Naval History of the American Revolution - Chapter X



CHAPTER X
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778

Captain John Paul Jones brought the Ranger to France in December, 1777, 
eager to carry the war upon the enemy's shores. He wrote to the Marine 
Committee: "It is my hearts first and favorite wish to be employed in 
Active and enterprizing Services where there is a prospect of Rendering 
such Services Useful and Acceptable to America. The Singular Honor which 
Congress hath done me by their generous approbation of my past Conduct 
hath inspired me with Sentiments of Gratitude which I shall carry with me 
to my Grave; and if a life of Services devoted to America can be made 
instrumental in securing its Independence, I shall regard the Continuance 
of such approbation as an honor far Superiour to the Empty Peagentry which 
Kings ever did or can bestow." (Pap. Cont. Congr., 58, 137 (December 10, 
1777).

During the first two months after his arrival, Jones spent much time in 
Paris, conferring with the American Commissioners. While there he 
suggested the cruise of a French fleet to America, which a little later 
was carried out by D'Estaing. As to his own plans, the command of the 
Indien, building at Amsterdam, had been intended for him, but this vessel 
had been transferred to the French government for political reasons. In 
being deprived of this fine ship, Jones met with one of the most trying of 
his many disappointments. A cruise in the Ranger was then proposed. Jones 
had already stated to the commissioners (In his letter of December 5, 
1777) his views of sound American policy, which was to attack defenseless 
seaports of the enemy and to cruise, in squadrons if possible, against his 
commerce in his own waters, where it was concentrated, rather than attempt 
to cope with an overwhelming naval power; to destroy the greatest amount 
of property in the shortest time, striking quickly and unexpectedly, 
rather than attempt to send in prizes at too great risk of recapture. This 
policy was less pleasing to those under him, whose first thought was of 
prize money (Sands, 72-76, 311.)

Early in February, 1778, Jones returned to his ship, which, having been 
thoroughly refitted, dropped down the Loire to Quiberon Bay, where lay a 
French fleet under Admiral La Motte Picquet. The Continental brig 
Independence, Captain Young, was also in the bay. Jones negotiated with 
the admiral through William Carmichael, secretary to Silas Deane, in 
regard to a salute of thirteen guns which he proposed to give to the 
French flag. He afterwards wrote to the Marine Committee: "I am happy in 
having it in my power to congratulate you on my having seen the American 
flag for the first time recognised in the fullest and completest manner by 
the flag of France. I was off their bay the 13th and sent my boat in the 
next day to know if the Admiral would return my salute. He answered that 
he would return to me, as the senior American continental officer in 
Europe, the same salute which he was authorized by his court to return to 
an Admiral of Holland or of any other Republic, which was four guns less 
than the salute given. I hesitated at this, for I had demanded gun for 
gun. Therefore I anchored in the entrance of the bay, at a distance from 
the French fleet; but after a very particular inquiry on the 14th, finding 
that he had really told the truth, I was induced to accept his offer, the 
more so as it was in fact an acknowledgment of American Independence. The 
wind being contrary and blowing hard, it was after sunset before the 
Ranger got near enough to salute La Motte Picquet with thirteen guns, 
which he returned with nine. However, to put the matter beyond a doubt, I 
did not suffer the Independence to salute till the next morning, when I 
sent the Admiral word that I should sail through his fleet in the brig and 
would salute him in open day. He was exceedingly pleased and returned the 
compliment also with nine guns." (Sands, 77 (February 22, 1778.)

This was the most authoritative salute up to that time given to the 
American flag by a foreign power. Although Jones says that neither he nor 
La Motte Picquet knew of the alliance that had been concluded a week 
before, it is probable that the admiral had received some intimation of 
the propriety of returning an American salute. The acknowledgment of the 
Andrew Doria's salute at St. Eustatius in 1776, the first notice taken of 
a Continental vessel, was disavowed by the Dutch government, and the 
response to that of the privateer General Mifflin at Brest in 1777 was not 
admitted by the French government. The salute to the Ranger's flag was, as 
Jones says, a formal recognition of American independence and was a 
natural sequence of the treaties of commerce and of alliance which had 
been signed February 6 by representatives of the United States and France 
(Sands, 76-78; Sherburne, 216; Memoires de Paul Zones, 24; Dr. Green's 
Diary, February 13, 14, 15, 1778; Jones MSS., letters of Carmichael and 
Picquet, February 13, 14, 1778; Sparks MSS., xlix, 12 (Jones to Deane, 
February 26, 1778); Log of Ranger, February 14, 1778; Stopford-Sackville 
MSS., 100.)

An outcome, presumably, of this episode in Quiberon Bay was a discussion 
some weeks later of the general subject of international salutes among 
high naval officials of France and on board D'Estaing's fleet. On his 
voyage to America the admiral conferred with his distinguished passenger 
Gerard, minister to the United States, and in June a council of officers 
was held on the flagship at which the project of an agreement between the 
United States and France, relating to this subject, was drawn up. It 
provided that ships of either power entering ports of the other should 
salute first, in recognition of territorial sovereignty; that between 
ships commanded by officers of equal rank, the American should salute 
first, thereby acknowledging the precedence of the French crown, but in 
other cases the inferior should fire the first salute; and finally, that 
all salutes should be returned by an equal number of guns (Archives de la 
Marine, B4 141, 303-313.)

The brig Independence sailed for America in the spring. By Jones's advice 
Captain Young attempted to get into Ocracoke Inlet, North Carolina, but 
unfortunately his ship was wrecked on the bar (Jones MSS., Capt. Bell to 
Jones (November 3, 1778), Jones to Bell (November 15, 1778), and to Young 
(November 18,1778); Mar. Com. Letter Book, 146, 157, 158 (to Young and to 
Navy Board, May 6, June 18, 1778).)

From Quiberon Bay the Ranger proceeded to Brest, arriving below the town 
March 8. The fleet of Admiral d'Orvilliers was at that time lying in the 
harbor of Brest. In this vicinity the Ranger remained a month and again 
saluted the French flag, receiving eleven guns in return for thirteen. 
April 10 she sailed on a cruise in British waters. On the 14th, between 
Scilly and Cape Clear, a brigantine was taken and sunk, and on the 17th, 
off Dublin, a ship was captured which Jones sent back to Brest. The events 
of the following week, during which the Ranger cruised about the Isle of 
Man and the adjacent shores of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the 
neighborhood of Jones's early life, added much to his naval reputation 
(For this cruise of the Ranger, see Sands, 79-98; Sherburne, 44-64; 
Green's Diary; Scribner's Mag., July, 1898; Jones MSS.; Log of Ranger.)

Towards evening of April 17, Jones "stood over from the Isle of Man, with 
an intention to make a descent at Whitehaven. At 10 o'clock," he says in 
his report to the commissioners, "I was off the harbor with a party of 
volunteers and had everything in readiness to land, but before eleven the 
wind greatly increased and shifted, so as to blow directly upon the shore; 
the sea increased of course, and it became impossible to effect a landing. 
This obliged me to carry all possible sail so as to clear the land and to 
await a more favorable opportunity." (Sherburne, 45 (Jones to American 
Commissioners, May 27, 1778)

During the next few days a revenue cutter was chased and a schooner and 
sloop were sunk. Adverse winds prevented an attempt being made to destroy 
a number of vessels at anchor in a bay on the Scotch coast. "The 21st, 
being near Carrickfergus, a fishing boat came off, which I detained. I saw 
a ship at anchor in the road which I was informed by the fisherman was the 
British ship-of-war Drake, of 20 guns. I determined to attack her in the 
night. My plan was to overlay her cable and to fall upon her bow, so as to 
have all her decks open and exposed to our musketry, &c.; at the same time 
it was my intention to have secured the enemy by graplings, so that had 
they cut their cables they would not thereby have attained an advantage. 
The wind was high and unfortunately the anchor was not let go so soon as 
the order was given, so that the Ranger was brought up on the enemy's 
quarter at the distance of half a cable's length. We had made no warlike 
appearance, of course had given no alarm; this determined me to cut 
immediately, which might appear as if the cable had parted and at the same 
time enable me, after making a tack out of the Lough, to return with the 
same prospect of advantage which I had at the first. I was, however, 
prevented from returning, as I with difficulty weathered the lighthouse on 
the lee side of the Lough, and as the gale increased. The weather now 
became so very stormy and severe and the sea so high that I was obliged to 
take shelter under the south shore of Scotland (Sherburne, 46; Sands, 80.)

"The 22d introduced fair weather, though the three kingdoms as far as the 
eye could reach were covered with snow. I now resolved once more to 
attempt Whitehaven, but the wind became very light, so that the ship could 
not in proper time approach so near as I had intended. At midnight I left 
the ship with two boats and thirty-one volunteers. When we reached the 
outer pier the day began to dawn. I would not, however, abandon my 
enterprise, but despatched one boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and 
Lieutenant Wallingsford, with the necessary combustibles, to set fire to 
the shipping on the north side of the harbor, while I went with the other 
party to attempt the south side. I was successful in scaling the walls and 
spiking up all the cannon in the first fort. Finding the sentinels shut up 
in the guard house, they were secured without being hurt. Having fixed 
sentinels, I now took with me one man only (Mr. Green), and spiked up all 
the cannon on the southern fort, distant from the other a quarter of a 
mile. On my return from this business I naturally expected to see the fire 
of the ships on the north side, as well as to find my own party with 
everything in readiness to set fire to the shipping in the south. Instead 
of this, I found the boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and Mr. 
Wallingsford returned and the party in some confusion, their light having 
burnt out at the instant when it became necessary. By the strangest 
fatality my own party were in the same situation, the candles being all 
burnt out. The day too came on apace, yet I would by no means retreat 
while any hopes of success remained. Having again placed sentinels, a 
light was obtained at a house disjoined from the town and fire was kindled 
in the steerage of a large ship which was surrounded by at least an 
hundred and fifty others, chiefly from two to four hundred tons burthen 
and laying side by side aground, unsurrounded by the water. There were 
besides from seventy to an hundred large ships in the north arm of the 
harbor aground, clear of the water, and divided from the rest only by a 
stone pier of a ship's height. I should have kindled fires in other places 
if the time had permitted. As it did not, our care was to prevent the one 
kindled from being easily extinguished. After some search a barrel of tar 
was found and poured into the flames, which now ascended from all the 
hatchways. The inhabitants began to appear in thousands and individuals 
ran hastily towards us. I stood between them and the ship on fire with a 
pistol in my hand and ordered them to retire, which they did with 
precipitation. The flames had already caught the rigging and began to 
ascend the mainmast. The sun was a full hour's march above the horizon and 
as sleep no longer ruled the world, it was time to retire. We re-embarked 
without opposition, having released a number of prisoners, as our boats 
could not carry them. After all my people had embarked I stood upon the 
pier for a considerable time, yet no persons advanced. I saw all the 
eminences around the town covered with the amazed inhabitants (Sherburne, 
47.)

"When we had rowed a considerable distance from the shore, the English 
began to run in vast numbers to their forts. Their disappointment may 
easily be imagined, when they found at least thirty heavy cannon, the 
instruments of their vengeance, rendered useless. At length, however, they 
began to fire, having, as I apprehend, either brought down ship guns or 
used one or two cannon which lay on the beach at the foot of the walls 
dismounted, and which had not been spiked. They fired with no direction 
and the shot falling short of the boats, instead of doing us any damage, 
afforded some diversion, which my people could not help showing by 
discharging their pistols, &c. in return of the salute. Had it been 
possible to have landed a few hours sooner, my success would have been 
complete. Not a single ship out of more than two hundred could possibly 
have escaped, and all the world would not have been able to save the town. 
What was done, however, is sufficient to show that not all their boasted 
navy can protect their own coasts, and that the scenes of distress which 
they have occasioned in America may be soon brought home to their own 
door." (Sherburne, 48.)

An English account says: "Att 4 o'Clock a Privateer of Eighteen Guns & one 
hundred & twenty Men landed about thirty Men in our Harbour & set a Vessel 
on Fire & distributed Combustibles in several Others; the Privateer is yet 
standing on & off & as we just now hear is stretching with Wind at East to 
the W.N.W." (Whitehaven Customs Letter Book, 96.) According to another 
letter from Whitehaven, "the privateer's people who landed here this 
morning were all armed with pistols and cutlasses. and retired to their 
boats about four o'clock . . . They had on their first landing spiked up 
several of the cannon, in order to secure their retreat. A number of 
people flocking to the fort, some shot were fired at the boats, but 
without doing any execution. After the boats reached the privateer, she 
stood over to the Scotch side, and as large columns of smoke have been 
seen on the Scotch shore this afternoon, it is feared he has done some 
mischief there." (London Chronicle, April 30, 1778.)

Having reached the Scotch shore, Jones landed about noon on St. Mary's 
Isle, "with one boat only and a very small party." Here was the estate of 
the Earl of Selkirk, very near Jones's birthplace. The plan was to seize 
the earl and carry him to France, to serve as a hostage for the better 
treatment of American prisoners in England or to secure the release of a 
number of them in exchange. Unfortunately for the success of the project, 
Selkirk was absent. The officers and men with Jones, who thus far had had 
little prospect of prize money, now demanded the privilege of bringing 
away some booty from the estate. The raids of the British in America, in 
which private property was not respected, were fresh in their minds. Jones 
unwillingly consented that they might demand and take such of the family 
plate as might be delivered to them. This was done, the men behaving in an 
orderly manner and not entering the house. Jones afterwards purchased this 
plate, worth several hundred pounds, at his own expense, and restored it 
to Selkirk, from whom he received full acknowledgment (Sherburne, 48, 51-
58.)

The week's cruise in the Irish Sea ended with a notable event in our early 
naval history, which Jones relates in his letter to the commissioners at 
Paris. "On the morning of the 24th I was again off Carrickfergus and would 
have gone in had I not seen the Drake preparing to come out. It was very 
moderate and the Drake's boat was sent out to reconnoitre the Ranger. As 
the boat advanced I kept the ship's stern directly towards her and, though 
they had a spy glass in the boat, they came on within hail and alongside. 
When the officer came on the quarter-deck he was greatly surprised to find 
himself a prisoner, although an express had arrived from Whitehaven the 
night before. I now understood what I had before imagined, that the Drake 
came out, in consequence of this information, with volunteers against the 
Ranger. The officer told me also that they had taken up the Ranger's 
anchor. The Drake was attended by five small vessels full of people who 
were led by curiosity to see an engagement. But when they saw the Drake's 
boat at the Ranger's stern they wisely put back. Alarm smokes now appeared 
in great abundance, extending along on both sides of the channel. The tide 
was unfavorable, so that the Drake worked out but slowly. This obliged me 
to run down several times and to lay with courses up and main-topsail to 
the mast. At length the Drake weathered the point and, having led her out 
to about mid-channel, I suffered her to come within hail. The Drake 
hoisted English colors and at the same instant the American stars were 
displayed on board the Ranger. I expected that preface had been now at an 
end, but the enemy soon after hailed, demanding what ship it was? I 
directed the master to answer, 'the American Continental ship Ranger, that 
we waited for them and desired that they would come on; the sun was now 
little more than an hour from setting, it was therefore time to begin.' 
The Drake being astern of the Ranger, I ordered the helm up and gave her 
the flrst broadside. The action was warm, close, and obstinate. It lasted 
an hour and four minutes, when the enemy called for quarters, her fore and 
main- topsail yards being both cut away and down on the cap, the top-
gallant yard and mizengaff both hanging up and down along the mast, the 
second ensign which they had hoisted shot away and hanging on the quarter-
gallery in the water, the jib shot away and hanging in the water, her 
sails and rigging entirely cut to pieces, her masts and yards all wounded, 
and her hull also very much galled. I lost only Lieutenant Wallingsford 
and one seaman, John Dougall, killed, and six wounded, among whom are the 
gunner, Mr. Falls, and Mr. Powers, a midshipman, who lost his arm. One of 
the wounded, Nathaniel Wills, is since dead; the rest will recover." 
(Sherburne, 48, 49.) Jones estimated the British loss at forty-two killed 
and wounded, but it was probably less; the captain was killed and the 
lieutenant mortally wounded.

The Drake's armament consisted of twenty four-pounders, the Ranger's of 
eighteen six-pounders. According to different accounts, the Drake's crew 
numbered one hundred and fifty to one hundred and ninety and was probably 
little in excess of the lower figure. It consisted partly of volunteers 
and raw recruits and the ship had only one lieutenant. On the whole she 
does not appear to have been well prepared for battle. The Ranger also was 
at a disadvantage, her crew of one hundred and twenty-three being at this 
time in a dissatisfied and even mutinous state of mind, under the 
influence of the first lieutenant, Thomas Simpson (Sherburne, 49; Sands, 
95; Scribner's Mag., July, 1898.) While the Ranger's capture of a vessel 
of inferior force could hardly be regarded as a remarkable achievement, it 
was still highly satisfactory to have taken a regular man-of-war of the 
enemy in his own waters.

The day after the battle both ships were employed in repairing injuries. A 
brigantine was captured at this time. When ready to sail, the Ranger and 
Drake passed out to sea by the North Channel, owing to a shift of the 
wind, and returned to Brest by way of the west coast of Ireland. May 6, 
Lieutenant Simpson, in command of the Drake, having disregarded the 
Ranger's signals, was put under arrest by Jones for disobedience of 
orders. Both vessels arrived safely at Brest May 8. An American at that 
place, writing home, says: "It was a pleasure to see the English flag 
flying under the American stars and stripes." (Boston Gazette, July 6, 
1778.) About two hundred British prisoners were confined on the Drake, 
awaiting exchange. Meanwhile six British men-of-war had been ordered to 
cruise for the Ranger in St. George's Channel, and it was reported in 
England that both she and the Drake had been captured by a British frigate 
(Wharton, ii, 581, 582; Sherburne, 63; London Chronicle, May 2, 5, 9, 14, 
1778.)

The arrest of Simpson was the outcome of an unfortunate state of affairs 
on board the Ranger. For a number of reasons there had been discontent 
among the crew, which had been encouraged by Simpson, who, it was charged 
by Jones, had gone so far as to incite mutiny before the battle with the 
Drake, when Jones had intended to go in and attack that vessel, if she had 
not come out. According to Jones, Simpson on that occasion "held up to the 
crew that being Americans fighting for liberty, the voice of the people 
should be taken before the Captain's orders were obeyed" (Sands, 95); and 
the captain says that if the capture of the Drake's boat had not brought 
about a change in the men's temper, a dangerous mutiny might have been the 
result. Jones also held Simpson in some degree responsible for the failure 
of his plans at Whitehaven. Simpson having come out from America in the 
Ranger, with the expectation of taking command upon Jones being given a 
larger ship, was dissatisfied. He was popular with the crew; whereas 
Jones, owing to his severe discipline, to his violent temper, and perhaps 
to other personal traits, and partly to his indifference to prize money, 
was disliked by his men. This was particularly unfortunate because 
undeserved, for in his letters he shows constant solicitude for their 
interests. The American Commissioners in Paris, lacking authority, were 
obliged to refuse payment on Jones's drafts for the daily support and 
sustenance of his crew, which caused him great annoyance. They also 
regretted Simpson's arrest, especially as there were not enough American 
officers in Europe to convene a court-martial, and it would be necessary 
to send him to America for trial. The result was that, with the approval 
of Jones, though he afterwards repented it, Simpson was released from 
custody and put in command of the Ranger. Surgeon Green says in his diary, 
July 27: "This day Thomas Simpson, Esqr. came on board with orders to take 
command of the Ranger, to the joy and satisfaction of the whole Ships 
company." Not long after this the Ranger sailed for America (Sherburne, 60-
62; Sands, 94-96, 99-104, 117, 118, 123-126; Wharton, ii, 597.)

The frigate Boston, Captain Samuel Tucker, early in February, 1778, was 
anchored in Nantasket Roads. William Jennison, lieutenant of marines, 
records in his journal, February 13, that "Capt. Tucker went to Braintree 
in his Barge and brought the Honble John Adams and suite on board." (Penn. 
Mag. Hist. and Biogr., April, 1891.) This distinguished passenger had been 
appointed commissioner to France in place of Silas Deane; he had with him 
his son John Quincy Adams, then eleven years old. February 15 the frigate 
sailed with a wind from the west southwest; on the 20th it began to blow. 
"A clap of thunder with sharp lightning broke upon the mainmast just above 
the upper moulding, which burnt several of the men on deck. A most 
terrible night. The captain of the mainmast was struck with the lightning, 
which burnt a place on the top of his head about the bigness of a Quarter 
Dollar - he lived three days and died raving mad." (Ibid. This casualty is 
not mentioned in the ship's log.) Meanwhile the Boston was being chased by 
a British thirty-six-gun frigate, but fortunately escaped. "Capt. Tucker 
had instructions not to risque the ship in any way that might endanger Mr. 
Adams, and was ordered to land him safe in France or Spain." (Ibid.) 
Moreover the ship was short-handed. March 10, "at 11 A.M. discovered a 
vessel to windward; gave chase and came alongside at noon. She fired three 
guns at us, one of which carried away our mizen yard. We returned a few 
shots and hoisted American colors, upon which she struck her colors. Our 
boats were got out immediately, but a heavy squall prevented them getting 
to the ship before they had thrown overboard the mail, which sunk not more 
than a boat's hook length before our boats reached the ship. She was named 
the Martha, carried 16 nine-pounders and was . . . bound from the Thames 
for New York." (Penn. Mag., April, 1891.) Hezekiah Welch, one of the 
frigate's lieutenants, was put on board the Martha as prize-master and she 
was sent back to Boston. According to the invoice her cargo was worth 
ninety-seven thousand pounds sterling. Tucker wrote to the Navy Board of 
the Eastern District: "I hope to pay for the Boston, as I told your 
honnours before Sailing. I am but Poorly mand to my Sorrow; I dare not 
attack a 20 gun Ship." (Tucker MSS., March 11, 1778.) A few days after the 
capture of the Martha, the first lieutenant of the Boston, William Barron, 
was fatally injured by the bursting of a gun. After a very stormy passage 
the frigate anchored in the Garonne River, March 31, and the next day went 
up to within three miles of Bordeaux (Life of Tucker, ch. iv, and 
appendix, log of the Boston; Archives de la Marine, B8 14.)

After careening and thoroughly refitting his ship and enlisting a number 
of Frenchmen for his crew, which required several weeks, Captain Tucker 
dropped down the river. On June 6, the Boston sailed in company with a 
French frigate and a fleet of merchantmen. She then made a short cruise in 
the Bay of Biscay and along the French coast, during which four prizes 
were taken. The Boston went into L'Orient July 3 and remained nearly a 
month. Tucker had trouble with his crew; June 19 he wrote to the Navy 
Board that the situation with respect to his people was very disagreeable 
and had been since he left Boston, and that there had been "a Consparicy 
carried to a great Length, but fortunately discovered it the day before 
sailing from Bourdeaux, which I wrote the Honble Commissioners at Paris. I 
had the Confederates of Bourdeaux imprisoned and believe they will be 
Banished if not hung." (Tucker MSS.) A spirit of insubordination persisted 
to some extent, and July 28, Tucker ordered one of the crew "to be brought 
to the gangway and receive twelve stripes on his naked back. His crime was 
talking among the people and making them believe that the officers on 
board had embezzled some part of the prizes, cargo, and other abuse." 
(Tucker, 303, log of the Boston.) Meanwhile forty-seven of the French 
sailors enlisted at Bordeaux had been arbitrarily taken out of the ship by 
a French general at L'Orient. The prisoners taken in the prizes also 
became restless, and on learning that an uprising among them was being 
planned, Tucker ordered twenty-three of them to be put in irons. The first 
of these recent prizes of the Boston having been sent to America, the 
other three were sold at L'Orient. August 1 the Boston sailed, and on the 
3d anchored at St. Nazaire (Tucker, ch. v, and appendix; Adams MSS., April 
10, 11, 22, 1778; Tucker MSS., July 3, 7, 12, 13, 1778.)

The frigate Providence, Captain Whipple, was then at Paimboeuf, and a few 
days later came down the river and joined the Boston. The Providence, 
after escaping from the blockade of Narragansett Bay May 1, sailed 
directly for France, arriving at Paimboeuf on the 30th; she was to procure 
guns for Continental vessels under construction. On the voyage she 
captured a prize which was recaptured and then again taken by a French 
ship. August 8 the Providence and Boston with a small convoy, with Whipple 
in command, sailed for Brest, where they arrived in six days and found the 
Ranger. There was also a large French fleet at Brest. August 22 the 
Providence, Boston, and Ranger sailed for America. September 26 they were 
on the Banks of Newfoundland, and on the 15th of October they arrived at 
Portsmouth, having taken three prizes on the passage from France (Tucker, 
ch. v, and appendix; Archives de la Marine, B7 459 (letter of Whipple, May 
31, 1778); Mar. Com. Letter Book, 157, 159 (June 10, 19, 1778); Tucker 
MSS., August 24, September 15, 1778; Granite Monthty, November, 1881, log 
of the Ranger; Boston Gazette October 5, November 2, 1778; Boston Post, 
October 24, 1778.)

The Continental cutter Revenge, Captain Conyngham, cruised with success 
during 1778, usually out of Spanish ports. The Spanish people were 
generally friendly to the American cause and treated with hospitality the 
vessels which visited their ports. Early in the year the Revenge sailed 
from Bilbao and cruised to the Straits of Gibraltar and in the 
Mediterranean, taking several prizes. Her arrival in Cadiz is mentioned by 
an officer on the British ship Monarch, who complains of the unfriendly 
feeling of the Spaniards towards the English. The Monarch sent a boat 
ashore "to get what is termed product," but was unsuccessful; it was 
refused many times. "Judge of the situation of our spirited commander, who 
is a true British seaman, when during the time we lay there - seven days 
being detained by the wind - we had the mortification to see the usual 
honours paid to two Dutch frigates and above all to the Revenge, American 
privateer commanded by Cunningham, who came swaggering in with his 
thirteen stripes, saluted the Spanish Admiral, had it returned and 
immediately got product, the Spaniards themselves carrying on board wood, 
water, fruit and fresh provisions; all which we were eye witnesses of, as 
she anchored directly under our stern, within two cables length." (London 
Chronicle, May 7, 1778; Boston Gazette, October 12, 1778.) There were 
eleven other American vessels lying in Cadiz at this time. Conyngham 
relates an incident not mentioned in the English officer's letter. "An 
English ship of the Line & two frigatts were laying in Cadiz on our 
arrival; in their usual & diabolick mode of Warfare had determined in the 
Night by their boats to set the revenge on fire. A Good french man on 
board one of them Gave notice to the french Consul of their designe, who 
advised us of. Consequently was prepared for them, they did appeare in the 
dead of the night, but took Care to Keep their distance; the spanish 
admirall had thiss notice & he politely offered a 74 Gun ship to protect 
us. We acknowledge the favor, but was noways apprehensive of any danger; 
to the Contrary it was our wish they would make the Attempt." (Penn. Mag. 
Hist. and Biogr., January, 1899, Conynghams narrative.)

The Revenge returned to the north of Spain and went into Ferrol. She 
fitted out there and then cruised among the Azores and Canary Islands, 
taking several prizes, some of which were destroyed and others sent to 
American or to European ports. "Those seas covered by British Cruzers of 
every description and [with] orders from their Govermt to follow the 
revenge into any harbour she might be in & destroy her." Conyngham then 
returned to Coruna, but found the Spanish less hospitable; the protection 
of the government had been withdrawn. This, Conyngham says, was due to 
British influence at court. He was allowed to refit at a small neighboring 
port, however, and then sailed for the West Indies (Ibid.)

About the end of September, which was perhaps a little before Conyngham 
returned to Coruna after his cruise among the Western Islands, the 
privateer Vengeance arrived at that place. The Vengeance was a twenty-gun 
brig from Newburyport commanded by Captain Newman; she sailed from Cape 
Ann August 16. About two weeks after leaving port the Vengeance ran into a 
West India fleet and was chased out again by two frigates. "On the 17th of 
September," says Captain Newman, "in Latt. 49 N. and Long. 20 West, fell 
in with the Ship Harriot Packet, of sixteen guns and forty-five men, Capt. 
Sampson Sprague, from Falmouth bound to New York, which, after a small 
resistance, struck. I man'd her and ordered her for Newbury-Port. And on 
the 21st of the same month fell in with the Snow Eagle Packet, from New 
York bound to Falmouth, Commanded by Edward Spence, mounting fourteen 
carriage guns and sixty men including some officers of the British army, 
which, after an engagement of about twenty minutes, was obliged to strike 
to us, which I likewise ordered for Newbury-Port. Col. Howard of the 1st 
Regiment of Guards was killed and several other officers, and a number 
wounded. Lucky for me, not one man killed or wounded except myself, by a 
musket ball in my thigh . . . Among the passengers was four Colonels, 
three Majors, one Cornet of dragoons . . . I have delivered my prisoners 
to the British Commissary residing here, taking his receipt for the same, 
obligating him to return a like number of American prisoners of equal 
rank." (Boston Post, January 9, 1779.) This letter was dated October 4 at 
Coruna. Possibly the feeling aroused over the arrival of these prisoners 
of rank in the British army and protests made to the Spanish government 
may have had something to do with Conyngham's inhospitable reception about 
the time (Boston Gazette, January 11, 1779; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 227 
(August 16, 1779); Hist. Man. Com., Amer. MSS. in Royal Inst., i, 807 
(October 1, 1778, declaration of British consul at Coruna as to Newman's 
prisoners.)

Up to the time of her arrival in the West Indies, the Revenge, according 
to a letter from Martinique dated December 10, had captured sixty British 
vessels, twenty-seven of which were sent into port and thirty-three sunk 
or burned. She cruised several weeks out of Martinique among the Windward 
Islands. Conyngham received instructions, October 26, from William 
Bingham, the American naval agent in the West Indies. A month later 
Bingham wrote to Conyngham: "As the defensive Alliance entered into 
between France & the United States of America will point out to you one 
Common Object as the Motive that our Conduct is mutually to be regulated 
by that of annoying and circumventing the Designs of the Enemy, I must 
seriously recommend to you not to lose sight of it." He was to be on the 
lookout for D'Estaing, expected soon to arrive in the West Indies from 
America; and also for "a Frigate with Transports under her Convoy of a 
great Number of Troops from France," and acquaint them, as far as 
possible, with the movements of the British fleet. A set of French signals 
was furnished him. "Another grand object that must attract your attention 
is the endeavouring to capture some of the Transports that have sailed 
from New York bound for the English West India Islands. It appears that 
they have suffered by a Gale of wind & have lost their Convoy, so that 
perhaps they will fall an easy Prey. No recompense could requite the 
services you would render your Country by capturing some of those that 
have Troops on board, as it might perhaps hinder the success of any of 
their operations in these Seas." (MS. Letter, November 29, 1778.) The 
Revenge made several prizes in the West Indies, including two British 
privateers, and had an engagement with a twenty-eight-gun cutter. This 
cruise continued until midwinter (Penn. Mag. Hist. and Biogr., January, 
1899; Boston Gazette, February 15, 1779.)

The Continental navy, already greatly reduced, was further depleted in the 
year 1778 by the loss of the frigates Washington, Effingham, Randolph, 
Virginia, and Raleigh, and the Alfred, Columbus, Independence, and 
Resistance. Of the original thirteen frigates there now remained only the 
Boston, Warren, Providence, and Trumbull. Among the ships lost before they 
had ever been in service mus be counted the fine large frigate Indien, 
which passed from the American to the French flag. To replace these severe 
losses the frigates Deane and Queen of France, the sloop of war General 
Gates, and the prize schooner Pigot had been added to the navy; also a 
brigantine called the Retaliation, whose service seems to have been brief 
and uneventful. The frigate Alliance might be included in the list, but 
she did not cruise until the following year. The frigates Warren and 
Providence had begun their active careers during the year 1778, and 
concerning two frigates built in Connecticut a letter of William Vernon, 
written December 17 to John Adams, says: "The ship building at Norwich is 
given to Capt. Seth Harding and call'd the Confederacy, near ready to 
sail; she is a fine Frigate, it is said exceeds the Alliance if possible. 
The Trumbul remains in Connecticut River, perhaps may never be got out, 
unless Camels are built to carry her out." In regard to the America, 
Admiral Howe had written in March: "According to the latest Information 
obtained from some of the well-affected Inhabitants in the New England 
Provinces, the Two-decked Ship building at Portsmouth is not expected to 
be finished before the Autumn." The America had to wait much longer than 
that for her completion. If to the vessels here mentioned as ready for 
service we add the sloop Providence, the Ranger and the Revenge, the list 
of the Continental navy in commission at the end of 1778 is full. The 
prize sloop of war Drake would have been a valuable cruiser and might have 
been acquired for the Continental service, but was not, probably owing to 
lack of available funds and of authority on the part of the American 
Commissioners at Paris (Paullin, 516, 517; Publ. R.I. Hist. Soc.. viii, 
256; Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 488, No. 55, March 16, 1778.)

The navy therefore showed a gradual falling away, and its condition at the 
end of the year 1778 was by no means satisfactory. The state navies also 
seemed to be steadily dwindling. Privateering, however, continued active, 
and British commerce suffered severely from American enterprise of this 
kind. The Continental Congress issued one hundred and twenty-nine 
commissions to privateers in 1778, an increase of sixty over the previous 
year, and doubtless large numbers continued to be commissioned by the 
different states (Naval Records (calendar), 217-495, list of Continental 
letters of marque.)

At the beginning of 1778 the British navy comprised three hundred and 
ninety-nine vessels of all classes, of which two hundred and seventy-four 
were in commission; a year later the figures were four hundred and thirty-
two and three hundred and seventeen respectively (Hannay, ii, 211.) Eighty-
nine vessels were on the North American station in January, and the same 
number in September, but the fleets on these two dates were differently 
constituted. Nearly half the first were frigates and fifteen were ships 
mounting sixty-four, fifty, or forty-four guns; the September fleet, which 
included Byron's squadron, contained fewer frigates, but seven seventy-
fours, six sixty-fours, five fifties, and three forty-fours (Brit. Adm. 
Rec., A. D. 488, January 5, September 11, 1778, Disposition of His 
Majesty's Ships and Vessels in North America.) There were also about 
fifteen vessels at Newfoundland and thirty or forty in the West Indies. 
The total force of the navy in men was sixty thousand (Hannay, ii, 212; 
Schomberg, i, 440, iv, 56-59; Almon, vii, 249.) A list of New York 
privateers, September 8, 1778, to March 8, 1779, contains one hundred and 
twenty. one names (Trumbull MSS., xxiii, 116.)

Information in regard to captures and losses is scanty and unsatisfactory, 
and the few available lists and figures are doubtless inaccurate and 
incomplete; and estimates are perhaps sometimes exaggerated. The 
Continental navy made fewer captures than in the previous year, while 
presumably the privateers made more. According to one calculation, made in 
February, 1778, they had then taken seven hundred and thirty-nine British 
vessels since the beginning of the war. Another estimate places the 
British loss for the year at three hundred and sixty-four, of which eighty-
seven were recaptured or ransomed; but this list includes captures by the 
French. According to the same authority the British took two hundred and 
forty-eight vessels from their enemies. A contemporary newspaper gives a 
list of two hundred and twenty-two American vessels captured on the West 
Indian station within a few weeks. Another list, that of American vessels 
taken on the North American station between October, 1777, and April, 
1778, contains only five names; while between May, 1778, and February, 
1779, seventy-nine prizes were brought in by New York privateers (Hannay, 
ii, 220; Clowes, iii, 396; London Chronicle, September 17, November 7, 
1778; Almon, vii, 190; Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 488, No. 57, April 23, 1778, 
list of vessels seized or destroyed since October 25, 1777; A. D. 489, No. 
27, February 27, 1779.