 
captured the place was only a raiding party of cavalry. At that time he 
was not aware that the entire command under Jackson was in his rear. He 
lost valuable time in marching 

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and countermarching to discover Jackson's position. He did not know the 
position of his own troops until informed that his men under General King 
and General Gibbons had run up against Jackson and had been engaged in a 
severe fight, which Jackson had brought on with the intention of drawing 
the whole Federal army on him. The effect was shown by the results of the 
next two days. 

   Late at night, when Pope learned of the engagement at Groveton, he gave 
orders for an attack on Jackson on the morning of August 29th. His purpose 
was to hurl a large force against Jackson before reinforcement could reach 
him, and thus crush him. Jackson was not aware at that time that 
Longstreet had broken through Thoroughfare Gap and was near at hand. His 
position seemed critical, with the whole of Pope's army in front of him. 
With the coolness and courage that never deserted him under the most 
trying circumstances, he arranged his men in line of battle for the 
oncoming attack. By early dawn the Federal troops were seen advancing in 
columns for the attack. In the meantime Jackson had learned that 
Longstreet was near at hand, and he prepared to hold the enemy at bay 
until Longstreet could give a counterstroke to the left wing of Pope's 
army. 

   All day, and until five o'clock in the afternoon, 

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Pope hurled his columns against the Confederates, with a dash and daring 
that indicated a desperate frame of mind. As his men assaulted the 
Confederate lines at every point they were driven back with dreadful 
slaughter. The fields were covered with the dead and the wounded. Within a 
few hours Pope had lost over eight thousand men; and the Confederate 
losses were also large. After making five assaults and not breaking the 
Confederate lines, Pope ordered a retreat and withdrew from the field to 
renew the attack the following morning. 

   During the night the Confederates rested quietly on their arms, 
retaining the position held the previous day. General Lee, now in command 
of all the Confederate forces on the field, remained on the defensive, 
waiting for the opportunity to give a fatal blow to Pope. On August the 
30th Pope was still under the delusion that he had so crippled the enemy 
the day before that an easy victory was now in store for him, so he massed 
his forces for an attack at midday and his army being in position he gave 
orders for an advance. Assault after assault was made upon the Confederate 
lines, but they held their ground and inflicted dreadful punishment upon 
the attacking party. After four hours of slaughter Pope ordered a retreat. 

   As his men fell back from Jackson's front Lee 

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saw his opportunity and ordered his whole army to advance. With a strong 
and determined movement, the Confederates drove Pope's lines back on Bull 
Run and Centreville. Night only put an end to the brilliant victory Lee 
had won. On September the 1st and 2d the Federal army retired to the 
Potomac; General McClellan was put in charge of the Federal army, and Pope 
was allowed to resign. As a commander of large bodies of men he was a 
failure; as a braggart and bluffer he was an eminent success, until the 
bluff was called. The people of Virginia have reason to chastise his 
memory with criticism and disrespect. Though the example he set found many 
followers during the subsequent years of the war, - such as Sherman, 
Sheridan, Hunter, and others of lesser light, - his associate officers in 
the Union army were at that time gentlemen and conducted the war on a high 
plane of decency and honor. 



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CHAPTER XIV 
EVENTS IN OUR VILLAGE IN THE SUMMER OF '62

   THE Second Battle of Manassas gave to the Confederates many spoils and 
captured goods. A short time after the battle railroad communication was 
reestablished for a few days between our village and Manassas, and cars 
loaded with all kinds of army supplies were shipped to our place for 
transportation into the interior. I remember seeing a number of gondolas 
loaded with muskets, rifles, pistols, and other arms that had been picked 
up on the battlefield, either spoils of war or weapons that had been 
discarded by the Confederates for better ones taken from the enemy. All 
this old material was useful to the Confederate soldiers, as it placed 
them in possession of arms much more valuable than those furnished by the 
War Department. 

   During the greater part of the early summer of 1862 there were Federal 
troops located at our village. In the latter weeks of July a regiment of 
infantry and two companies of cavalry were encamped about a mile away, and 
two companies of infantry were encamped at the edge of the village 

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on duty as a guard for the Provost-Marshal, who had his headquarters in 
the hotel. They were an orderly and well-behaved set of men, among whom 
were some very gentlemanly officers. As my home was in the suburbs the 
outpost picket was on a road near the house, and we could neither go in 
nor come out of the village, without a pass from the Provost-Marshal. The 
pass was given without objection; but as the pass was good only for the 
day on which it was issued, it was necessary to have it renewed 
frequently. In this way I learned to know the officers in charge quite 
well. 

   One afternoon a few of our boys, somewhat older than myself, insisted 
that I should join them in a swim in the river, a mile distant and outside 
the picket line. We had to steal by the picket by going through a field 
and woods, away from the main road, to get to the river; and we were all 
in, having a glorious time, when in some way the Provost-Marshal learned 
of our escape and sent a squad of infantry after us. We were ordered to 
don our clothes, and were marched under guard to the Provost-Marshal's 
office. This was my first experience as a prisoner and the situation did 
not seem to offer much comfort. Whether my crime called for a light 
sentence or a heavy one I did not know. However, the good-hearted officer 
gave us only a lecture on our breach of military rules, then laughed 
heartily over our escapade. 

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I was greatly relieved and thought this captain a very fine fellow. 

   The colonel of the regiment was a very large and stout man, - inactive 
and somewhat advanced in years, - who had the reputation of being a first-
class gentleman but a very poor soldier. He delegated the command almost 
entirely to the lieutenant-colonel, - a much more active officer and a 
younger one. At this time I was taken sick with a fever, which alarmed my 
parents very much. Our old family physician was too ill to do professional 
work. So my father called the Assistant Surgeon of the Federal Regiment, - 
a young man of most gentle manner, - to attend me. As my symptoms 
indicated a typhoid condition the young military doctor requested the 
Chief Surgeon to see me in consultation. Between the two I was soon 
restored to health. These two surgeons were exceedingly kind to our 
citizens, assisting the older resident physicians in their attendance on a 
number of sick villagers, and supplying the patients with medicines which 
our own physicians did not have. Our people became much attached to them, 
realizing that the surgeons of the two armies were equally attentive to 
the wounded and sick, whether Confederate or Federal. This spirit of 
humanity has almost invariably characterized the members of the medical 
profession. Our common humanity should always appeal to the nobler 

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instincts of our nature and we should always be ready to aid our fellow-
man in sickness or misfortune. It is due to our people to say that during 
the war the sick and wounded of both Federal and Confederate armies were 
treated with equal consideration. I know that in my own home we made no 
distinction. 

   At this time an incident occurred that for a few hours created an 
unusual commotion and excitement. While the Federal troops were quietly 
resting in camp, not dreaming of an attack by the Confederates, they were 
suddenly surprised by a small raiding body of cavalry that dashed into the 
village and captured the Provost-Marshal and his associates on duty at 
their headquarters in the hotel. Suddenly surprising the pickets, they 
dashed into the streets and captured the officers before the two companies 
on guard could come to their aid, the companies being in camp at the north 
end of the village and the raiders having come in from the south. Several 
of them rode down a back street and fired into the camp. The soldiers 
rushed wildly into their tents, but before they could form in company or 
squad the Confederates had seized the Provost-Marshal and the men that 
were with him. 

   The prisoners, - some on foot and others mounted behind the 
cavalrymen, - were hurried out of the village. The retreat of the cavalry 
was 

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made slow by the march of those on foot and the weight of those carried 
behind on the horses. In the meantime, the two companies of Federal 
cavalry, with the regiment of infantry on the hill, hurriedly saddled 
their horses and gave chase. As they were unencumbered, they made good 
time and overtook the Confederates five miles south of the village. The 
Confederates had already released the prisoners on foot as well as a few 
of those riding double, for they could not make time and they knew that 
they were being pursued. 

   Among those captured was the Chief Surgeon, Dr. Wm. Marshall, who was 
mounted behind one of the men and carried over a mile. When he made known 
the fact that he was a surgeon he was immediately released and allowed to 
return to his command. This doctor frequently laughed over his capture as 
a huge joke, and did not take at all seriously the treatment he received. 
Some years after the war I met him at a seaside resort and spent several 
hours with him recalling incidents connected with his stay in our village 
when a surgeon in the army. He recalled his capture by the Confederates as 
I have related it and referred to the experience as a most interesting 
episode in his life. He told me that a rebel cavalryman had picked him up 
on the street and ordered him to mount his horse as fast as possible. With 
the double load, the cavalryman struck out for the 

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country as fast as his horse could run. After going a mile the horse began 
to slow down in his gait, when Dr. Marshall remarked to the cavalryman 
that he was a surgeon. He was immediately dropped in the road, and the 
horse, relieved of the burden, struck off at a faster pace and was soon 
out of sight. The surgeon then walked slowly back to the village, meeting 
on his return the Federal cavalry in full pursuit of the Confederates. 

   The prisoners were dropped all along the roadside; the Provost-Marshal 
being the last set at liberty. They were overtaken by the Federals about 
five miles south of the village and only made good their escape by 
dispersing and fleeing in every direction. All the prisoners were 
released, but they held on to the horses they had captured. 

   Nothing came of this raid except one unfortunate casualty. On the 
retreat from the village three or four of the cavalrymen were separated 
from their companions, and had to make their escape by a road that ran 
south, - in a different direction from the one in which they had come. In 
rushing out of the village they ran into the rear of the picket posted on 
the road a half-mile south; and the sentry on duty, seeing the men coming 
towards him, did not know whether he was confronted by his friends or 
enemies until he saw the gray uniforms of the men. He stood at his post, 
and gave the order to halt; then fired his 

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gun. The fire was returned by the men in full gallop, and the sentry fell 
dead at his post, while the men rushed on, without taking time to see what 
damage they had done. The dead soldier was taken into a house near by and 
his body was kept until his comrades were notified of his death. This 
affair was sufficient to arouse attention and to demand stronger picket 
posts at a greater distance from the village on the roads leading south. 
This regiment was in camp some three weeks, and then left to join the 
forces under Pope east of the Blue Ridge. 

   From this time forward our village was never used as a permanent 
encampment for Federal troops. It became a stamping ground for both armies 
passing north and south, but was seldom occupied longer than two or three 
days at a time. 

   Early in August a division of Federals, commanded by General Sigel, 
halted several days on their march from the Valley to join Pope in 
Culpeper County. This command was made up largely of Germans, with one 
brigade of Ohio and Western men, commanded by General Robert Schenck. 
These German troops could not speak English and they had a bad reputation 
as thieves and pillagers of dairies and chicken-houses. They gave some of 
our citizens trouble, for they cleaned up the poultry yards and orchards 
wherever they went; and as they had a great fondness for milk 

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they did not hesitate to milk any cow that came their way, drinking the 
milk warm from the cow's udder. In this connection I will tell an amusing 
incident I witnessed, which shows the brutal appetite of some men. A few 
cows belonging to our citizens were grazing in a meadow. The gentle cows 
had all been milked by the soldiers, and there was one young heifer that 
was not well broken to stand when milked. The men drove this animal into a 
corner and with their bayonets held her as quiet as possible. One fellow 
got on his knees and tried to milk her, but the animal gave a lurch and 
landed both feet on the man's chest, knocking him over. His comrades 
laughed heartily and then tried to corner the animal a second time, with 
no better success. At length they gave up the job and let her go. 

   General Schenck, who commanded a brigade in Sigel's Division, was a 
guest in our home at that time, or, to be more exact, he had politely 
asked to make his headquarters in our house during his stay. As it was 
always a protection to a family to have one or more Federal officers 
quartered in or near a private home, almost all our citizens were willing 
to entertain these officers, for they were gentlemen, and during the first 
two years of the war they were most respectful and considerate. General 
Schenck and his staff were no exception to the rule. He was a very 
courteous and 

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kind-hearted man, whom we could respect even though he was an enemy of our 
country. 

   As I recall him he was a large, stout, and rugged-looking man of middle 
life, with auburn hair, slightly tinged with gray. He had been a member of 
Congress from Ohio and thus early in the war had not been able to 
establish a great reputation as a soldier. He was very intelligent, 
amiable and courtly in manner, and most deferential to ladies. Every 
morning before breakfast he would go into the garden and pluck the most 
beautiful rose, bring it to the house, and present it to my mother. He 
always wore a flower in the lapel of his coat, which indicated a 
refinement and delicacy of sentiment not often observed among military 
men. 

   He was very careful in his dress, and had as his valet a young mulatto 
man who looked after his personal comfort. When he left our home this 
negro stole an overcoat belonging to my father and a number of small 
articles belonging to the room occupied by General Schenck. My father 
wrote to General Schenck and gave him a list of the articles stolen, 
having, however, no expectation of ever recovering the articles, and 
writing more to post the General as to the honesty of his valet. Much to 
our surprise, some three or four days later a courier came all the way 
from Sperryville, some 30 miles distant, and brought the stolen goods, 

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with a courteous note from the General, offering apologies for the negro. 

   The negro had stolen the goods but claimed that he had taken them 
believing that they belonged to the General. The valet had lied, for he 
knew perfectly well that the Confederate gray overcoat, with cloth 
buttons, was much too small for a man of General Schenck's large 
proportions. Fortunately he had been caught before he had time to dispose 
of the stolen goods. A small incident like this would have been 
disregarded by the vast majority of men in the General's position; and his 
attention to so small a matter showed his nice sense of honor and his 
consideration for the rights of a citizen in whose home he had passed only 
a few days. 

   General Schenck was a seasoned soldier. At the battle of Slaughter 
Mountain Sigel's Division suffered severely and General Schenck's Brigade 
bore the brunt of the fight. Again, at Second Manassas Sigel's troops were 
severely handled, and General Schenck was wounded and as a result lost an 
arm. After the close of the war he was appointed Minister to the Court of 
St. James by the President of the United States. During his service in 
England he became very popular because of his rare social gifts and his 
genial personality. He was also the author of a book on the game of 
poker, - a book that became an authority, and has 

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been widely used by card players. Because of this contribution to the 
amusement of the public he obtained the sobriquet of "Poker Schenck," 
perhaps the most widely known way of distinguishing him. 

   In relating these incidents I am perhaps repeating much history that is 
known to the generation that lived just before, during, and after the war. 
Yet many of the facts related may have an interest to the present 
generation and to those that follow, since they illustrate the character 
and temper of the times and of the people who took part in the events 
recorded. 



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CHAPTER XV 
STONEWALL JACKSON AND THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN

   IN the early spring of 1862 the people of Virginia found large bodies 
of Federal troops invading her territory. McClellan had pushed his forces 
on the Peninsula within a few miles of Richmond, and the fall of the 
Confederate capital seemed probable. In the Shenandoah Valley the Federals 
had reached as far as Harrisonburg, and held possession of the most 
fertile section west of the Blue Ridge. A large army under General Pope 
was pushing into the interior by way of Culpeper Court House and 
Gordonsville. The armies of the Confederacy were kept in constant action 
on the defense, yielding here and there to the pressure of larger forces 
in front. Nothing but the mistakes of the enemy and the boldness and 
activity of the Confederate armies could change the situation. The first 
opportunity came when Jackson pushed west and defeated the Federal army at 
McDowell on May 8th and 9th. Returning to the Valley with this prestige of 
success, Jackson began the great campaign that resulted in the defeat of 
the armies under Banks, Shields, and Fremont. 

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   Within 30 days he had marched his men over 200 miles, and captured 
large supplies and prisoners and had defeated the Federal armies in every 
engagement. This great strategy and accomplishment had raised Jackson's 
name to the highest renown; but this quiet, earnest man was thinking and 
caring little for his personal distinction. His best efforts were devoted 
to the cause he loved, and his one aim was to free his State from the 
invading army. 

   The movement of Jackson's forces to the Peninsula and his coöperation 
with Lee soon led to the defeat of McClellan and the withdrawal of his 
army from the front of Richmond. Next came the advance north led by 
Jackson, the battle with Pope at Slaughter Mountain, and the flank 
movement around Pope, resulting in the retreat of his army to the 
Rappahannock, where it was held on the defensive until Jackson had moved 
around his right wing, captured Manassas, with its stores, and cut off all 
communication with Washington. 

   Next came the second battle of Manassas with complete rout of the 
Federal army and its retreat to the Potomac. 

   The successes of the Confederate arms in such rapid succession had 
driven the Federal forces almost entirely off the soil of Virginia. In all 
these victories the genius of Stonewall Jackson stood out in bold relief. 
As a strategist, as a 

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leader, as a genius of bold and daring adventure, he had no equal. Jackson 
was always aggressive, his mind was full of initiative, of cunning, and 
daring, which gave a spirit of inspiration to all his actions and 
movements. His secretiveness, his earnest piety, his faith in the guiding 
hand of Providence, his belief in himself and his mission, all gave a 
force to his military genius, - a genius that grasped every situation and 
carried him through every difficulty he encountered. The mystery of the 
man was the inspiration of the men who followed him, who believed in him, 
and who knew no such words as failure and defeat with him at their head. 

   These military movements of Jackson have been studied and written up by 
the students of military history and by the ablest critics of warfare; 
they have been made the text-book for the student of the science of war, 
and they will ever hold a place side by side with the work of the greatest 
soldiers of ancient and modern times. 

   Jackson had long advised the invasion of Northern territory, and after 
the First Manassas he had advocated an attack on Washington. The 
opportunity was now favorable for an aggressive movement north of the 
Potomac. In this advance Lee assigned the leadership to Jackson. On 
September 2d Jackson, with his command, pushed across the Potomac at 
White's Ferry and assembled 

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his men in Frederick City. Lee with the larger army followed. The combined 
forces under Lee were estimated at 64,000 men, but as there were many 
stragglers the active force was 10,000 less. The Federal army under 
McClellan was at that time being assembled and reorganized in and around 
Washington. It numbered over 100,000 men in arms, while a Federal army of 
8,000 men, under General White, was in possession of Harper's Ferry, and 
some 3,000 men were in Winchester, there being also about the same number 
at Martinsburg, - all in the rear of the Confederate forces then 
concentrating near Frederick City. 

   It was evidently the purpose of the Federal authorities to hold 
Harper's Ferry, and embarrass the rear of the Confederate army, and cut 
off its communication with the South by way of the Valley. It was evident 
to Lee that this Federal force should be dislodged at once. Longstreet, 
with 25,000 men, declined to lead the attack on Harper's Ferry, and 
Jackson at once assumed this difficult task. On September 10th Jackson, - 
his command reinforced by three divisions, - began to invest Harper's 
Ferry on three sides. 

   Crossing South Mountain at Turner's Gap, he moved west in the direction 
of Williamsport, where he crossed the Potomac. He then marched to 
Martinsburg, to drive the Federal troops stationed 

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there into the net at Harper's Ferry. Closing in around the garrison now 
occupying strong positions on the heights around this place, he began 
preparations for its immediate capture. Prompt work was required, for 
McClellan was pressing through Frederick City and South Mountain to the 
relief of General White, now walled in by Jackson. During the 13th and 
14th Jackson's batteries played on the garrison and soon convinced General 
White that further resistance was impossible. 

   Early on the morning of the 15th the place was surrendered 
unconditionally, with a loss to the Confederate side of less than one 
hundred men. General White surrendered 12,000 prisoners, with as many 
small arms, 73 pieces of artillery, and all stores, wagons, horses, and 
army equipments in the place. The results of the surrender were very 
advantageous to Lee, as his forces were being heavily pressed through 
South Mountain by McClellan and his 90,000 and more men. Lee was forced to 
retire to Sharpsburg where he was joined by Jackson, - now released from 
Harper's Ferry. 

   The ground around Sharpsburg was elevated on a plateau, bordered on the 
north and east by Antietam Creek, - a rugged stream that wound its way 
through high banks to the Potomac, which was from one to three miles west 
of Lee's position. 

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With an army now reduced to 45,000 men, it was a serious question whether 
Lee should, with 90,000 men assaulting his lines, remain on the defensive 
or retire across the river and take a position on Virginia soil, thus 
abandoning the object of the Maryland campaign: a decisive battle with 
McClellan and a crippling of his army. Lee decided to stand at bay and 
await an assault from McClellan. He had little to expect from this line of 
action except a dignified defense and a retreat that would retain the 
morale of his army and weaken the force of the Federal blow aimed at him. 
The ground and position, properly secured by works, hastily constructed, 
were favorable for defensive operations; and the burden of attack was 
placed on the Federal troops, which up to this time had met with 
indifferent success in assaults upon Lee's men. 

   Before daylight of September 17th, the firing of the pickets began 
between the two lines, and within a short time the Federals, led by 
Hooker, began the attack on the left wing, held by Jackson and his men. 
Following a cannonade lasting an hour, the advance was made through a wide 
open field; the Federals pushing forward with energy and daring, until 
they encountered the Confederate lines, when the resistance became 
obstinate and unyielding. 

   Charge and countercharge were made and repulsed. 

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The artillery was used en masse to silence the Confederate batteries and 
aid the advancing columns in their assaults. The firing from Jackson's men 
was poured upon the charging columns, with deadly effect. The men were cut 
down in such numbers that the field was soon covered with bodies of dead 
men and wounded, while the living were mixed in wild confusion. The dead 
lay piled up in front of the Confederate lines in heaps; still the 
Federals rushed in and in places broke through the lines, only to be 
forced back for renewed assaults. , Backward and forward the battle raged, 
with clouds of smoke and crash of muskets and almost deafening roar of 
artillery. Neither side seemed willing to yield. As fresh men were rushed 
in to support the Federals the Confederates rallied and closed in their 
depleted ranks. From one end of the line to the other the battle raged for 
hours. When the left wing failed to give away the center of the line was 
charged and recharged, only to be repulsed until fresh men could be 
brought into action. Failing to break the left and center, McClellan 
ordered Burnside to attack the Confederate right with three divisions. 
Here the resistance was long and bloody, and at one time the result looked 
disastrous to the Confederates; but General A. P. Hill, coming from 
Harper's Ferry where he had been with Jackson, brought fresh men into 

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action in time to save the wavering lines and drove Burnside's men under 
cover. 

   This fortunate counterstroke at the proper time saved the day. The 
Federals retired from the field and gave up the struggle for the day, 
which, extending from daylight to early afternoon, had been gigantic. 
Every moment was filled with intense action. Marching, countermarching, 
firing, and loading had put a strain on the men that could last no longer. 
When night came both armies were exhausted; many soldiers, without food or 
water, fell asleep in their lines almost forgetful of the carnage and 
suffering about them. Out of 130,000 men who had met on the field in the 
morning over 20,000 had been killed or wounded. The Federal losses were 
greater than those of the Confederates; for the attacking party had been 
exposed to the greater danger. No less than fifteen generals and 
brigadiers had fallen in the battle. 

   After the battle Lee held a conference with his generals to decide 
whether the army should retreat during the night and cross the Potomac. In 
this conference, after all had given their opinions, General Lee, mounted 
on his horse, rose in his stirrups and said: 

   "We will not cross the Potomac to-night. If McClellan wants to fight in 
the morning, I will give him battle again." 

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   The will and courage of this great soldier were invincible. He knew 
McClellan. He knew the temper of his own men. 

   On September 18th the two armies remained in the same position. 
McClellan made no effort to renew the attack. Lee collected and buried his 
dead, removed his wounded across the Potomac as far as was possible, and 
then during the night withdrew his entire army to the Virginia side, 
taking all his wagons and artillery with him. 

   The withdrawal of the Confederates gave McClellan and his Government 
the nerve to claim the battle of Antietam as a great Federal victory; but 
the facts did not warrant any such claim, for McClellan had been balked 
and driven back at every point. His army, while not stampeded, was 
prostrated and demoralized for the time being, and some days passed before 
it was able to make an aggressive movement. 

   With the return of the Confederates to Virginia the campaign of 1862 
came to a close. The two great armies that had met on hard-fought 
battlefields, extending from the Peninsula to the Potomac, had been 
exhausted. They rested like two worn out game cocks, too deeply wounded to 
resume fight. 



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CHAPTER XVI 
FALL AND WINTER OF 1862

   THE Valley of Virginia, which had been in the possession of the Federal 
troops since the early spring, was now within the Confederate lines. 
General Lee went into camp in the northern counties of the Valley, where 
he reorganized his army and gradually restored its efficiency. At his 
suggestion to the President the Army of Northern Virginia was organized 
into two army corps, the command of one of which was given to General 
James Longstreet and the other to General T. J. (Stonewall) Jackson. Each 
was made a lieutenant-general. Jackson received his commission on October 
11th and was placed in command of the Second Army Corps, made up of the 
divisions of Ewell and D. H. Hill and the Stonewall Division. His corps 
numbered at the time of its organization about 27,000 men. The First Army 
Corps, under Longstreet, was transferred to eastern Virginia, and went 
into camp near Culpeper Court House. 

   Jackson remained in the lower Valley for some weeks and enjoyed the 
quiet rest of the camp and the beautiful country around. The larger 
portion 

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of his force was camped on the Opequon, with headquarters at Millwood, 
Clarke County. During this time he was actively engaged in destroying the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the Manassas Gap Railroad, between 
Manassas and Strasburg. 

   Stuart was active. With his cavalry and with 600 picked men, well 
mounted, he started on October 9th on a raid into Maryland and 
Pennsylvania. Crossing the Potomac at McCoy's Ford, he marched north to 
Chambersburg, which he reached late on the evening of October 10th. Here 
he secured a number of horses and supplies, destroyed rail and wire 
communications, and rested until morning. He then marched east to 
Emmetsburg, Frederick City, and Hyattsville, where he camped for the 
night, having covered a distance of 90 miles since leaving Chambersburg. 
On the 12th of October he cut the lines of communication with Washington, 
but running into Federal troops that were on the lookout for him, he 
crossed the Potomac at White's Ferry before the enemy could close in on 
him. 

   He then rejoined the army in Virginia. In a space of 58 hours he had 
traveled with his men 126 miles through the enemy's country, without a 
casualty; had brought back several hundred fine horses, and had located 
the positions of the Federal army. He was vigorously pursued by large 

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bodies of Federal cavalry, but he eluded them at every point and inflicted 
more damage on their horses by the circuitous chases he led them than he 
was himself exposed to by the direct route of travel he made. The raid of 
Stuart had the further effect of delaying the movements of McClellan. It 
was not until October 26th that McClellan commenced the passage of the 
Potomac and again invaded Virginia. At this time he had with him a total 
strength of 225,000 men for offensive work, and this army had been 
thoroughly reorganized and equipped for active service. On November 7th 
the Sixth Army Corps of the Army of the Potomac, numbering 125,000 men, 
with 320 guns, assembled between Bull Run Mountain and the Blue Ridge. In 
Washington a garrison of 80,000 was encamped and along the Baltimore and 
Ohio Railroad there were some 22,000 men. 

   To face this powerful force the Confederates had a total of 71,809 men 
and 279 guns, - a force divided at that time. Lee did not concentrate his 
forces in front of McClellan, but held the Second Army Corps in the Valley 
to threaten McClellan's rear. As soon, however, as McClellan advanced from 
Warrenton Lee decided to unite his forces. This advance was not made, for 
on the same day McClellan was removed and General Burnside was given the 
command of the Army of the Potomac. 

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Burnside at once changed McClellan's plans and moved the Army of the 
Potomac to Falmouth on the Potomac, and later to Fredericksburg. It was 
then evident that the line of advance on Richmond would be by way of 
Fredericksburg. On November the 22d Jackson left Winchester, on the 27th 
his army was concentrated at Orange Court House, 37 miles from 
Fredericksburg, and on the 29th the First and Second Army Corps were 
united in front of Burnside. 

   I have followed these military movements through the campaign of 1862 
that the reader may have a brief view of the operations of the different 
forces in northern Virginia, that he may understand the situation of our 
people, and the effect these movements had upon the domestic life and 
interests of our citizens. In 1862 our village had a population of less 
than 500. It was the county seat and only village of any importance in the 
county. Located on a railroad running from Washington to the main Valley 
of the Shenandoah, it was in communication by pikes with a large 
agricultural country to the south and southeast that gave it some 
commercial importance and considerable inland trade. It had good stores, 
four churches, a court-house, and a number of attractive private homes. 
With the exception 

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of one tanyard, there were no factories in the place. 

   Our townspeople were largely represented by the professional and 
mercantile element and a few retired farmers. The people were refined, 
hospitable and moral, for the community was made up of old families who 
owned their own negroes and some property. The surrounding country was 
settled by a well-to-do rural population that owned good farms, good live 
stock, and a well-behaved class of negroes. When the war broke out our 
people were happy and prosperous. there was no poverty in our county, for 
labor was respected and worthy of its hire, and a comfortable living was 
within the reach of everyone. Of course all this was changed by the 
fortunes of war. All personal property was swept away, and many of our 
citizens were impoverished. Those who owned lands were generally able to 
hold them, but all improvements on the land were so destroyed that the 
bare soil was about all that was left. Houses, barns, outbuildings, and 
fences were in many instances burned, or were left in such a dilapidated 
condition as to be almost worthless. Only two flour and grist mills were 
left in the county, the others having been burned in the fall of 1864 by 
the order of General Sheridan. 

   About 30 per cent of the population of the 

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county was negro. Of the white population over 90 per cent was of pure 
Anglo-Saxon blood. There was a small German element composed of moral and 
industrious citizens. The majority of our people were landowners and 
farmers, the rural life being one of great independence and refinement. 
There were a number of fine old estates and many of the landowners lived 
in baronial style, in homes of comfort and hospitality. 

   There were few rural communities in Virginia where the people were so 
free from debt and social unrest as in our county, and few where the 
rights of the slave were so respected and cared for. Slavery was 
considered a responsibility, not a privilege. The negro was happy and 
contented. He loved his master. 

   Up to the close of 1862 these conditions had not been seriously 
disturbed. The armies that had passed through and encamped in the county 
had burned a great deal of fencing and had destroyed some of the growing 
crops, so that within a radius of two miles of the village there were few 
fields left enclosed and the land was open to general use. As much of the 
live stock, - such as horses and cattle, - had been taken for the use of 
both armies, only such animals as cows, hogs, poultry, and a few old and 
broken-down horses were left for the use of our citizens. But this stock 
was sufficient for all necessary wants, and the question 

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of food supplies had not been raised. Many of the people living in the 
village began to keep cows, hogs, and poultry and to cultivate the garden 
and the orchard. In this way home supplies were not reduced to any great 
extent. This was a fortunate circumstance, as during the last two years of 
the war our village population would have suffered for the actual 
necessities of life, had not the garden, the orchard, and the poultry yard 
supplied the food necessary to sustain life. 

   Breadstuffs, groceries, and clothing became luxuries, for the wheat and 
corn were either removed or destroyed by the Federal troops, groceries 
could seldom be had and clothes were made of material for the greater part 
spun, woven, and dyed, by our women. 

   After the latter part of August, 1862, our county was held within the 
Confederate lines, and, with the exception of a few raiding parties, we 
had no Federal troops until the early spring of 1863. During the fall and 
winter months our people were able to follow their usual avocations. The 
farmers cultivated and gathered their crops by the labor of old men, 
negroes, and boys. The home life was made sad or joyful as the effects of 
war were experienced in the results of battle. With all the active male 
population in the army, the losses by sickness and death in battle were 
felt by almost every family; and those soldiers that 

Page 192

had so far escaped the casualties of war were at the front, and each mail 
might bring tidings of sorrow to some heart. Our boys were seldom able to 
come home on furlough unless encamped near us; but the wounded and 
convalescent sick came home for rest and recovery, so that our village 
still remained a rendezvous for a number of disabled soldiers. 

   The social life was in this way kept in a state of excitement that 
removed all monotony and gloom and gave a live interest to daily 
occurrences. All was not sorrow and depression of spirit, for the hearts 
of young and old were fired with patriotism and hope of success for the 
Southern cause. The withdrawal of the Federal army, the acts of heroism 
and the fame of Lee, Jackson and other generals inspired a hope of final 
victory, and the belief that the war would end in the independence of our 
nation. Up to the spring of 1863 the progress of the war had been 
favorable to the South, hence the winter of 1862 was a period of happy 
expectation. Looking forward to better things, we regarded the events of 
the past as small sacrifices that a people should make for liberty and 
independence. Those who had been bereaved by the death of their loved ones 
or who suffered losses of property were reconciled to the decree of fate 
because hope seemed to smile on the Southern arms. 

Page 193

   During the fall of 1862 the President of the Confederate States called 
upon the people of the South to observe a day of Thanksgiving and Prayer 
for the success of the Southern arms. The people were requested to meet in 
places of public worship and offer prayers to Almighty God in thanks for 
His mercy and love. 

   In our village our citizens of all religious denominations assembled in 
one of the two churches left for worship. The congregation was made up 
almost entirely of old men, women, girls, and boys, there being not a man 
there that was able to bear arms. A few old servants occupied seats in the 
gallery. Of those present some were in deep mourning for loved ones who 
had died in service; some were sorrowing for their friends and relatives 
in hospitals and camps; indeed, there was not a soul that was not touched 
in some way by the hand of war. The minister was an old man whose sons 
were in the army, whose hair was frosted by the cares of time, whose 
shoulders were bent under the weight of years, and whose heart had been 
touched by the sorrows of life. His spirit was the spirit of the times. 
After the congregation had sung the old hymn, "How firm a foundation,
etc.," he poured out a fervent prayer, and then took as his text the 
following verse: "And let it be, when thou hearest the sound of a going in 
the top of the mulberry trees that then thou 

Page 194

shall bestir thyself, for then shall the Lord go out before thee to smite 
the host of the Philistines." - II SAMUEL, 5-24. 

   With a clear, sweet, and earnest voice he told the congregation the 
history of the long war between the house of Saul and the house of David, 
of the triumph of David over Saul, of the establishment of the throne of 
David over Israel and over Judah and finally how David had delivered 
Israel from the hands of the Philistines and out of the hands of all their 
enemies. He drew a comparison between the struggles of David, and his 
efforts to establish a kingdom of righteousness for the people of Israel 
and those of the people of the South in their struggles for political 
independence. 

   He tried to explain the nature of the contest the Southern people were 
making, the hardships and sacrifices they had to endure, the signs of the 
times, in the going of the leaves in the top of the mulberry trees, and 
the necessity for united and persistent effort upon the part of every man, 
woman, and child in the great struggle for liberty in which the Southland 
was engaged. After referring in the most touching and pathetic way to the 
sorrows that many in the congregation were now bearing for the loss of 
loved ones who had fallen in battle, to the uncertainties that then 
surrounded those now active in service, to the need 

Page 195

of courage and faith to bear all things, he raised his voice, with a 
spirit of reverence and fire, and cried out, "Bestir thyself, for then 
shall the Lord go out before thee to smite the host of the enemy." 

   This sermon stirred the most profound emotion of the congregation, and 
filled each member with silent courage and with an abiding hope that the 
Lord was with them. There was scarcely a dry eye in the church. All took 
to heart the spirit of truth, the admonition of zeal that the preacher had 
inspired. 

   After the lapse of many years I am only able to repeat the words and 
thoughts of the good old preacher, long since gone to his reward, in this 
brief and imperfect way. The language has been lost but the impression 
left on my boyish mind was too deep to be forgotten. It has lingered all 
these years in memory's hidden shelves because it was treasured in the 
heart and mind, like the prayers taught by our mothers in the very 
earliest days of childhood that are never forgotten, like the nursery 
rhymes and little poems and nurses' tales that live forever in sweetest 
recollection.