Hessians in the Rev. War - Chapters XV-XVIII



CHAPTER XV.
THE BRUNSWICKERS IN CAPTIVITY.

THE terms on which Burgoyne's army had surrendered at Saratoga were never 
fulfilled. The soldiers were held substantially as prisoners of war. This 
led to violent complaints on their own part at the time, and on that of 
German and English writers down to our own day. It is reported by Bancroft 
that the convention had been broken by the British at the time of the 
surrender, by the concealment of the public chest and other public 
property, of which the United States were thus defrauded. In November, 
1777, Burgoyne wrote a rash and groundless complaint of its violation by 
the Americans, and raised the implication that he might use the pretended 
breach to disengage himself and his government from all its obligations. 
Burgoyne also refused to give the necessary lists of all persons 
comprehended in the surrender. Congress thereupon refused to let his army 
be embarked until the capitulation should be expressly confirmed by the 
court of Great Britain.

It seems to me that in adopting this course Congress did not regard its 
own honor, nor that of the country. It was true that Gates had made a bad 
bargain. But the bargain had been made deliberately, and Burgoyne's 
soldiers had performed the most important of the conditions imposed upon 
them when they laid down their arms. It now devolved on the Americans to 
fulfill their side of the agreement, and nothing less than a very flagrant 
violation of the minor articles of the capitulation, or very distinct 
evidence of an intention on the part of the British to break their parole, 
should have induced the victorious party to refuse to perform its promises 
(Bancroft, vol. ix. p. 466; vol. x. p. 126; Hildreth's "History of the 
United States," vol. iii. pp. 237, 255, 256; Lecky, vol. iv. p.96. 
Lafayette believed that the British intended to break the convention.
"Memoires," Vol. i. p. 21.)

While Congress was minded to keep the German prisoners in America, their 
own prince was in no haste to see them in Europe. On receiving the news of 
the capitulation of Saratoga, the minister of the Duke of Brunswick wrote 
to the English commissioner that those men who had surrendered ought not 
to be allowed to return to Germany, lest they should be discontented and 
discourage others from enlisting. "Send these remnants to one of your 
islands in America, place them in Europe in one of your islands, like the 
Isle of Wight." On no account were the poor devils to be allowed to come 
home (Letter from Feronce to Faucitt, in French, dated Brunswick, December 
23d, 1777, and quoted by Kapp ("Soldatenhandel," 1st ed. p. 262), from 
State Paper Office, German States, vol. 109.)

On the 17th of October, 1777, General Burgoyne's soldiers laid down their 
arms at Saratoga. This they were allowed to do without the presence of any 
American detachment. General Riedesel had given orders that the flags of 
the Brunswick regiments should not be given up. He had the staffs burned, 
and concealed the colors themselves, giving out to the Americans that they 
were burned also. He concealed them until the prisoners had been for some 
time in Cambridge, when the baroness was taken into the secret. Frau von 
Riedesel, with the help of a "very honorable tailor," sewed the colors up 
in a mattress, and an officer was sent to New York through the lines, on 
some pretence, who took the mattress with him as part of his bedding. The 
Brunswick colors were thus saved (Baroness Riedesel, pp. 160, 207.) 
Burgoyne had given his word of honor that the officers should not carry 
off any of the king's property in their private baggage. Perhaps the 
standards were thought to belong to the Duke of Brunswick, and not to the 
king, who had only hired them along with their defenders; or, perhaps, 
Riedesel was not careful of Burgoyne's honor.

After laying down their arms, the Brunswickers passed through the American 
camp, where the conquering army was drawn up to receive them. Not a 
regiment was properly uniformed, but every man was in the clothes he wore 
in the fields, at church, or at the ale-house. But they stood like 
soldiers, in good order, and with a military appearance very striking to 
the German officers. "The men stood so still that we were filled with 
astonishment," writes one; "not a man made a motion to speak with his 
neighbor. Moreover, kindly nature had made all the men standing in the 
ranks so slender, so handsome, so sinewy, that it was a pleasure to look 
at them, and we all wondered at the sight of so well-made a people. . .In 
truth, English America surpasses most parts of Europe in the size and 
beauty of its men."

But few of the officers in Gates's army wore uniforms, and those few wore 
them according to their own fancy, of any sort of cloth that came to hand. 
Wigs large and small, wigs black, white, and gray, adorned or deformed 
their heads. Some of them looked as if they had a whole sheep on their 
shoulders. For these great wigs, according to our Brunswicker, the common 
people felt a deep reverence, such being worn by the gentlemen of the 
committee. Among the wearers of these wigs were many men fifty or sixty 
years old, now brought for the first time into the ranks, and somewhat 
awkward in appearance, but thoroughly in earnest, and not to be made light 
of, especially in the woods. "In serious earnest," says the German 
officer, "this whole nation has much natural talent for war and for a 
soldier's life." (Schlozer's "Briefwechsel," vol. iv. pp. 357-359.)

As the troops that had surrendered passed between the ranks of the 
Americans, not a man of the victorious army showed them any disrespect or 
insulted their misfortunes. It is the common testimony of the Germans that 
officers and soldiers treated them with courtesy and kindness. General 
Gates invited all the superior officers into his tent, and retained the 
generals to dinner. Schuyler showed especial courtesy to Frau von 
Riedesel. He met her as she came into the camp, lifted the children from 
her carriage, kissed them, and helped her to alight. After a few 
reassuring words he led her to General Gates, with whom she found 
Burgoyne, apparently on the most friendly footing. He told her to be 
without anxiety, for her troubles were at an end. "I answered," writes the 
baroness, "that I should be indeed wrong to be anxious any longer, when 
our chief was not so, and when I saw him on such good terms with General 
Gates."

Schuyler had dinner served to Frau von Riedesel and her children in his 
own tent ("smoked tongue, beefsteaks, potatoes, good bread-and-butter "), 
and she spent three days with his family at Albany, treated with the 
greatest kindness. Burgoyne, also, was Schuyler's guest at Albany. He 
apologized to the latter for burning his house and barns at Saratoga. "It 
is the fortune of war," answered Schuyler; "say no more about it." 
(Baroness Riedesel, p. 195)

The prisoners, or "conventionists," as they called themselves, now set out 
on their march across Massachusetts. The weather was cold, and the roads 
bad. The march lasted from the 17th of October to the 7th of November. In 
some places the inhabitants refused to take the prisoners into their 
houses, and in other places, where it was necessary to halt, there were 
not houses enough to hold them. The inhabitants, on their side, complained 
that the passing prisoners burned their fences, destroyed their fodder, 
and stole clothes and furniture from their houses (General Glover to 
General Washington. Sparks's "Correspondence," vol. ii. p. 72.) From all 
sides the country people flocked to see the prisoners, and pressed into 
the houses where they were quartered, until the officers began to think 
that their landlords took money for the show.

In this way the Germans saw a great many of the women of the country, and 
the same officer who gave the above description of the American soldiers 
has left us his first impressions of New England women.

"The women of all this district as far as Boston and New York are slender 
and straight, and are plump without being stout. They have pretty little 
feet, good strong hands and arms, a very white skin, and a healthy color 
in their faces, without having to paint. Hardly any of those I have seen 
were pitted with smallpox; but then inoculation has been common here for 
many years. Their teeth are very white, their lips beautiful, and their 
eyes lively and laughing. Moreover, they have a natural, unconstrained 
manner, a free and cheerful countenance, a natural assurance. They care 
much for cleanliness and for being well shod. They dress very becomingly, 
but all their clothes must fit them very closely...They curl their hair 
every day, make it up behind into a chignon, and in front over a cushion 
of moderate height. They generally go about bareheaded, and at most set a 
little heartshaped thing, or some such trifle, on their heads. Here and 
there a country nymph lets her hair fly and braids it with a ribbon. 
However poor may be the hut in which they live, they put on a silken 
mantle and gloves when they go out. They know how to wrap themselves in 
the mantle very prettily, so that one little white elbow peeps out. Then 
they put on some kind of well-made shade-hat, from under which they peep 
coquettishly with their roguish eyes. In the English colonies the fair 
ones have taken a fancy to mantles of red silk or wool. Dressed in this 
way a girl runs, jumps, and dances about, wishes you a pleasant goodday, 
or gives, according to the question, a saucy answer. So they stood by 
dozens all along our road, passed us in review, laughed mockingly at us, 
or from time to time dropped us a mischievous courtesy and handed us an 
apple. We thought at first that they were girls from the towns, or, at 
least, from class number two, standing by the roadside; but, lo and 
behold! they were the daughters of poor peasants, whom you could recognize 
as poor peasants by their clothing.

"But in spite of all the fine things I have said of the fair sex here, I 
must confess, to the honor of my dear countrywomen, that the soft, 
languishing, and tender manners, which often give the latter such an 
amiable charm, are seldom to be found in the beauties of this country; and 
that, consequently, the bliss that comes from them may be very rare here. 
Here you see perfectly beautiful nymphs, but seldom a true grace. And if 
you look for the estimable qualities which should be joined to natural 
beauty - but where am I going? It is high time to stop writing about 
girls."

The officer goes on with his social observations. It seems that all over 
America the men are entirely subject to the women. The latter use their 
authority in Canada for the good of the men, but in New England to their 
ruin. The women are extravagant. How they manage to tax the men so heavily 
is a mystery to our good German, seeing that they do not bite, nor 
scratch, nor go into fainting fits. There is hope in all this for the 
British crown. The women are now wearing their Sunday finery on week-days. 
When it wears out peace will have to be made with Great Britain in order 
to get a new supply.

Next we come to the negroes. These are to be found on most farms west of 
Springfield. The black family lives in a little outhouse. "The negroes 
here are very prolific, like the rest of the cattle. The young ones are 
well fed, especially while they are still calves. Moreover, the slavery is 
very bearable. The negro is to be looked on as the servant of a peasant; 
the negress does all the coarse house-work; and the black children wait on 
the white children. The negro can take the field in the place of his 
master, and so you do not see a regiment in which there are not a large 
number of blacks; and there are well-grown, strong, and sturdy fellows 
among them. There are, also, many families of free blacks here, who occupy 
good houses, have means, and live entirely in the style of the other 
inhabitants. It looks funny enough when Miss Negress pulls up her woolly 
hair over a cushion, puts a little shade-hat on her head, wraps herself in 
her mantle, and shuffles along the road in this finery, with a slave 
negress waddling behind her." (Schlozer's "Briefwechsel," vol. iv. pp. 363-
366.)

Baroness Riedesel was making her first observations of the American 
people. She relates that one night her husband was ill, and that the guard 
were drinking and making a noise before his door. He sent word to them to 
stop, whereupon they only redoubled their clamor. Frau von Riedesel then 
went out, told them that her husband was sick, and begged them to make 
less noise. They were quiet immediately, "a proof," says the baroness, 
"that this nation also has respect for our sex." The citizen officers of 
America were a continual puzzle to the Germans. No story was too 
extravagant for the latter to believe. "Their generals, who accompanied 
us, were some of them shoemakers," writes Frau von Riedesel, "and on the 
days we halted made boots for our officers, or even mended the shoes of 
our soldiers. They set a great value on coined money, which was very 
scarce among them. The boots of one of our officers were badly torn. He 
saw that an American general had on a good pair, and said to him, for a 
joke: 'I would give you a guinea for them.' The general immediately got 
off his horse, gave up his boots, took the guinea, and mounted again in 
the officer's torn pair." (Baroness Riedesel, p. 198. We get a side light 
on this story from the writer in Schlozer's "Briefwechsel" above quoted. 
He mentions one Tielemann whom he calls marschcommissaire (commissary 
general?), a native of Mannheim, innkeeper at Albany, shoemaker by trade, 
and major in the militia.) General von Riedesel's temper was at this time 
imbittered by ill-health and misfortune. It is to this that we must 
attribute the judgment he passes on the Americans. Indeed, he is quoted as 
saying that he had met but one American officer in Cambridge whom he 
respected. Of the members of the General Court of Massachusetts he gives 
an extraordinary description. "One can see in these men exactly the 
national character of the natives of New England. Especially are they 
distinguished by the fashion of their clothing. They all present the 
appearance of respectable magistrates, with their very thick, round, 
yellowish wigs. Their clothes are of the very old English fashion, and 
they wear, winter and summer, a blue cloak with sleeves, which they fasten 
round their bodies with a leathern strap. You seldom see one without a 
whip. They are mostly thick-set and of medium height, so that it is 
difficult to tell one from another, when they are summoned by the consul 
of Boston as delegates of their townships, or have to appear on militia 
business. Not one in ten of them can read writing. Still less can they 
write. This art is only known to the knights of the pen and to the female 
sex. The latter are well brought up, and therefore succeed in obtaining 
mastery over the men more than in any nation in the world. The New-
Englanders all want to be politicians, and, therefore, love the tavern and 
grog-bowl, over which they do their business, and drink from morning till 
night. They are all extremely curious, credulous, and madly in love with 
freedom, but at the same time so blind that they have not yet become at 
all aware of the heavy yoke of slavery laid on them by Congress, under 
which they are, in fact, already beginning to sink." (Eelking's "Life of 
Riedesel," vol. ii. p. 230, 231.)

On the other hand, if we may believe the Brunswick officer above quoted, 
the Americans could not understand the social condition of their captives. 
"It was hard to make the inhabitants understand," says he, "that our 
officers had no professions. They had believed that it was from caprice 
that they would not work at their trades." (Schlozer's "Briefwechsel," 
vol. iv. p. 378.)

The German "conventionists" were put into barracks on Winter Hill, near 
Cambridge, Massachusetts, while the English occupied the neighboring 
Prospect Hill. These barracks had been erected by the Americans for their 
own use during the siege of Boston, and were of the lightest description. 
The wind whistled through the thin walls, the rain came through the roofs, 
the snow lay in drifts on the floor. Wood and straw were but scantily 
furnished (Wood was very scarce that winter. In October, before the 
arrival of the prisoners, General Heath had written to Washington: "Wood 
is now twelve or fourteen dollars per cord, on the wharves, and the 
inhabitants cannot obtain a supply at that price. So many of the coasters 
are taken by the enemy's cruisers, that they are become very unwilling to 
run the risk of falling into their hands. I submit to your Excellency the 
propriety and expediency of obtaining a protection from Lord Howe for such 
a number of vessels as may be thought necessary to supply the prisoners, 
from the eastern country. If some such method cannot be devised, I do not 
at present see how it can be obtained." - Sparks's "Correspondence," vol. 
ii. p. 17), and the uniforms that had been worn through a hard campaign in 
the wilderness hung in rags on the freezing soldiers. They cut off the 
tails of their coats to make patches for the rest of their clothes. Even 
in the hospital it was freezing cold. Hope and disappointment followed 
each other in the breasts of the prisoners as the negotiations for their 
return to England were renewed or broken off. Once, during the year of 
their stay, came the hope of a rescue, and preparations were made by the 
Germans to welcome the friendly fleet, and by the Americans to march off 
their captives to quarters farther inland. But the greatest suffering, 
perhaps, of the prisoners was the monotony of their confinement. There was 
nothing to do, for a little drilling without guns can hardly be called an 
occupation. We recognize in the journals and letters of the officers the 
petulance of inactivity. There were quarrels with the American guard. In 
this respect, however, the Germans fared somewhat better than the English. 
The care of Riedesel to preserve discipline among his men was recognized, 
and the Americans took up the habit of turning delinquent Germans over to 
their own officers for punishment.

The condition of the soldiers not included in Burgoyne's surrender, the 
prisoners of Bennington, and of the battles north of Stillwater, was in 
some respects more fortunate. These, for the most part, let out their 
services to the New England farmers. Many of them were allowed to visit 
the camp on Winter Hill-in order to induce the "conventionists" to desert, 
say the Germans. In the spring, as the temptation to get away into the 
country became strong, Riedesel thought it wise to open the door somewhat, 
and gave permission to some soldiers to go off to work on the farms, on 
condition of returning to camp once a week. The German officers were 
mostly quartered in the uncomfortable houses near the hill, or in the 
barracks themselves. The generals, however, had good houses in Cambridge. 
No man, of whatever rank, was allowed to go to Boston. Baroness Riedesel 
went there occasionally. She says that the town was very pretty, but 
inhabited by violent patriots, and full of bad people. The women would 
spit before her in the streets. The principal errand of the baroness was 
to visit Mrs. Carter, a daughter of General Schuyler. This lady was kindly 
and good, like her parents, but her husband Frau von Riedesel believed to 
be wicked and deceitful. "They often came to visit us, and dined with us, 
in company with the other generals. We tried to show them our gratitude in 
every way. They seemed to have a great friendship for us, and yet it was 
at this same time, that, as General Howe had set fire to a great many 
villages and small towns, this nasty Carter made the horrible proposal to 
the Americans, to cut off the heads of our generals, pickle them in 
firkins, and send one to the English for every village or small town that 
was set fire to; which inhuman proposal was fortunately not adopted." 
(Baroness Riedesel, p. 202.)

"On the 3d of June, 1778, I gave a ball and supper in honor of my 
husband's birthday. I had invited all the generals and other officers. The 
Carters were there, too. General Burgoyne sent an excuse, after keeping us 
waiting until eight o'clock in the evening. He was always excusing 
himself, on different pretexts, from coming to us, until his departure for 
England, when he came and made me many excuses, to which I only answered, 
that I should have been sorry if he had put himself to inconvenience on 
our account.

"We danced a great deal, and our cook prepared us a splendid supper for 
more than eighty persons. Moreover, our courtyard and garden were 
illuminated. As the birthday of the King of England fell on the 4th, we 
decided not to separate until we should have drunk his health, which was 
carried out with the most hearty attachment to his person and to his 
interests.

"Never, I think, was 'God save the King' sung with more enthusiasm, or 
more genuine feeling. Even my two oldest daughters were with us, having 
been brought down to see the illumination. All eyes were full of tears, 
and it seemed as if every one were proud to have the courage to do this in 
the midst of the enemy. Even the Carters had not the heart to separate 
themselves from us. As the company was leaving us, we saw that the house 
was entirely surrounded by Americans, who, when they saw so many people go 
in, and noticed the illumination, suspected that we were contemplating an 
insurrection; and if the least disturbance had taken place, it might have 
cost us dear.

"The Americans, when they wish to call their troops together, set burning 
beacons on the hills, and all men hasten to come at the signal. We were 
once witnesses of this, when General Howe wished to try to land at Boston, 
to free the captive troops. This was known, as usual, long beforehand, and 
tar-barrels were lighted; whereupon, for three or four days in succession, 
we saw a crowd of people without shoes or stockings, and with guns on 
their backs, hastening in. So many people came together in this way that 
it would have been too difficult to effect a landing." (Baroness Riedesel, 
pp. 204-206. This was probably at the end of August, 1778, when an English 
fleet followed d'Estaing to the neighborhood of Boston, after his 
unsuccessful attempt on Newport.)

In November, 1778, the Brunswickers were obliged to leave the neighborhood 
of Boston, where they were beginning to feel somewhat at home, and 
undertake the long march to Virginia. Frau von Riedesel still accompanied 
her husband, having found a comfortable English carriage in which to make 
the journey. At one of the stopping-places on the road she met General 
Lafayette, whom she asked to dinner. Lafayette told her of the civility 
which he had received from the King of England, and how everything had 
been shown him. The baroness asked him how he could have the heart to 
receive so many favors from the king, when he was on the point of going 
off to fight against him. The marquis seemed somewhat ashamed, and 
answered: "It is true. The idea passed through my mind, so that one day 
when the king offered to have his fleet shown to me, I answered that I 
hoped to see it some day, and then went away secretly, to avoid the 
embarrassment of having to refuse again." (Baroness Riedesel, p.211; see 
also Lafayette's "Memoires," vol. i. pp. 13, 14.)

Frau von Riedesel was able, while travelling, to observe something of the 
feeling of the inhabitants towards the mercenaries. At one house where 
they stopped for the night she noticed a great deal of meat, and asked the 
hostess to let her have some. "I have many kinds," was the answer, "beef, 
veal, and mutton." The baroness's mouth watered. "Give me some," said she, 
"I will pay you well." The woman snapped her fingers. "You shall have
none," cried she. "Why did you come out of your own country to kill us and 
devour our property? Now you are our prisoners, and it is our turn to 
plague you." "See these poor children," answered the baroness, "they are 
almost dying of hunger." The woman would not be persuaded until Frau von 
Riedesel's little daughter, only eighteen months old, seized her hand and 
said to her: "Good woman, I am very hungry." Thereupon the woman took the 
child into the next room and gave her an egg. "No," said the child, "I 
have two sisters." The woman was moved, gave the child three eggs, and 
bread and milk to the mother. Frau von Riedesel saw her opportunity, 
brought out her stock of tea, then a great rarity, and offered some to the 
countrywoman. The baroness presently went into the kitchen, where the 
woman's husband was eating a pig's tail. This he handed to his wife, who 
ate a little of it and gave it back to him. Seeing the baroness staring at 
them, they passed the stump to her, and she felt obliged to pretend to 
take a few bites, and then threw it into the fire. Peace was now entirely 
made, and Baroness Riedesel obtained some potatoes, and made a pot of soup.

This was not the only occasion on which food was refused or lodging 
begrudged to the baroness and her children. The people with whom she 
lodged were generally ardent revolutionists. On one occasion she spent the 
night at the house of a Colonel Howe, whom she thought to compliment by 
asking him if he were related to the British general of that name. "God 
forbid!" answered the colonel, "he is not worthy of me." "This same 
colonel had a pretty daughter, fourteen years old, but of a bad 
disposition," says Frau von Riedesel. "I was sitting with her before a 
bright, open fire; she looked at the coals, and cried out 'Oh, if I only 
had the King of England here! With what pleasure I would cut open his 
body, tear out his heart, cut it in pieces, lay it on these coals, and 
then eat it.' I looked at her with abhorrence, and said to her: 'I am 
almost ashamed to be of the same sex with one who could have such a 
desire.'" (Baroness Riedesel, p. 220.)

In the middle of January, 1779, the Germans reached Charlottesville, in 
Virginia. Here they found no barracks ready for them, and were obliged to 
build for themselves. Soon a village was raised, and here, and in various 
other parts of Virginia, the remainder of their captivity was passed. For 
many of them this lasted until the end of the war. The soldiers made 
themselves gardens and poultry yards. The officers bought good riding 
horses. In one settlement a small theatre was erected by the English 
soldiers, and satirical pieces were played, in which the captives made fun 
of their captors, until it was found necessary to forbid the American 
militia forming part of the audience (About thirty English miles from 
Staunton (Schlozer's "Briefwechsel," vol. v. p.404-408). In May, 1780, 
there were still one thousand five hundred and three German 
"conventioners" in Virginia (Sparks's "Correspondence," vol. iii. p. 
143).) General von Riedesel returned to New York on parole in the autumn 
of 1779, and was shortly afterwards exchanged. His health had suffered 
much from exposure, low spirits, and a slight sunstroke received in 
Virginia. After he was exchanged he returned to Canada, where he remained 
in the service of the King of England until the end of the war, but he 
never again met the Americans in the field.



CHAPTER XVI.
BRANDYWINE, GERMANTOWN, AND REDBANK, SEPTEMBER AND OCTOBER, 1777.

In the summer of 1777 Sir William Howe, instead of co-operating with 
Burgoyne, turned his attention to the capture of Philadelphia. He advanced 
a few miles from New Brunswick, failed to draw Washington into a general 
engagement, and fell back to Amboy. Then, hoping that Washington had left 
his favorable position, Howe returned to the attack. He was in so far 
successful that his right-hand column had a skirmish with an advanced body 
of Americans under Stirling, drove them back, and took three cannon and 
eighty prisoners. After this the British army returned to Amboy, and went 
over to Staten Island. Here it was embarked, and on the 23d of July 
cleared Sandy Hook. The force consisted of about eighteen thousand men, of 
whom less than a quarter were Germans. The fleet of two hundred and thirty-
four sail arrived off Cape May on the 30th of July, but the frigates that 
had been sent to reconnoitre reported that the Delaware was strongly 
defended, and Sir William determined to approach Philadelphia by 
Chesapeake Bay. On the 22d of August the fleet reached the mouth of the 
Elk River, and the troops were landed on the 25th and 26th in good order 
and without opposition.

On the 3d of September the chasseurs forming the advance guard had a sharp 
skirmish with the American rear-guard, losing about twenty men killed and 
wounded. Between thirty and forty Americans were buried on the field. From 
this time the chasseurs were continually at the front, and slept on their 
arms.

On the 11th of September Washington's army was drawn up on the north side 
of Brandywine Creek. The main force was posted at Chad's Ford, while 
General Sullivan, with the right wing, was to watch the upper passes. At 
daybreak the British started from Kennet's Square, seven miles from Chad's 
Ford, in two columns. The right-hand column, under General Knyphausen, 
marched straight on the American front, which it approached at about ten 
in the morning. Here Knyphausen remained throughout the larger part of the 
day, keeping up a cannonade, but making no serious attack on the enemy.

The second column, under Howe and Cornwallis, made a long circuit to the 
left, and met with little opposition until it had reached and safely 
passed the forks of the Brandywine, where a small force could perhaps have 
stopped it. The Americans, however, had neglected this spot. Meanwhile 
Washington, deceived by contradictory reports, had not ventured to cross 
the creek and attack Knyphausen's division.

On learning that Howe had passed the Brandywine, Sullivan hastened to meet 
him. He had not time, however, fully to form his division. He seems, also, 
to have blundered in his arrangements. About half-past three the Hessian 
chasseurs, on the extreme left of the British line, came upon the American 
advance guard and drove it back upon the main body. About this time the 
action became general. Sullivan's division was driven back. Lafayette, 
serving as a volunteer, was wounded in the leg. Washington brought up 
Greene's division and two more brigades, and covered Sullivan's retreat.

On hearing the cannon of Cornwallis, Knyphausen crossed the Brandywine at 
Chad's Ford and attacked the American intrenchments. These were defended 
for a time by Wayne, but the British were already in his rear, and late in 
the afternoon he abandoned his position, and fell back towards Chester.

There were Hessian soldiers on this day in both columns of the British 
army. The chasseurs were with the advance guard of Cornwallis's division, 
and had forty-six men killed and wounded. Captains Ewald and Wreden 
received the Hessian order pour la vertu militaire for their conduct on 
this occasion. This was a great honor, as they were the first officers of 
the rank of captain to be thus distinguished. The whole loss of the 
British army at the battle of the Brandywine was six hundred and twenty-
two (Knyphausen's Report.), and the American loss was about a thousand 
men. Among the ten or fifteen cannon taken from the Americans were two 
which had been captured at Trenton with Rall's brigade (MS journal of the 
Grenadier Battalion von Minnigerode.)

The Americans were supposed to be in full retreat, and the autumn day was 
drawing to a close. Two battalions of British grenadiers were sent to 
occupy a little village on a hill beyond Dilworth. The battalions advanced 
carelessly, tired by a long day's march and elated by recent victory. The 
officers had not drawn their swords. Captain Ewald, who had commanded the 
foremost detachment of Cornwallis's column all day, had left his men to 
rest, and, having nothing in particular to do, had ridden out with the 
grenadiers to have a look at the country. Suddenly, at fifty paces from 
the village, they were received by a brisk fire of musketry. General 
Maxwell and the American rearguard had thrown themselves into the village 
to cover Washington's retreat. A party of Americans were seen at the same 
time coming round the hill to take the English on their left flank. Ewald 
galloped back for assistance, and brought up two English regiments under 
General Agnew, which immediately attacked the Americans, and saved the 
grenadiers, who had been almost surrounded. Night presently put an end to 
the fighting. The English loss in this little affair was heavy; nearly 
half of the two battalions and the greater part of their officers fell, 
according to Ewald (Ewald's "Belehrungen," vol. ii. p. 337; vol. iii. p. 
463.)

After the British army had been disembarked at Head of Elk, the English 
fleet had left Chesapeake Bay. Meanwhile seven English frigates and 
fourteen transport ships, with provisions from New York, had entered the 
Delaware and gone up to Wilmington. Two days after the battle of the 
Brandywine, Cornwallis entered that town, thus securing a new base of 
supplies for the army.

The English advanced without meeting serious opposition, though there was 
continual skirmishing, and a party under General Wayne was surprised and 
beaten. On the morning of the 26th of September, 1777, Lord Cornwallis 
entered Philadelphia at the head of two English and two Hessian battalions 
of grenadiers, and proceeded to fortify the town. The main army encamped 
at Germantown. The Hessians here formed the left wing, with the chasseurs 
in advance on the Lancaster road.

On the 3d of October, 1777, about noon, Captain Ewald was visited by a man 
("by no means a Tory," says he), whose property he had, on a previous 
occasion, protected from pillage. On going away the American said to him: 
"My friend, be on your guard to-night and to-morrow." Ewald took the hint, 
and reported the remark to his colonel, who passed it on to headquarters. 
The generals took no notice of it; but we shall see from the following 
account that the chasseurs were ready for the attack (Knyphausen does not 
mention Ewald's warning in his report to the landgrave, but says: "We knew 
nothing of all these movements of the enemy, on account of the thick fog, 
until after daybreak, when a patrol of Hessian chasseurs, on the left 
wing, a mile beyond the outposts, which stood on the other side of the 
bridge over the Wissahickon, fell in with about three hundred of the 
enemy's troops; and at the same time the outposts of the second battalion 
of light infantry, which stood in front of Germantown on the road to 
Beggarstown, were driven in." - Knyphausen to the Landgrave, Oct. 17th, 
1777. See, however, Stedman's "History of the American War," vol. i. p. 
300. Ewald says that patrols were sent out, by orders of Colonel von 
Wurmb, in consequence of the warning above mentioned. - "Belehrungen," 
vol. ii. p. 32.)

"October 4th. It was probably the fact that General Howe had sent many 
detachments to Philadelphia and into Jersey, to besiege Mud Island and 
occupy the city, and especially the fact that he had himself received 
reinforcements, which moved General Washington to attack the royal army. 
With this intention he had left his camp at Skibback Creek, and about two 
o'clock this morning we received news of his approach. Lieutenant-colonel 
von Wurmb immediately started with the Jager Corps, reported what was 
going on to General Knyphausen, and occupied the bridge leading over the 
Visihigging (Wissahickon) Creek, near Van Doeren's house. We presently 
heard firing on the right wing, and about half-past three the Jager Corps 
was attacked by four thousand men, with four six-pounders. So the corps 
was forced to leave the bridge, but took position on the hill opposite, 
and defended this post with its rifles, against the repeated attempts of 
the enemy to force it. The enemy's four cannon played constantly on the 
chasseurs, while our three-pounders could not reach the enemy. Meanwhile 
the firing became general, and very strong on the right wing; until about 
nine o'clock Lieutenant-general von Knyphausen sent us word that the 
enemy's left wing was beaten. Hereupon Lieutenant-colonel von Wurmb 
attacked the bridge again, and drove back the enemy both from there and 
from the opposite height, under a heavy fire. As the attack had to be made 
through a long defile, the enemy had time to retire. We, therefore, found 
only twenty dead, and as the chasseurs were already much fatigued, and 
were not supported, and as they only numbered three hundred men, no 
further pursuit was made.

"In the centre of the army the enemy had fallen on the light infantry and 
driven it back. Lieutenant-colonel Musgrave, with the Fortieth regiment, 
threw himself into a stone house, where the enemy stopped to attack him. 
They might otherwise have fallen upon our army much sooner, and before it 
was entirely under arms. But, as it was, our army attacked them, beat them 
out of the town, and put them to flight. They, thereupon, retired to their 
former camp, on Skibback Creek, leaving three hundred dead, six hundred 
wounded, and four hundred prisoners behind them. Our loss is, also, about 
four hundred killed and wounded; among the former General Agnew. Lord 
Cornwallis, hearing the firing at Philadelphia, immediately ordered three 
battalions of grenadiers to start. He, personally, arrived in time to take 
part in the end of the action, but the battalions came too late." (MS. 
journal of the Jager Corps. Ewald says that the attack on the chasseurs 
was evidently a feint, and that, therefore, Knyphausen did not support 
them, but hastened to the assistance of the right wing. "Belehrungen," ubi 
supra. The Americans opposed to the chasseurs were Pennsylvania militia 
under General Armstrong. - Bancroft, vol. ix. p. 424. The chasseurs were 
the only Hessians heavily engaged, but the Leib Regiment and Regiment von 
Donop were also under fire. The former had four men wounded.)

It now became of the first importance to Sir William Howe to open the 
Delaware River, between Wilmington and Philadelphia, to his ships of war 
and his transports. On these he must in great measure rely for his 
provisions and communications. The river was barred some ten miles below 
Philadelphia by chevaux de frise, which were protected by Fort Mercer at 
Redbank, on the New Jersey shore, and by Fort Mifflin, on an island, near 
the opposite shore of Pennsylvania. Between the forts obstructions had 
been sunk in the channel, and these again were defended by galleys. Some 
boats with provisions had succeeded in slipping by all these obstacles, 
but the free navigation of the river was essential to the British.

Colonel Karl Emil Kurt von Donop was one of the most distinguished of the 
Hessian colonels, and had been a personal aide-de-camp of the Landgrave, 
with whom he was a favorite. He had, in the previous year, held a separate 
command of some importance at Bordentown, and had now expressed a wish to 
be again detached. Sir William Howe consented to gratify him. He was sent 
to take Fort Mercer. Donop started on the 21st of October, 1777, with 
three battalions of grenadiers, a regiment of infantry, four companies of 
chasseurs, and twelve mounted chasseurs, all Hessians, eight field- pieces 
belonging to the regiments, and two English howitzers. He is said to have 
asked for more artillery, and to have been told in reply that if he could 
not trust himself to attack the fort, the English would take it. "Tell 
your general," replied Donop to the officer that brought him the message, 
"that Germans are not afraid to face death." The colonel then declared to 
those about him: "Either the fort will soon be called Fort Donop, or I 
shall have fallen." He went on with his expedition, crossed the Delaware 
in boats, and spent the night at Haddonfield. At about noon on the 22d of 
October he arrived at Redbank, and rode forward to reconnoitre the ground. 
The fort was a five-sided earthwork, with a ditch and abatis. It had at 
first been constructed on too large a scale by the Americans, but Monsieur 
du Plessis de Mauduit, a young French officer, who had been sent by 
Washington to assist Colonel Christopher Greene in its defence, had 
reduced the size of the works which, in their modified shape, formed a 
somewhat irregular pentagon. A part of the old lines had been left 
standing, but were not defended. On three sides of the fort the woods 
afforded shelter to the besieging party to within a distance of four 
hundred yards. On the south side was the Delaware River. The garrison 
numbered three hundred men with fourteen cannon.

On arriving before the fort, Donop sent an aide-de-camp to summon the 
garrison. "The King of England commands his rebellious subjects to lay 
down their arms," ran the message, "and they are warned that if they wait 
until the battle, no quarter will be granted." Colonel Greene answered, 
that he accepted the terms, and that no quarter would be given on either 
side (Ewald's "Belehrungen," vol. ii. p. 15-17; Chastellux, vol. i. p. 
219. The journal of the Grenadier Battalion von Minnigerode says that 
Donop sent to summon the fort twice, once on first arriving, and once just 
before the attack.) The aide-de-camp reported that he had seen but few men 
in the fort.

Colonel von Donop drew up his little army. His right flank rested on the 
river, near which he had placed his eight three-pounders and two 
howitzers. These were supported by a battalion of grenadiers and by 
chasseurs, who were to defend the flank and rear against troops 
disembarking from the shipping in the Delaware. The Hessian line extended 
the larger part of the way round the fort on the land side, the attack 
being made simultaneously from north and south. In front of every 
battalion stood an officer commanding sappers and one hundred men with 
fascines, hastily made in the woods.

About four o'clock all was ready. Donop then spoke a few words to his 
officers, calling on them to behave with valor. They all dismounted and 
drew their swords, took their places in front of their battalions, and the 
attack began. The Hessians charged at double-quick, passed the old disused 
lines, with a cheer, carried the abatis, but found themselves embarrassed 
by pitfalls and by the ditch, which they had not fascines enough to fill. 
Three American galleys, lying in the river, kept up a warm fire on the 
Hessian right flank. Some of the Hessians climbed the ramparts of the main 
fort. They were presently beaten back. Donop was struck in the hip by a 
musket-ball, and fell, mortally wounded. Twenty-two officers were killed 
or hurt, including the commanders of all the battalions. The Hessians 
turned and fled, leaving many of their wounded on the field (The journal 
of the Jager Corps says that Donop refused to be carried off the field.) 
Lieutenant-colonel von Linsingen gathered what remained of the brigade, 
and on the next day brought it back to Philadelphia unmolested. Two 
English ships of war, which had attempted to take part in the action, ran 
aground. One of them was blown up next day by hot shot from the American 
galleys and floating batteries; the other was set on fire and abandoned 
(The journal of the Grenadier Battalion von Minnigerode asserts that Donop 
had received orders not to attack the fort until the 23d, in order to give 
the English frigates an opportunity to engage the American galleys.)

The Hessians had fled, night had fallen, and a part of the garrison came 
out of the fort to repair the abatis and care for the wounded. Several 
Hessian grenadiers were found crouching close under the parapet, where the 
balls would go over their heads. The poor fellows could not fight without 
support, and feared to run away. They were taken into the fort. Among the 
party that came out to repair the abatis was Captain du Plessis. To him 
the wounded Donop called out: "Whoever you may be, take me from here." Du 
Plessis had the colonel carried into the fort. As he was brought in, some 
of the American soldiers, "either not knowing that his wound was mortal, 
or heated with the battle, and still irritated by the threats made to them 
a few hours before, could not help saying aloud: 'Well! is it settled that 
no quarter is to be given?' 'I am in your hands,' answered the colonel, 
'you can avenge yourselves?"' Du Plessis had no difficulty in silencing 
the soldiers, and then gave all his attention to the wounded man. "Sir," 
said the latter, "you appear to be a stranger; who are you?" "A French 
officer," answered du Plessis. "I am content," said Donop, in French, "I 
die in the arms of honor."

The Hessian colonel lived three days after the attack, and often conversed 
with du Plessis. He begged the latter to warn him when death should be 
near. Du Plessis complied with his request. "It is an early end to a fair 
career," said Donop, "but I die the victim of my ambition and of the 
avarice of my sovereign." (Chastellux, vol i. p. 223: Eelking denies the 
authenticity of the last part of the dying words attributed to Donop, on 
the authority of his inner consciousness. They are taken from the 
narrative of Chastellux, who visited Redbank with du Plessis, three or 
four years after the attack.)

The number of Hessians killed, wounded, and taken at Redbank was three 
hundred and seventy-one, including twenty-two officers. The Americans had 
thirty-seven killed and wounded (Knyphausen's official report in the 
archives at Marburg; and the American official report, Washington, vol. v. 
p. 112 note.)

This brilliant defence did not permanently secure the control of the river 
to the victors. On the 9th of November the British batteries opened fire 
on Fort Mifflin. For six days and nights the bombardment continued. More 
than twelve thousand shots are said to have been fired. On the 15th the 
English fleet also came to take part in the action. A ship of war, 
mounting sixteen twenty-four- pounders, and a large Indiaman, with three 
guns of the same calibre, were brought so near the fort that hand-grenades 
could be thrown from their rigging into the works. Five large ships were 
within range on the other side. The land batteries mounted thirty guns. 
The block-houses of the fort, which had done good service, were knocked to 
pieces. Many of the cannon were silenced. On the night of the 15th the 
garrison retreated to Fort Mercer. Cornwallis was sent to invest this 
place, and Washington was unable to reinforce it. The fort was abandoned, 
the barracks burned, and the magazines blown up on the night of the 20th 
of November, 1777. The American ships in the river were also burned. 
Cornwallis completed the destruction of the fort, whose ramparts were 
razed.



CHAPTER XVII.
THE BRITISH RETREAT ACROSS NEW JERSEY, JANUARY TO JULY, 1778.

The Hessians would appear not to have liked Philadelphia. Wiederhold, 
returning from captivity, and from his sentimental parting at 
Fredericksburg, calls the Quaker City "a meeting-place of all religions 
and nations, and consequently a mishmash of all sects and beliefs, and not 
less a confluens canaillorum," and believes "that it does not yield to 
Sodom or Gomorrah in respect to all the vices." (Wiederhold's Journal.)

Another officer complains of the climate, and says that the forests make 
the neighborhood unhealthy. Plants and animals do not acquire their proper 
size in Pennsylvania, according to this observer, and the people are 
sickly and prone to madness, "a craziness of the senses, coming rather 
from poor than from overheated blood.... Not one person in a hundred has a 
healthy color." It is probable that the difficulty of getting fresh 
provisions in the half-blockaded town was not without influence on these 
judgments.

Philadelphia has probably changed less in appearance since 1778 than any 
other large city in the Northern States. The Hessian officer praises the 
straight streets, the sidewalks of broad stones, the gutters, and the 
awnings. He laughs at the provinciality of the shopkeepers, who advertise 
"Tobacco, as good as the best imported," and represents the arts and 
manufactures as being in a very backward state. No sort of work is done in 
ivory, steel, stucco, bone, embroidery, or silk. "The English send them 
all that, and all that they send is welcome. And, moreover, the American, 
and particularly the Philadelphian, is so conceited as to think that no 
country on earth is more beautiful, happier, richer, or more flourishing 
than his hardly budding state." Such, however, is not the feeling of the 
writer of the letter. "If the honorable Count Pen," says he, "would give 
me the whole country in exchange for my commission, with the condition 
that I should live here all my life, I would hardly take it." (Schlozer's 
"Briefwechsel" vol. iii. p. 149-153; vol. iv. p. 115-117.)

In the early part of December, Sir William Howe marched out from 
Philadelphia to bring on a general engagement. The armies were opposite 
each other in the neighborhood of Chestnut Hill, about eleven miles from 
the town, for three days, apparently preparing for a battle - marching, 
countermarching, and skirmishing; and then the English general, thinking 
Washington's position too strong to be attacked, slipped very quietly back 
to Philadelphia.

Two foraging expeditions were made during this month, at the end of which 
the British army went into winter quarters. Eleven redoubts were built 
between the Delaware and the Schuylkill, the line running over Morris's 
Heights, and each of them was occupied by a captain and fifty men, who 
were relieved every twenty-four hours. The picket line was intrusted to 
Provincials near the Schuylkill, and to the Hessian chasseurs near the 
Delaware, the latter being posted at Holland Ferry and Greenwich Point (MS 
journal of the Jager Corps.)

While Washington's army at Valley Forge was suffering from want of almost 
all the necessaries of life, the British in Philadelphia had what they 
needed, and spent the winter in rest, health, and gayety. They were not 
crowded; many houses of absent rebels being used for barracks, and some of 
the soldiers being quartered on the inhabitants that remained in town. The 
service was light. Sir William Howe, who had already asked to be recalled, 
was gay and easy-going. The city did not seem very full of soldiers. The 
Americans only so far succeeded in cutting off provisions as to make them 
very dear (MS. journals of the Jager Corps, the Grenadier Battalion von 
Min. nigerode, the Regiment von Alt-Lossberg (Heuser).)

I pass over the skirmishes of the winter and spring, which were 
unimportant, whether Englishmen, Hessians, or Tories were engaged. The 
last, indeed, were principally interested in plunder (MS. journal of the 
Jager Corps.)

On the 18th of May, 1778, a farewell festival was given to Sir William 
Howe, and on the 19th and 20th that general made a fruitless attempt to 
capture a corps of twenty-five hundred men under General Lafayette, who 
had ventured near to Philadelphia. On the 24th Howe handed over the 
command of the army to Sir Henry Clinton. Before leaving America he sent a 
complimentary letter to Captains Ewald and Wreden of the chasseurs 
(Eelking's "Hulfstruppen," vol. ii. p. 8.)

Meanwhile it had become known in Philadelphia that the King of France had 
concluded an alliance with the rebellious colonies, and that a French 
fleet might soon threaten the entrance of Delaware Bay, and cut off the 
communication by water with New York. In other words, as the good Germans 
put it to themselves, "a strong French fleet, with many thousand land 
troops and cavalry, had run out of Brest, and was coming to North America, 
under pretence of being allies to Congress, but really with the intention 
of acquiring a firm footing on that continent." (MS journal of the 
Grenadier Battalion von Minnigerode.)

It was the approach of the French fleet, together with orders received 
from England, that induced Sir Henry Clinton to abandon Philadelphia and 
retreat to New York. A part of the baggage of the army was put on board 
the English ships, and about three thousand of the Tory inhabitants 
prepared to follow their protectors and abandon their native land. The 
streets, which had been like those of a German town in fair time, were now 
deserted. In front of many houses stood piles of furniture, to be sold at 
auction. The inhabitants went about with sad faces, but some of them 
rejoiced in secret (Dinklage's Diary, quoted Eelking's "Hulfstruppen," 
vol. i p. 9.)

During the month of November the Anspach regiments had been brought from 
New York to Philadelphia. They were now shipped again to New York, instead 
of sharing in the march across New Jersey. It was said among the Americans 
that the British commander could not trust these two regiments. By the 
Germans it was said that they had shown their inability to march (Compare 
Washington, vol. v. p. 433, and MS Journal of the Regiment von Lossberg 
(Heuser), June 9th, 1778.) They were the regiments that had mutinied at 
Ochsenfurth.

From the 14th to the 18th of June, 1778, the English and Hessians were 
evacuating Philadelphia. In spite of the fact that much baggage had been 
sent off by sea, the train numbered about fifteen hundred wagons 
(Knyphausen to the Landgrave, July 6th, 1778.) Ships at the wharves and on 
the stocks were burned. The Americans did not interfere with these 
preparations, nor seriously harass the departing troops. On the 18th of 
June the march of the army began. The way lay by Haddonfield, Mount Holly, 
Monmouth Court House, and the Neversink Hills to Sandy Hook. Parties of 
Americans destroyed the bridges in front of the British, and hung on the 
flanks and rear. The heat was terrible; many men were killed by sunstroke. 
The New Jersey mosquitoes did their work so thoroughly that the soldiers' 
faces were swollen past recognition (Ewald's "Belehrungen," vol. ii p. 
352.) On the 25th of June nearly a third of the Hessians were overcome by 
the heat, and lay by the roadside (MS. journal of We Regiment von Lossberg 
(Heuser).) There were many desertions (Two hundred and thirty-six Hessians 
deserted during the march across New Jersey. - Knyphausen to the 
Landgrave, July 6th, 1778.)

It seems extraordinary, in view of all these difficulties, that the 
Americans did not succeed in embarrassing the retreat very seriously. Many 
of Washington's subordinates considered it unwise to attack the retreating 
enemy. This opinion was principally enforced by Charles Lee, who, as 
senior major-general, was able greatly to hinder the execution of 
Washington's plans. The battle of Monmouth Court House was not quite a 
victory for either side. The Americans were driven back by Clinton's rear-
guard, and almost put to rout, owing to Lee's incompetence or 
indifference. It is true that Washington rallied his men and repulsed an 
attack, but the true object of the day was not accomplished. Clinton 
continued his march, with hardly the loss of a baggage wagon. In the first 
week of July the British army reached Sandy Hook, whence it was 
transferred by water to New York.



CHAPTER XVIII.
NEWPORT, NOVEMBER, 1776, TO OCTOBER, 1779.

In November, 1776, when Sir William Howe seemed to be carrying everything 
before him, he detached some seven thousand men, of whom about one half 
were Hessians, to occupy Newport. This corps landed without opposition, 
and spent three years in Rhode Island, lying, during the larger part of 
the time, inactive, and suffering during the last years from scarcity of 
flour and of wood. There is little doubt that the men could have been 
better employed elsewhere. With six thousand, or even with four thousand 
more soldiers at his command, Clinton might have acted more promptly and 
efficiently than he did for the assistance of Burgoyne. We may well 
suppose, however, that Sir William Howe, having taken possession of 
Newport when he thought he had no better use for his troops, was afraid of 
losing prestige if he abandoned the town. He drew some regiments from the 
garrison in the summer of 1777, before the opening of the campaign.

On the whole, I do not think that the service in Rhode Island could have 
been very trying to the soldiers. If flour was scarce, meat was plenty. 
The inhabitants were shy at first, and shut up their families. On Shelter 
Island, when the strangers approached, the country people ran away; 
believing, says one, that the Hessians ate up little children. "But in 
time," writes an officer, "they became more familiar with us, learned to 
understand our broken English, showed us their families, and let their 
fear of us disappear." (MS journal of the Regiment von Huyn.)

When this easy footing had been established, there was substantial comfort 
to be found in the hospitable houses of Newport. The inhabitants 
entertained entirely in the English fashion. All dishes were placed on the 
table at once. Every guest ate and drank at his pleasure, without urging. 
Soup was seldom given, but there were four or five kinds of vegetables on 
the table, and boiled potatoes with every dish. The list of drinks given 
in the journal before me includes punch, cider, strong beer, porter, grog, 
madeira, port, claret, sherry, toddy, sangaree, and syllabub. People 
pledged each other during the meal, and regular toasts were given after 
the cloth was removed. The toasts went round to the right, the bottle to 
the left.

Sir Henry Clinton was the first commander of the expedition, and was 
succeeded by Lord Percy. The latter laid down the command in May, 1777, to 
return to England. The hopes which had brought him to America had been 
disappointed, for it is said that on leaving home he had sworn not to come 
back unless with the olive branch of peace. He was popular at Newport, and 
the Tory inhabitants sent him a complimentary address on his departure, 
wishing him a safe and pleasant passage and a long continuance of perfect 
health. "Your excellency's illustrious rank and character," they add, 
"render it unnecessary to wish you any other blessing of life." In return, 
his lordship assured them that it was the duty and the wish of every 
British and Hessian soldier to protect all peaceable and innocent 
inhabitants.

The people of Newport were less satisfied with Major-general Prescott, 
Lord Percy's successor. They were not long obliged to suffer from him. The 
general had chosen for his headquarters a lonely house about four miles 
from Newport, and as much as a mile from the nearest troops. He relied for 
safety on a small guard and on a ship anchored not far from the house. On 
the night of the 10th of July, 1777, about midnight, a party of Americans 
under Colonel Barton landed from two whaleboats at Redwood Creek, crept 
across the fields to Prescott's headquarters, overpowered the guard, broke 
into the house, pulled the general and his aide-de-camp out of their beds, 
and made off with them without giving them time to dress. The boats safely 
ran the gantlet of the British shipping, and carried the captives to 
Providence.

The command now devolved on Major-general Pigot, and things went on in 
their old course. Constant expeditions were made to the neighboring 
islands, or to the mainland, for provisions or wood. At the end of July a 
party of women and children were sent to Providence, on account of the 
scarcity of food in Newport. I do not think, however, that the soldiers 
suffered severe privations. On the whole, the year 1777, and the first 
half of 1778, passed quietly away, though the Americans sometimes made as 
if they would attack the island. Meanwhile Burgoyne had taken Ticonderoga, 
had advanced on Albany, and had surrendered at Saratoga; Howe had taken 
Philadelphia, and Clinton had abandoned it; the King of France had 
declared war, and an anxious hour for the little army at Newport was 
approaching.

On the 15th Of July, 1778, General Prescott, who had been exchanged since 
his capture, arrived from New York with reinforcements. Among these were 
the two regiments of Anspach. He announced that the French fleet was 
coming to America, and on the 29th that fleet appeared off Newport. It was 
commanded by Count d'Estaing, and consisted of five ships of seventy-four 
guns, six of sixty-four, and three of twenty-six. At eleven o'clock in the 
morning these vessels were lying at anchor before the harbor. The island 
of Connanicut was immediately evacuated by the Germans and occupied by the 
French, who took some provisions which there had not been time to remove. 
The English and Hessian soldiers expected an immediate landing of the 
enemy on Rhode Island. The town was in confusion, and the Tories in 
despair.

The French admiral, however, did not immediately follow up his advantage. 
It was not until the 8th of August that he forced his way into the harbor, 
past batteries at Brenton's Neck, King's Fort, Goat Island, and North 
Point. The cannonade lasted an hour and a half, at the end of which time 
the fleet anchored near Connanicut. Not a man was wounded in the town, but 
the ships had suffered some damage.

The regiments that had been outside of Newport were now called back within 
the lines. General Sullivan had landed on Rhode Island with a rebel army. 
The British and German soldiers were crowded like sheep in the town. They 
were worn out with continual toil, for ever since the appearance of the 
French fleet every available man had been busy in the intrenchments. Four 
frigates and two smaller vessels were burned, and one frigate and another 
vessel sunk, to keep them from falling into the hands of the enemy. There 
was great anxiety in Newport, but on the 9th of August came relief. An 
English fleet of thirty-six sail, under Lord Howe, appeared off Point 
Judith. Count d'Estaing sailed out the next morning to meet it, undergoing 
a brisk cannonade from the shore batteries. The English fleet fell back, 
pursued by the French. The 10th was a day of suspense. On the 11th a 
violent storm arose, and both fleets were scattered before it.

It was the French fleet that reappeared first. "Now all our hopes were 
vain," writes the Hessian quartermaster; "we already, in our thoughts, saw 
ourselves in the hands of our enemies, for our force was too small to 
withstand so strong a corps, from the side of the land and of the sea." 
Suddenly, to the joy and surprise of the garrison, the fleet sailed away.

For a week longer Sullivan remained in front of the intrenchments of 
Newport, while his army of militia melted away. On the evening of the 28th 
he fell back to the northern end of the island, and was followed by the 
English on the morning of the 29th. The Americans turned, however, 
inflicted a check on their pursuers, and on the night of the 30th left the 
island without being further molested. The expedition had been grossly 
mismanaged. The losses on each side, in the affair of the 29th, were 
between two and three hundred men. Of these, one hundred and twenty-eight 
were Germans. It was well for the Americans that they made off when they 
did, for on the 1st of September Sir Henry Clinton arrived in Newport 
harbor with a fleet and reinforcements.

For more than a year longer the British and Germans remained on Rhode 
Island, useless and inactive. At last, in October, 1779, a fleet was again 
seen in the offing, but, as it came along the Sound, it was recognized as 
friendly. It turned out to be composed of transports, come to take away 
the garrison. Immediately the baggage was put on board, the store of fuel 
given away. The sad spectacle of Tory families flying from their native 
land was repeated. There were more who wished to go than could be taken in 
the ships, and some were forced to stay and face the wrath of their 
neighbors.

Cordial feelings had grown up in the course of three years between the 
Hessians and the inhabitants of Newport. General Prescott feared that some 
of his soldiers might wish to stay behind, and gave orders that on the day 
when the troops were to embark all the houses should be closed and no one, 
especially no woman, should be seen at a window. With bands playing and 
flying colors the regiments marched through the empty streets and took 
their places in the boats which carried them to the ships. The hostile 
occupation of Rhode Island was ended (For the occupation of Rhode Island, 
cf. Bancroft, vol. ix. pp. 200, 357, 358; vol. x. p. 146 et seq.; 
Eelking's "Hulfstruppen," vol. i. p.105 et seq.; vol. ii. pp. 14, 15, 30 
et seq.; Ewald's "Belehrungen," vol. ii. p. 249 et seq.; MS journal of the 
Regiment von Huyn.)