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YOU have already learned that the Expedition to Goldsboro started from New Berne early in the morning of December 11th, 1862, the force consisting of the three branches of the service, Infantry, Cavalry and Artillery, about twelve thousand strong, and an army train large enough to carry "our knitting work and slippers." We started for a ten days' tramp with three days' rations in our haversacks, and seven days' in the army trains. Our cartridge boxes, haversacks, etc, were loaded: and with these our rifles, overcoats and blankets; it could also be truthfully said, that we were loaded, but I am happy to state, not in the "Gold Cure" sense. The object of this expedition (as we afterwards learned) was to keep the confederate forces in North Carolina so busily engaged, that they could not reinforce General Lee's Army in Fredericksburg, where General Burnside was preparing to attack them. Battle was offered wherever and whenever we could get at them. On our outward march, the careless use of fire arms by the confederates in the battles of Kinston, Whitehall and Goldsboro made, at times, the return march of those engaged in the fights a something of very doubtful quantity. However, after five days' marching and fighting, the column appeared before Goldsboro, had a fight, did the work it was sent to accomplish, destroyed the bridge, etc., and on the afternoon of the fifth day started on the return trip. In starting from Goldsboro, the confederates, whom we had fought and driven, didn't seem to be perfectly satisfied with our short sojourn and came across the river and attacked our retiring column. The challenge was quickly accepted by the Federal forces. The second engagement seemed to put a quietus on their ideas of insisting upon our accepting more of their hospitalities in the way of shot, shell, and infantry fire.

I remember, comrades, as no doubt you do, when the word

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came down the line that the object of the expedition had been accomplished, and we were ordered to take up our line of march for New Berne; at that time, we were in a short strip of woods and had just fairly got started, when the word came that the rebels had crossed the river and attacked our forces. Of course, the return order was countermanded and orders given to advance on Goldsboro. The movement not being done very quickly on account of our long line stretching down through the woods, Colonel Codman put us through a sharp drill in the manual of arms at that point. Our Colonel was a good one, and meant, and did keep the regiment up to the mark of duty and discipline every time. The second engagement did not last a great while, as the confederates were soon settled, and then we began our return march in earnest.

We soon went into camp, as it was getting along towards night. Of course, the rail fences around our camp paid tribute in the way of furnishing wood for camp fires, and rations of hard tack and coffee were at once in order. As near as I can remember, the boys slept pretty soundly that night, as they were pretty tired after the marching and fighting of the previous days. Our camp was in an open cornfield. The snoring of the regiment in an ordinary hall might be objectionable, but on that particular night it doubtless proved a gentle lullaby to those North Carolina owls roosting in the trees nearby, enjoying the brilliancy and novelty of the scene, and picking their teeth by the light of our bivouac fires. Next morning "Reveille" was sounded early, our blankets were rolled and rations taken care of, and then we started on our tramp.

The thrilling incidents of the outward march were not re-enacted, as we had in the three fights shown the enemy that we were equal to the occasion of taking care of them, and for that reason they probably concluded to let us alone on our return trip. I remember that when we arrived at Whitehall where the fight occurred at the fork of the roads, at the foot of a small hill in a clump of trees, I saw Colonel Codman standing by the new made grave of Color Sergeant Parkman. He felt most keenly, as did all the regiment, the loss of our noble and brave color sergeant.

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The position of the regiment in that fight was in a large field at the foot of a small hill. We were supporting the Twenty-Third Massachusetts, which was stationed on the opposite side of the road, in the woods where we first took up our position, but later were ordered over the fence and further back. We went over and under that fence pretty lively, as we were under a very heavy fire. Had our favorable position of lying down been interfered with by the driving back of the Twenty-Third Regiment--which regiment bravely held its ground--both regiments would have been badly cut up, as we were in direct line of the fire of the confederate batteries, and also had a battery of our own stationed in our immediate rear, raining shot and shell over us into the confederate ranks and stronghold. Our position was a very trying one, as we could not fire a shot, and had to lie very close to the ground to prevent being like a pepper box, full of holes.

On the return trip, as on the advance, chickens and other live stock that attempted to stay the onward march of our column, were, of course, taken care of, as the army claimed the right of way. The result of that claim was that our bivouac fires put some of the aforesaid live stock in shape to add greatly to the material strength of individual members of the corps. When we arrived at the battle field of Kinston, we learned of the death of comrade Elbridge Graves of our company, who was shot in that action, and of whom it can be said, that his company and the country could claim no comrade more honest, true and faithful. We also learned that the dead of that action had been buried, and the wounded were sent to the hospitals at New Berne.

We had been ten days on the march, and in three short engagements, and the boys looked worn and tired as we entered New Berne. I remember noticing some of them coming in chafed and footsore, looking more like old men of seventy, leaning on their staffs, than young men temporarily used up by the fatigues of the march. The Invalid Corps which had charge of our camp during our trip, received us with open arms. The boys soon began to wash up and dig themselves out, so as to be ready for the

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active duties of camp life; also to be in readiness for further orders from headquarters, which were liable to come at any moment for another expedition, tramp or fight. From this ten days' experience we learned that war had its light and dark shades by which the makeup of the individual soldier and the army as a whole could be tested as regards manhood, heroism and patriotism. An army in active service is an excellent place to learn the exact measure of its component parts whether taken individually or collectively.

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WHILE we were engaged with the enemy before Kinston, the cavalry were busy in another direction. Captain Jacobs, with his company of the Third New York Cavalry and some light (Third New York) artillery, advanced on another road, to the right of the main column, and attracted as well as distracted, the attention of the enemy. Captain Jacobs came upon a regiment of rebel infantry, engaged them, drove them off with artillery, and then charged his men across, thereby saving quite an important bridge. Another diversion was created by Major Garrard, who sent on another road with a portion of his battalion of Third New York Cavalry, one piece of Allis' flying artillery and two or three light field pieces. By this means General Evans was so mystified, regarding our order of movements, that he could not bring the entire force under his command into operation in such a manner as to unitedly affect our main column.

After our main column had entered Kinston, Captain Cole of Company K, Third New York Cavalry, was ordered to proceed down the river to the blockade, and where a battery had been erected to play upon our gunboats if they attempted to ascend the river. Captain Cole, on arriving at the place--a sort of half circular fort with breastworks, a mile and a half long--ascertained from a negro that the rebels had moved six brass pieces about six hours before he reached there; that they had more guns there; and that a guard had been left to protect them until they could be secured, the rebels not having horses enough to get them all away. Captain Cole attempted to surround the fort and capture what there was remaining in it, when the guard discovered his force and decamped for the woods without firing a shot. Company K charged on the fort and took possession

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thereof, capturing everything in it. The armament remaining was found to consist of seven guns, including one eight inch Columbiad, two thirty-two pounder iron guns, and four six-pounder iron guns. The four latter were found to be loaded, primed and ready to be fired, but the brisk movements of Captain Cole and his daring company prevented the execution of the latter deadly operation. Company K and its commander were highly complimented by the Commanding General for their gallantry on this occasion. A small amount of provisions, clothing, etc., was found in the fort, which was left. The four six pounders were brought away; the Columbiad and the thirty-two's being too heavy to be removed, were spiked and the carriages burned. Captain Cole reached Kinston about midnight with the trophies.

The next morning at five o'clock he received orders from General Foster to return to New Berne with the seven pieces--two brass and five iron--captured with other trophies. The two brass pieces were the same captured from us at Little Washington three months previous. On his way down, Captain Cole captured eight rebels and brought them into New Berne.

December 16th, under cover of the action on both sides, Major Garrard, with his command, pressed on past Whitehall, and made a rapid march (a distance of over twenty miles) to Mount Olive Station, a small place situated on the line of the Wilmington & Goldsboro Railroad. Before reaching the town, they passed through a swamp and then struck a turpentine path and after a full gallop of a distance of over four miles, came out at Mount Olive Station at three o'clock in the afternoon. This action was a perfect surprise to the people of the place. The ticket agent was selling tickets; passengers were loitering around waiting for the cars, the mail for Wilmington laid already on the platform, and a few paroled prisoners were in readiness to go to Wilmington, probably to fight again. As a matter of course, for the time being Major Garrard put everybody under arrest. The telegraph wire was immediately and afterwards effectually cut and destroyed by Captain Wilson of the Third New York Cavalry. Mount Olive is seventeen miles from Goldsboro. Captains Wilson and Pond with their respective commands, of the Third

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New York Cavalry, were sent seven miles in the direction of Wilmington, to destroy an extensive bridge and trestle work. This they accomplished with great labor, after a few minutes' skirmish, and joined our main force at dusk. In connection with the destruction of the bridge and trestle work, they also destroyed the track and set fire to the cross ties in several places.

At Mount Olive Station, among the private papers of the Postmaster, was found the following:

"Whereas, we the people of the counties of Wayne and Dublin have seen a proclamation from the black republican President, Abraham Lincoln, calling for seventy-five thousand men, (and a call made on North Carolina among the rest,) for the purpose of subjugating brethren of the Confederate States, who are asking nothing but for their rights to be respected and their institutions let alone, the interest of North Carolina being identified with the said Confederate States, we, as her citizens, deem it highly necessary to express our views to the world, irrespective of former party ties; therefore

Resolved, that the example of our patriotic forefathers is too plainly set before us to be unmindful of our duty. We know the cause of the Confederate States to be the supreme interest of North Carolina; therefore, we pledge our fortunes, our lives, and our most sacred honors, in the maintenance of the said cause.

Resolved, that, for the aid and furtherance of said cause and the defence of our homes and our rights, we will form a military company for the purpose of drilling that we may be the better prepared to defend our homes and our country.

Resolved, that we call upon all good citizens to sustain us and give us their aid for the support of our company.

Resolved, that the manly and patriotic courage of His Excellency, John W. Ellis, in ordering our forts taken and held by troops of this State, and his independent denial of troops to Abe Lincoln to sustain him in his diabolical policy, meets the entire approbation of this company and this community."

While this was being done, Captain Jacobs with a company of the Third New York Cavalry, and one piece of Allis' Flying Artillery, was sent three and a half miles in the direction of Goldsboro, on the line of the railroad, to destroy the track, some culverts and a bridge. Just as Captain Jacobs reached the three and a half mile point, the mail train from Goldsboro came rattling down. The engineer on the train, in coming around a sharp

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turn, observed ahead a heavy, dark smoke, and immediately whistled down brakes and reversed his order of proceeding. Notwithstanding this, Captain Jacobs was enabled to bring his piece of artillery into such a position as to give the retreating train the force of three shells. After doing his work, and well and ably developing the bump of destruction in North Carolina, he joined Major Garrard at Mount Olive Station at sundown. The force at Mount Olive Station in the meanwhile had taken up a large extent of the track, destroyed the switches and did all the damage they could; then about eight o'clock they set out for a change of base, made several strategetical movements through woods and swamps, and reached the great army about midnight, having cut across, as explained above, without moving on any main road more than five minutes at a time. We had hardly left Mount Olive Station, when the enemy came down as near as he could with a so-called "Merrimac Railroad Car" and shelled the woods for quite a while. A newspaper correspondent who accompanied the cavalry on this little raid says: "On leaving Mount Olive I paused for a moment to behold the sight presented to our view. I saw the railroad apparently on fire for miles in extent, huge fires of ties and warping rails, and the blank amazement that was but too evident in the faces of our now released prisoners. The woods were bright and radiant with the reflected light; our hidden road was also illuminated, and all nature seemed changed, as the light reflected on the waters in the swamp, if not to one of beauty, at least, to a great degree of attractiveness. As we left the place, the boys gave three cheers for the Major's success, and later he was highly complimented by General Foster on making his report of this action."

"In the battle of the bridge at Goldsboro, the rebels had, as prisoners report, between eight and ten thousand troops engaged. We never had over one-third of our force engaged. While the battle was progressing at the bridge, Major Fitzsimmons, with his battalion of the Third New York Cavalry, made a dash against Dudley Station, on the line of the Wilmington Railroad, five miles from Goldsboro railroad bridge, took several rebel pickets prisoners, captured and destroyed a train of four

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cars, took up three miles of the railroad track, burned some trestle-work, a bridge and some little et ceteras, including a most complete destruction of the line, and joined the main column without loss to his command. The Major also repeated a similar experiment at Everett Station, on the line of the same railroad. Major Garrard with his battalion of the Third New York Cavalry, went (while the main army was moving) early in the morning to Tomkins' Bridge, over the Neuse River. He took with him a section of Ransom's Twenty-Third New York Artil lery. On arriving in the vicinity of the bridge, Captain Jacobs, with his company of cavalry, was ordered to charge down to it. He did so, found the bridge in flames, and received fire from the enemy. The Major immediately opened fire with his artillery, and at the same time dispatched a messenger to inform General Foster with regard to his position, condition, etc. As soon as General Foster received the information, he re-inforced the Major with four pieces of artillery from Angell's Battery and the Forty-Third Massachusetts Regiment under Colonel Holbrook. After a fight of over two hours they silenced the enemy's heavy guns and musketry and returned to the main column with a loss of one killed and four wounded. Before leaving, our forces could go anywhere in that neighborhood, along the bank of the river without being fired at. The rebels had eight pieces of artillery and four regiments of infantry at this bridge. About ten o'clock Allis' Flying Artillery and Companies G, A and D of the Third New York Cavalry, in attempting to join the main column from another direction, were attacked by two pieces of the rebels' artillery, and, as is supposed, about a regiment of rebel infantry. In less than fifteen minutes our artillery silenced that of the enemy.

In the account of the engagement at Goldsboro railroad bridge, no mention is made of the fact that the enemy, on finding that our troops were outflanking them by wading through a mill-stream, hoisted the gate at the mill and let the water rush down with astonishing impetuosity. By this means one or two of our men were drowned, while the others still pushed on, with the water up to their armpits, regardless of the difficulty. On our

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return march we learned by flag of truce from the rebels at Kinston, that their loss was between eight and nine hundred, and that the two South Carolina Regiments that charged Morrison's Battery, lost in that charge three hundred and fifty men. Their color bearer was shot three times.

In the Eighty-Sixth Pennsylvania, one of the privates at the battle of Kinston had a pack of playing cards in the breast pocket of his coat. A musket ball from the rebels passed clear through the pack, hardly bruising the skin."

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DECEMBER 11th, 1862, two days before the battle of Fredericksburg, General Foster left New Berne, N. C., with a force of ten thousand infantry, six batteries having in all forty pieces of artillery, and six hundred and forty cavalry. On the 13th, Foster had reached South West Creek not far from Kinston. The confederates had destroyed the bridge, and Colonel Radcliffe's Sixty-First North Carolina Regiment was posted on the west side to delay Foster's advance.

The Ninth New Jersey and Wessell's Bridgade crossed over the creek and after an engagement of about an hour General N. G. Evans, commanding the confederates, was obliged to withdraw. He took position on the Neuse river about two miles from Kinston bridge. To oppose Foster's ten thousand men, General Evans had the Seventh, Twenty-Second, Twenty-Third South Carolina Volunteers and Holcombe's Legion, also South Carolinians; in addition, he had the Sixty-First North Carolina Regiment, Mallett's North Carolina Battalion, and Boyce's South Carolina, and Starr's and Bunting's North Carolina Batteries, in all two thousand and fourteen men. While Evans was moving from the creek to the river, a fleet of small gunboats that had come up from New Berne to attack the works at Kinston, under Commander Murray, endeavored to get in reach of the works. Owing to too low water, only one of the boats, the Allison, came into action, and Colonel S. D. Pool's Battalion of heavy artillery soon drove it back.

On the 14th, General Evans with his South Carolina Brigade on the left and the North Carolinians under Radcliffe on the

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right, awaited Foster's attack. Foster sent in Wessell's Brigade and batteries, supporting Wessell's by Amory's Brigade, and then by Stevenson's Brigade. The odds were, of course, too great for Evans, and after two hours and a half of stubborn contention, he was forced back across the bridge and followed so closely, that, at the crossing, four hundred of his men were captured. Evans reformed his broken lines, and was joined by the Forty-Seventh North Carolina Regiment which had just arrived, under Colonel S. H. Rogers. General Foster sent in a demand for the surrender of the Confederates, but, of course, General Evans promptly declined compliance. General Evans retreated to Falling Creek. General Foster did not pursue but recrossed the river and continued on towards Goldsboro.

On arriving at Whitehall, eighteen miles from Goldsboro, General Foster found the bridge burned, and General B. H. Robertson of General Evans' command, posted on the opposite side of the river ready for battle. General Robertson having under his command the Eleventh North Carolina, Colonel Leventhorpe, the Thirty-First, Colonel Jordan; six hundred dismounted cavalry men from Ferrebee's and Evans' regiments, and a section of Moore's battery, under Lieutenant N. McClees, had been sent to burn the bridge. General Foster sent forward the Ninth New Jersey Regiment, followed by Amory's Brigade and eight batteries took position on the river bank. A heavy artillery and infantry fire commenced at nine thirty on the 16th. General Robertson says in his report: "Owing to the range of hills on the Whitehall side, the enemy had the advantage of position. The point occupied by his troops being narrow, not more than one regiment at a time could engage him. I therefore held Leventhorpe, Ferrebee and Evans in reserve, leaving the artillery (two pieces,) Thirty-First Regiment, and two picked companies in front. The cannonading from the enemy's batteries became so terrific that the Thirty-First Regiment withdrew from their position without instructions, but in good order. I immediately ordered Colonel Leventhorpe forward. The alacrity with which

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the order was obeyed by his men, gave ample proof of their gallant bearing, which they so nobly sustained during the entire fight, which raged with intensity. The conduct of this regiment reflects the greatest credit on its accomplished and dauntless commander." The two guns of McClees were no match for the many batteries across the Neuse, but he served them with coolness and gallantry. Captain Taylor, of Foster's Signal Corps reported that "the fire from the Eleventh was one of the severest musketry fires I have ever seen."

Colonel W. J. Martin, historian of the Eleventh Regiment, says of the conduct of his regiment: "Posted along the river bank, from which another regiment had been driven back, it was pounded for several hours at short range by a terrific storm of grape and cannister, as well as musketry; but it never flinched and gained a reputation for endurance and courage which it proudly maintained to the fateful end." The Eleventh Regiment that thus distinguished itself was the first regiment organized in North Carolina, and while known as the First North Carolina, fought in the Battle of Bethel. General Robertson reported his loss at ten killed and forty-two wounded. The Federal loss eight killed and seventy-three wounded.

After this brush with Robertson, Foster moved on towards Goldsboro, his main object being to burn the railroad bridge there.

At and near the bridge were stationed General Clingman, with the Eighth, Fifty-First, and Fifty-Second North Carolina Regiments, under Colonels H. M. Shaw, W. A. Allen and J. K. Marshall; Companies B, G, and H, Tenth Artillery, acting as infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel S. D. Pool, and Starr's Battery. Other troops were in the vicinity, but for reasons not now apparent, were not moved to the bridge in time to assist the men engaged. The Sixty-First Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Devane arrived on the field during the engagement and reported to Brigadier-General Clingman, in time to take part in the afternoon action.

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When General Foster reached a point near Goldsboro he ordered five regiments to move down the railroad track and burn the bridge. A regiment was sent with them to protect the flank. General Wessell's Brigade was advanced to be in supporting distance of the advance. The Federal regiments and artillery attacked promptly. All the Federal artillery seems, according to Foster's report, to have been engaged at the bridge. The attack fell principally on the Fifty-First and Fifty-Second Regiments, on the south side of the bridge, and on Pool's four companies on the north side of the bridge. Starr's two pieces opened. The two regiments were unable to hold their own, broke, were reformed again by General Clingman, and then driven back to the county bridge. As these regiments were in retreat, Lieutenant George A. Graham, of the Twenty-Third New York Battery, rushed gallantly forward, and in spite of the efforts of Pool's men to reach him with their rifles, set fire to the bridge. General G. W. Smith reported that as Clingman's Regiments fell back, General N. G. Evans arrived on the field with his South Carolina Brigade and assumed command. By his direction the Fifty-First and Fifty-Third supported by Holcombe's Legion, made a charge against H. C. Lee's Brigade, of which that officer said: "A portion of the enemy, instantly, with loud cheers, charged up the hill towards the battery, and bore up steadily in the face of a well directed and most destructive fire. . . . . The enemy, meanwhile, had been staggered by the crushing fire of the batteries, and at sight of my supporting regiments broke and fled in disorder to the woods. His retreat was covered by a heavy fire from the battery on his right which inflicted on my command a loss of three killed and nineteen wounded." "This battery," as Colonel Lee calls it, was one gun of Lieutenant Fuller's section of Starr's, the other gun was overturned. Lieutenant Fuller acted with great coolness, and showed a soldier's aptitude for finding and striking the enemy. General Clingman said of the determined manner in which Lieutenant Fuller fought his solitary gun: "Lieutenant Fuller with the greatest gallantry continued to reply until darkness put an end to the contest."

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THE day after the Battle of Kinston, December 15th, after burning the bridge, we marched on along the river road towards Whitehall. A night's rest in bivouac, and we resumed our march the next morning and soon heard the roar of battle in our front.

The location of the battle field of Whitehall was on a level piece of ground with slight elevations on our left and rear. As our Regiment was being brought into position, our worthy Colonel saw, or thought he saw, something out of order, and immediately began to put us through a drill to straighten us out, and I distinctly remember one of his orders, namely, "On the right by files into line," and the way it was executed was lively indeed, and must have pleased our Captain, as it was done "with a snap," the air meanwhile, being heavily impregnated with shot and shell. Soon we were stationed immediately in front of one of our batteries, as support, in case of a sudden charge of the enemy.

This position was one of great peril, as this Artillery Duel, as it is called, was in full play, and the noise of the combined batteries, composed of forty-six guns, was something awful. We could feel the windage of every shot that passed over our heads, and it was soon found necessary for our gunners to train their guns for lower fire, and we were ordered to "lie down," which we did very quickly, as the iron hail was growing fiercer every minute. It is needless to say that not a man had any objection to obeying the order. As soon as we were stretched on the ground, it seemed as if the artillery had gained a great advantage, and were bound to make the most of it, for they worked their guns for all they

[image: Henry R. Thompson, Co. A]

[image: Daniel W. Fisher, Co. I]

[image: Corp. Luther F. Allen, Co. A]

[image: L. Henry Whitney, Co. A]

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were worth and the noise was enough to satisfy any one. We were soon made to understand that we were not on a "picnic."

While in this position, I was struck on the neck near the spine by a piece of a three or four inch shell, which paralyzed me as far down as my waist, and to my finger's ends, so that I did not know when it was done. As I gradually came to consciousness, I found that I was bleeding freely, with a pool of blood under my chin, and my clothing soaked with blood. I found near my head a piece of iron about a third of a shell, which was, no doubt, the cause of my trouble. After examining it, I threw it away. I immediately spoke to Captain Denny, and he detailed Orderly-Sergeant Barstow and Comrade Merriam to help me to the rear a little way, where members of the Band took me on a stretcher still farther to the rear, and placed me in a gravel pit, where the wounded were being cared for, and where I saw our noble Color Sergeant, Theodore Parkman, dying from the effects of a shot in the head.

After this episode the Regiment was ordered to fall back behind a rail fence so that the artillerymen could train their guns still lower. I can remember the position of but one other regiment, that of the Twenty-Third Massachusetts, which was on our left and in advance, lying flat on the ground, as we were. Soon after the Third Rhode Island Battery occupied our first position, and began to pour a deadly fire across the river. While in our first position I saw the working of the Signal Corps, stationed on rising ground at our left, where they could see the position of the enemy and signal to General Foster and Staff who were on the right, and in advance just out of the line of fire.

As I said before, I was placed in a gravel pit with the other wounded men. When the firing ceased, two comrades of Company A came to the rear to find me, and seeing an ambulance near they helped me into it. I had just got comfortably fixed, when the driver came along and said I must get out, as that was a New Jersey ambulance, so that I was put on the ground again,

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and laid there until about dark when I was taken to a small house where the surgeons were busy as bees, attending to the wounded, who were there in great numbers. I was placed on the floor of a small room with two other men, one of whom I soon found was a New Jersey artilleryman, named Manchester. After the worst cases were disposed of, the surgeon and a helper dressed my wound at about 9 P. M. The next day, Wednesday, the 17th, we were loaded into one of the empty army wagons that were coming back from the front, not very comfortable vehicles, but all that could be had.

I was put in with two other men. One was named Johnson, a Third New York artilleryman, who had lost both hands by the premature discharge of his gun, and the other a Dutchman, of the One Hundred and Third Pennsylvania, whose back was broken by a falling tree.

Having the use of my hands, and the other men being completely used up, I attended to them, as best I could, but there was little to do, as neither of us had anything to eat or drink, and our appetites were becoming ravenous. We jogged along in our United States gig until we reached the burned bridge at Kinston, where a hospital had been improvised in the building nearest to the bridge. Here many who had fallen out from various causes together with wounded men, were being cared for. As we halted here for a rest, some of the men came out to see us, and among others, Comrade Wilmonton of Company A., whose feet were so chafed that he was unable to march farther. He was acting as nurse. I asked him if he had any "hardtack," and he went into the house and brought out one whole tack and a few pieces, which I soon divided and fed to Johnson, the Dutchman and myself. We called it a treat. Soon the train of wagons began to move again toward New Berne, and continued down the Neuse road until darkness came upon us when the train stopped in the road, and the drivers unhitched their horses, put up their feed troughs, at the back of the wagons, fed their horses and fastened them there for the night.

With this train was a small army of those who were disabled in various ways, but could travel and look out for themselves.

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These were soon busy building fires and making coffee for their supper, but there was none for us in the wagon. The sight of the road for a long distance was weird in the extreme, with men moving about the fires, the wagons in the midst of the road, and with all, no noise, as we were in the enemy's country, without a guard.

Finally we began to get settled for the night, but as our driver had captured a young goat the day before, and its continued bleating did not conduce to sleep, we were ready to put an end to its little life. All things have an end, and so that night wore away and we began to move again. Continuing the march without rations, we reached a small house near the river, where we were to wait for steamers, that were coming down with wounded men from the front. At this house, which had no conveniences for taking care of wounded men, we waited one day and two nights. The nurses detailed to care for us found that the owner of the place had a small pig and some corn meal, so we fared sumptuously on boiled pork without salt, and corn bread--a fare that we would loathe at home, but hunger made it a sweet morsel.

Many of the men were camped in the yard by the day, but as darkness came on they filed into the house and packed it full. On Saturday, December 20th, two wheelbarrow steamers arrived about 10 A. M., from up the river, and we were placed on board wherever we could. The boat was so crowded that the nurses could move around only by stepping over and between men, who were lying wounded on the deck in every conceivable manner. The worst cases were cared for in the cabin, where one or more died, on the passage to New Berne.

I was fortunate in getting a seat on the rail of the boat, and found a Manchester man, George A. Brown, Jr., a member of the Twenty-Third Massachusetts, who was disabled by a shot striking under his feet in the ground, making it impossible for him to march further. Food was scarce, and if ever in my life I was hungry, it was on the 20th of December, 1862. The captain of the boat was a pompous individual, trimmed in gold lace, but so intoxicated he did not seem to know what he was doing. We

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steamed along very well for a while, when the boat with its load of suffering men struck the shore, and swung around in such a manner that the trees on the bank scraped the poor fellows on the deck like a brush harrow. The captain swore, and gave his orders in a thick voice, and then the boat would reach the opposite bank and strike in the same manner. This went on for some time until a negro, who was sober, took the helm, then we proceeded all right until about nine o'clock in the evening when we arrived off the city of New Berne. Here there were no wharves for such steamers, so we all had to be taken in boats to the shore. I was fortunate in getting ashore in one of the first boats, and my Twenty-Third Massachusetts friend, being posted in the city, directed me to the Foster General Hospital while he went to his camp beyond the city.

This hospital, a fine stone structure, was originally the head-quarters of the Masonic Fraternity of the State of North Carolina. I went to the office, and one of the attendants asked me if I was to be in Bennett's Ward. I said "Yes, I guess so," not knowing or caring who Bennett was. I was numb and cold, and weak from loss of blood and as hungry as a man could be, so this man told me to go into the kitchen, and the cooks would give me something to eat. The sight of that kitchen, with a large cauldron of beans, hot and steaming for the wounded, who were expected to come in at any moment, the warmth of the room, the great dipper of stewed beans, will never be forgotten to my latest day.

After getting warm and doing justice to the ample meal, I went back to the office and was put to bed in Bennett's ward, his first arrival. As my clothing was taken off my vest was like a piece of tin, and would stand upright, being saturated with blood.

The next day, Sunday, General Foster and his young daughter called and had pleasant words for the men. This ward was the hall of the Grand Lodge of Masons. It walls were covered with the emblems of the Order painted very artistically. The ceiling, dome shaped, was covered with paintings and gold stars and was a pleasanter sight than bare walls. In a short time all the beds throughout the building were filled.

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In the Boston Evening Transcript of January 22, 1863, appeared the following beautiful poem, which is inserted here, as an appropriate place. It was signed "Co. A. 45th Mass." The author is unknown but it is generally believed that it was written by the late Lieutenant George E. Pond of Company A.

"Our van had pressed onward the whole weary way,
The boys were all hopeful, and some few were gay,
As we neared the thick wood which covered the foe,
We halted at last;
And pulses throbbed fast,
As each felt the cold dread
That before the day fled
Some one of our number in death might lay low.
Soon the artillery passed by at full speed;
Soon followed the horsemen, each urging his steed;
Then while we at the front stood waiting the sign,
Up rose the Soul's prayer!
"Oh God! my life spare!"
Now shoulder to shoulder,
Each brave heart grew bolder,
As "Forward," came thundering along the line.
We had heard this same order the long march through,
But now it was freighted with import anew;
The Onset was ours; who the End could foretell?
All death fear was gone,
All thought of self flown,
And not a step faltered,
And not an eye altered,
As we closed in the track of our pioneer shell.
How the next command thrilled us, "Advance and Fire!"
With the enemy's shot whizzing faster and nigher;
One sole duty was ours, to hear and obey.
We loaded and fired.
We loaded and fired.
My good limbs did their part,
But my spirit dispart
From the terrible Conflict sped far away.
I was with you, dear friends, in the old hallowed spot,
I traced each loved feature, each scene unforgot.
You were sad, my heart was o'erflowing with joy.
My smiles met your tears.
Hopes mingled with fears.
You dreamed not, dear brother,
Dearest father and mother,
That near you was hovering your own soldier boy.
Well, the batile was fought - we carried the day;
The whisper now ran, "Who had fallen in the fray?"
In low accents, the name of poor 'Graves' was given,
Of our bravest and best,
One had gone home to rest;
And the while we marched through
Conquered Kinston, we knew
Our beloved young Comrade had passed into Heaven."

[image: The Halt]

[image: Corp. Albert A. Chittenden, Company A]

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ABOUT the middle of September, 1862, in response to this notice, and others similar to it, several companies recruited for the Forty-Fifth Regiment, M. V. M., were occupying new barracks at Readville, Mass.

Headquarters, Company G, Forty-Fifth Regiment, M. V. M. Tremont Temple, Boston, September 12th, 1862.

Sir:

You are hereby ordered to report at this Office, on Monday, September 15, promptly at 1.30 P. M., to proceed to Camp at Readville.

As there may be a delay in getting Government Blankets, each man is advised to bring one, and an overcoat. He will also bring his Surgeon's Certificate. Also 2 woolen shirts and 3 pairs stockings.

Per order of

Captain Sturgis.

Note. Company G afterwards became Company A.

The barracks at Readville were soon equipped with flagpoles, each flying a national flag contributed by the several companies. Every morning there was a friendly competition as to which company should have its colors first at the peak, after the firing of the sunrise gun. Some of these flags are still in existence. Company A had the pleasure, at a recent reunion in Boston, of seeing their old Company flag brought from St. Louis by Orderly-Sergeant Barstow, to whom it was donated upon our muster out. The 1st day in November was a very busy and interesting day at Camp Meigs, being the occasion of the gift from lady friends of the Regiment, of a Massachusetts State Banner. The following is a copy of the correspondence and a description of the occasion.

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The largest number that has yet visited Camp Meigs, at Readville, attended yesterday, Saturday afternoon, November 1, 1862, to witness the presentation of a beautiful Regimental State flag to the Forty-Fifth Cadet Regiment,--a gift from the ladies of Massachusetts; of which the following correspondence affords an explanation:--

Boston, Oct. 30, 1862.

Col. Charles R. Codman, Forty-fifth Regt. Mass. Vols.

Sir:

It is our pleasing duty, on behalf of nearly one hundred ladies (whose names we will send you in a day or two,) to offer to the regiment under your command a stand of regimental colors.

We hope it may give the regiment as much pleasure to receive them as it gives these ladies to offer them.

Will you please name a day and hour when it will be convenient to receive these colors at your camp with the usual formalities?

Rev. Dr. Lothrop will make the presentation.

Respectfully yours,

F. H. Peabody, Committee.

E. W. Kinsley, Committee.

Boston, Oct. 30, 1862.

Messrs. F. H. Peabody and Edward W. Kinsley.

Gentlemen,--In behalf of the Forty-fifth Regiment of Massachusetts troops, I beg to thank you, and, through you, the ladies you represent, for their kindness and thoughtfulness in desiring to present a stand of colors to the regiment.

That such a kindly thought has been entertained, is a source, I am sure, of the greatest pride and pleasure to every officer and soldier under my command.

In their name, I accept the standard; and, in compliance with your request, would designate Saturday next, Nov. 1, at three and a half P.M., as the day and hour for making the presentation.

Very gratefully and truly yours,

Charles R. Codman,

Colonel commanding Forty-fifth Mass.

The donors were from all parts of the State; and many, with their sympathizing friends, were present to witness the ceremony. Governor Andrew and a number of military gentlemen were in attendance; comprising

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General Samuel Andrews; General Pierce, commandant of the post; Colonels Burrell, Holbrook, and Holmes, with members of their staffs.

The regiment was formed in three sides of a hollow square, on the parade-ground, at four o'clock; and the Rev. Dr. Lothrop, on behalf of the ladies, presented the flag in the following eloquent speech:--

Colonel Codman--It is with mingled pleasure and anxiety that I find myself honored with the duty of presenting to you, and, through you, to the regiment you command, this standard in behalf of the ladies whose subscriptions have procured it, and of whose patriotic principles, of whose interest in your welfare, and of whose sympathy in all you may do or dare, suffer or sacrifice, in your country's cause, it is a noble emblem and a blessed testimony.

It is expected of me that I should say something appropriate to this occasion. Yet what language, what forms of speech that rhetoric could coin or mortal lips utter, can be so eloquent or so impressive as the stern facts of which this presentation is the indication, or the circumstances, solemn and touching in their appeal to all our hearts, under which it is now made?

Our country is at war,--a war within its own borders; at war with a portion of its own citizens; at war to preserve its institutions from destruction, its government from overthrow, its union from being broken and severed: and no language can add to the force with which this fact appeals to every thoughtful mind and patriotic heart. You and the officers under your command have felt the force of this appeal, and have been organized, under the authority of the Government, to serve in the Volunteer Army of the United States; all of you, I believe, from the most patriotic motives, and many of you, as I know, at large sacrifices of personal interest and convenience, and from a deep sense of duty,--deep enough to triumph over all the strongest and tenderest affections of your hearts.

From my long connection as chaplain of the Independent Company of Cadets,--at whose suggestion and through whose influence this regiment has been raised, and out of whose ranks it has been so largely officered,--I have, from the beginning, felt a deep interest in its character and success as a military organization. I know, as you do, how gladly, when this enterprise was first started, some of the officers of that old and honorable corps would have given themselves to this service, and taken the places which naturally belonged to them in this regiment, had they not been restrained, some of them by physical infirmity, others of them by domestic relations of such a character, that to join you would have been the neglect and the dereliction of a higher

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duty. I know also, what you do not, and what your modesty may have concealed from you, that there is no man whom the commander and the superior officers of that corps would have so confidently designated for the responsible post you occupy, as yourself. They know that you are a good soldier, of some experience, well instructed in military tactics, in the discipline of the camp, and competent to command men. They know you to be just, firm, considerate, independent, reliable. They know and believe that you will watch over these one thousand men, and take care of them in all the ways and in all the interests in which, as their commander, it is your duty; and that, whenever the dread hour comes,--as come it soon may,--you will lead them into battle, cool, calm, with undaunted courage, and with that fear of God, that fear of failing and shrinking from duty, which shall banish all other fear from your soul.

While I thus allude to the confidence reposed in yourself, I may congratulate you on the material of your regiment,--the officers and men whom you have to command. I know very many of them. I know the high tone of their character and the purity of their principles. I know their substantial worth as men, as citizens, and as Christians. I know and have observed the order, the dignity, the temperance, the manifest conscientiousness, that have prevailed, and been exhibited in this camp from its formation. I know, what many outside do not, that you may go through these barracks in the evening, and that often you will hear the voice of prayer.--not from the reverend chaplain (though his voice, God Almighty bless him in his work! will never be wanting either in prayer or instruction), but from the men, who are brothers in arms and brothers in Christ; and I tell you, sir,--I speak it not professionally, but from a deep conviction, founded on the philosophy of human nature,--that the men who pray are the men to fight. They fear God; in a righteous cause, they fear nothing else; and surely this is a righteous cause.

I may not detain you to dwell upon the character of this war, nor is it necessary: but I may be permitted to say very briefly, that if ever there was a rebellion utterly, absolutely, without any justifying cause, in any oppression endured, any wrong done by the Government to those who have instigated it,--if ever there was a rebellion ignoble and unworthy in its objects, it is this. If ever there was a political crime worthy the sternest condemnation of the civilized world, and against which the cry of outraged humanity should go up from all corners of the earth, it is the crime of disturbing the peace of thirty millions of people, and deluging this continent with blood and tears; it is the crime of attempting to overturn this Government to break up and destroy the union of these United States, and to raise on its ruins and over a large portion of its territory a government, which, from its very nature and institutions, must be adverse to the liberties and progress of mankind.

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The thing has grown upon us so gradually, that its wickedness does not shock us as it ought; and the Government, and the people at the North, seem to me never to have been moved by the feeling of intense Christian indignation against the authors and abettors of this war which they would be justified in feeling, and which they must feel before they can go into it, and conduct it with the energy that will triumph. There should be on your part a fixed, earnest, indomitable determination that this crime shall not prosper, that this rebellion shall not succeed, that this Government and country shall not be broken up and ruined; and, however dark the present hour,--and it is not dark to the hopeful,--however gloomy our prospects,--and they are not gloomy to those who trust and have faith,--and whatever of failure or defeat may have overtaken our arms--and yet they have done much and often triumphed nobly,--we must not give way to despondency, nor seek to effect by compromise what should be done by force, or reach through policy what should be achieved through victory. If millions of treasure have been expended, millions more must be spent if need be; if thousands and tens of thousands of lives have been sacrificed, thousands and tens of thousands more must be ready for the sacrifice if demanded. No amount of treasure that can be calculated or measured, no amount of treasure, whether of money or of life, is to be put in the balance against the awful necessity that rests upon us to rescue our country from the grasp of this gigantic Rebellion, the success of which, if permitted, will be to the shame of our manhood, to the dishonor of our principles, and we know not what amount of misery, degradation, and ruin to our country.

Shut up to a terrible necessity, with sharp and terrible passages of conflict before us, God commands us now, as, long ages ago, he commanded through Moses, "Say to the children of Israel that they go forward." You and your officers and men have understood that command, and are ready to obey; and the hour of your departure is at hand. I need not say to you, that departure is a matter of as deep interest to us as to yourselves. You are our friends, our neighbors, our fellow-citizens Among you are, to some of us, fathers, husbands, sons, brothers, bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh. Our hearts go with you; our tenderest sympathies will follow you. Our prayers shall ascend continually to the Almighty for your safety,--earnestly, for your safety,--but more earnestly that you do your duty well and bravely: for there is something of the Spartan mother in all our hearts; and we would rather have any of you brought home dead upon his shield, than know that you had failed in duty,--had saved life, but tarnished it with an unmanly cowardice and a base dishonor.

You will fight under the banner of the Union,--the glorious Stars and Stripes,--that good old flag which carried our fathers through the

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Revolution, and in whose grand folds there still slumbers the power of a free people. But you will fight also under a Massachusetts flag for the preservation of the Union and the honor of the old Bay State; and we ask you to carry with you all that inspiration which comes from the associations and memories that enrich the history of our State,--from the Rock at Plymouth, from the plains of Lexington and Concord, from the shaft on Bunker Hill,--and unite it with that which the names of Saratoga, Yorktown, and Trenton, and Marion and Moultrie, and all other names glorious in our country's annals, may impart.

Therefore the banner which I present to you is a State banner On one side it bears the arms of the State, with the motto, whose deep significance we are at this moment illustrating, "Ense petit placidam sub Libertate quietam:" on the reverse, the pine-tree, the device on the coin and the flag of the old Colony, with the motto "God speed the Right!" Let the motto give strength to your arms, and energy to your hearts; and, whenever the banner is unfurled to the breeze, let it be a holy incentive to such noble courage and faithful duty as shall ever guard it from dishonor. Let it speak to your hearts of home, of kindred, of honor, of country, with a power that shall make you irresistible over all enemies. As you take this banner, sir, henceforth let the cry of your regiment be,--

"Onward, then, the pine-tree banner!
Let it kiss the stripes and star,
Till, in weal and woe united,
They for ever wedded are.
We will plant them by the river,
By the gulf, and on the strand,
Till they float, and float for ever,
O'er our free, united land!"

As the flag, at the close of the speech, was unrolled, the regiment greeted it with clapping of hands, and the band played a patriotic air. Colonel Codman, receiving the flag from the hands of Dr. Lothrop, spoke as follows:--

I accept from your hands, sir, in behalf of the mothers, wives, and sisters of the officers and soldiers of the regiment, this beautiful banner. We could not have received our colors from a more acceptable source. The sympathies of the women of Massachusetts must always be prized by her soldiers; for, sir, this is a war for women as well as for men, for the

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poor and the rich alike, for Protestant and for Catholic, for the native-born and the adopted citizen. It is emphatically the people's war. The cause of the people is at stake: their right of self-government, and all their rights, are the issues of the hour.

You present this standard to a regiment devoted to that cause, fighting as they do for the unity and nationality of the country; determined as they are, that, by the blessing of God, there shall be, as there has been, but one nation between the St. Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico; and that all men, all combinations of men, and all social and political institutions, that stand in the way of this cause, shall be put down by force of arms.

We go, sir, to the seat of war, prepared, every one of us, to do our duty; to meet any fate that may befall us, confident of the final success of our arms and the triumph of the right.

Once more, sir, I thank the ladies for this banner. It may float over many a well-fought field; and, before you see it again, it may be tattered and torn. Be assured, however, that to whatever perils we are exposed, and through whatever dangers we may pass, among our pleasant and most inspiring memories will be the recollection of the incidents that mark the close of this glorious autumn day.

After a salute by the band, the regiment presented arms. Colonel Codman gave the banner into the hands of the color-sergeant--Theodore Parkman, of Company H,--saying he trusted in his courage and fidelity to maintain the flag and the honor of the Forty-fifth Regiment.

The flag is an elegant specimen of skill. It is of blue silk, fringed with orange. Its inscriptions are as described by Dr. Lothrop in his address, with the addition, "Presented by the Women of Massachusetts."

After the presentation services, the regiment performed sundry marches and military evolutions on the field; concluding with a fine dress-parade,--a fitting close to a very interesting occasion.

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Mrs. C. R. Codman, Boston
Mrs. B. C. Clark, Boston
Mrs. O. W. Peabody, Boston
Mrs. H. J. Gardner, Boston
Mrs. Russell Sturgis, Jr. Boston
Mrs. T. W. Tuttle, Dorchester
Mrs. Daniel Denny, Boston
Mrs. S. P. Dexter, Boston
Mrs. Daniel Denny, Jr., Boston
Mrs. John Jeffries, Jr., Boston
Mrs. Geo. P. Denny, Boston
Mrs. Dr. John Jeffries, Boston
Mrs. H. A. Rice, Boston
Miss C. A. Jeffries, Boston
Mrs. J. C. Howe, Boston
Miss A. M. Jeffries, Boston
Mrs. James Lawrence, Boston
Mrs. Dr. John Homans, Boston
Mrs. F. W. Lincoln, Canton
Miss H. B. Homans, Boston
Mrs. H. P. Kidder, Boston
Miss S. W. Clark, Boston
Mrs. W. H. Davis, Milton
Mrs. John M. Forbes, Milton
Mrs. Charles Larkin, Milton
Mrs. T. B. Wales, Jr. Boston
Mrs. Moses B. Williams, Brookline
Mrs. Daniel Kimball, Boston
Mrs. Jacob Wendell, Jr., Boston
Mrs. Alvah Burrage, Boston
Mrs. Samuel R. Payson, Boston
Mrs. G. W. Wales, Boston
Mrs. Edward W. Kinsley, Boston
Mrs. W. G. Brooks, Boston
Miss M. L. Kinsley, Springfield
Mrs. Edward W. Codman, Boston
Miss S. A. Kinsley, Springfield
Miss Leslie W. Codman, Boston
Mrs. John Stetson, Boston
Mrs. C. H. French, Canton
Mrs. E. O. Tufts, Boston
Mrs. F. H. Peabody, Boston
Mrs. C. C. Holmes, Milton
Mrs. Gardner Brewer, Boston
Mrs. J. M. Call, Jamaica Plain
Miss Brewer, Boston
Mrs. T. P. Rich, Boston
Miss T. C. Amory, Boston
Miss Susan D. Rogers, Boston
Miss A. A. Plnkham, Boston
Mrs. Edward Wigglesworth, Boston
Mrs. W. F. Whitney, Boston
Miss S. N. Wigglesworth, Boston
Mrs. Thomas Lee, Boston
Miss M. G. Wigglesworth, Boston
Mrs. L. M. Keith, Newtonville
Mrs. C. H. Parker, Boston
Mrs. J. Worcester, Newtonville
Mrs. George Hayward, Jr., Boston
Mrs. John A. Bird, Boston
Mrs. G. M. Dexter, Boston
Mrs. C. D. Homans, Boston
Mrs. Frank Hodgkinson, Jamaica Plain
Mrs. Samuel H. Hunneman, Boston
Mrs. Otis Rich, Boston
Mrs. Jno. H. Hunneman, Boston
Mrs. H. W. French, Easton
Mrs. Francis A. Dewson, Boston
Mrs. Oakes Ames, Easton
Mrs. Mary E. Badger, Newtonville
Mrs. John Lowell, Brookline
Mrs. Julia Rice, Greenfield
Miss Olivia B. Lowell, Brookline
Mrs. T. B. Wales, Boston
Mrs. Curtis B. Raymond, Boston
Mrs. M. A. Wales, Boston
Mrs. J. B. Palmer, Boston
Mrs. B. Welles, Boston
Miss Lothrop, Boston
Mrs. A. L. Stone, Boston
Mrs. A. D. Weld, W. Roxbury
Mrs. M. L. Hale, Boston
Mrs. John Brooks Parker, Boston
Miss Anna E. Rousseau, Boston
Mrs. John E. Thayer, Brookline
Mrs. Manton Eastburn, Boston
Mrs. W. H. Lane, Newtonville
Miss Adi Bigelow, Boston
Mrs. R. B. Forbes, Milton
Mrs. Horatio Bigelow, Boston
Mrs. J. H. Wolcott, Boston
Mrs. James Horswell, Boston
Mrs. R. H. Bond, Jamaica Plain
Miss Carrie Churchill, Boston
Miss L. O. Bond, Jamaica Plain
Miss Alice L. Hale, Newburyport

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Miss S. E. Bond, Jamaica Plain
Miss E. T. Parker, Roxbury
Miss M. L. Bond, Jamaica Plain
Mrs. S. K. Bayley, Milton
Miss Annie Jackson, Boston
Mrs. Joseph Murdoch, Roxbury
Miss Sarah G. Dalton, Boston
Mrs. J. W. Sever, Boston
Mrs. A. A. Shapleigh, Boston
Mrs. J. Sturgis Nye, Hingham
Miss H. N. Shapleigh, Boston
Mrs. T. W. Gray, Boston
Mrs. W. C. Appleton, Roxbury
Mrs. E. F. Thayer, Boston
Mrs. Stephen Winchester, Boston
Mrs. G. H. Thayer, Boston
Mrs. J. H. Cunningham, Boston
Mrs. C. H. Dalton, Boston
Mrs. Jos. N. Howe, Boston
Mrs. G. W. Freeman, Boston
Miss Emma Livermore, Cambridge
Miss S. Freeman, Boston
Mrs. George W. Blagden, Boston
Miss Marian Freeman, Boston
Mrs. Ed. S. Philbrick, Brookline
Miss Thatcher, Boston
Miss Winsor, Brookline
Mrs. Alpheus Hardy, Boston
Mrs. H. W. Pickering, Boston
Mrs. J. N. Borland, Boston
Miss R. W. Pickering, Boston
Mrs. Hayward, Boston
Miss F. G. Pickering, Boston
Mrs. Walker, Boston
Mrs. Geo. F. Woodman, Jamaica Plain
Mrs. Wheelock, Boston
Mrs. George Woodman, Jamaica Plain
Mrs. D. A. White, Milton
Mrs. S. A. Dix, Boston
Mrs. J. M. Morison, Milton
Mrs. C. T. Appleton, Boston
Mrs. J. S. Eldridge, Canton
The Misses Appleton, Boston
Mrs. C. W. Scudder, Boston
Mrs. Ellen T. Hobart, Boston
Mrs. Fred Cunningham, Boston
Mrs. Mary French Boston
Miss R. G. Russell, Milton
Mrs. W. S. Leland, Roxbury
Misses Bursley, Brookline
Mrs. Nathan Appleton, Boston
Miss Loring, Brookline
Miss Appleton, Boston
Miss Stevenson, Brookline
Mrs. W. A. Bangs, Boston
Miss Atkinson, Brookline
Mrs. A. D. Williams, Boston
Miss Hale, Brookline
Mrs. G. B. Upton, Boston
Miss Shattuck, Boston
Mrs. E. E. Hale, Boston
Mrs. Chas. L. Andrews, Boston.

On November 5th, after fifty days spent at Readville Camp, we started for the seat of war. An account has already been given of our reception in Boston, and of the presentation of the National Colors and the White Flag of the State, on Boston Common, by Governor Andrew. December 10th, 1862, at Camp Amory on the Trent I was detailed as a Color Corporal from Company A.

At "Dress Parade" the evening previous, we had received "marching orders;" we were to start in thirty-six hours with three day's rations in haversacks.

December 11th, 1862--This morning, "Reveille" sounded and battalion line was formed at a very early hour. We left camp in a chilly, foggy mist, which appears in this country as soon as the sun goes down, and continues until the sun burns it off late

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in the morning. Upon the left of the Color Company, and forming part of it is the Color Guard, composed of a Corporal from each company, who carry their muskets with bayonets fixed, for the better protection of the Colors, and the Color Bearer, who ranks as a Sergeant. The Color Company is the right centre company, bringing the colors in the centre of the regimental line. My place was on the right of the rear rank.

In our Color-Sergeant, Theodore Parkman, I found a very able and agreeable person, who fully merited all the commendation and honor that had been bestowed upon him. The Color Guard with our comrades on the expedition had a long weary march in the sun, with overcoats on and loaded with our Spring-field rifles, dipper, canteen, haversack containing three days rations, forty rounds of cartridges, rubber and woolen blankets, rolled horse-collar fashion. We were veritable mules and were only too glad to lie down and rest, when the order came to halt at noon.

That night we camped in a large corn-field. Sergeant Parkman and I arranged to share blankets that night, so after gathering some rails, cornstalks, coarse grass, etc., I spread my rubber and woolen blankets on them, leaving his blankets and waterproof coat to cover us with. We ate our supper and then turned in with feet toward the rail fire.

Friday, December 12th.--Early this morning we were again on our way, marching a long distance through the road opened by the pioneers, the night before, the Confederates having felled forest trees to impede our progress. This evening we took a road to the left, off the main road, marching till late, at a quick pace through a swampy country, camping near a planter's house. Each of the Color Guard returned to his own company for the night. While securing some rails for fuel, and to lie upon, I got confused and lost my way back to the regiment, and was calling out "Company A, Forty-Fifth" when a cousin A. H. of the Forty-Third Massachusetts, near whose bivouac it seems I had wandered, came up, and called me by name, recognizing my voice. We had not met for years and neither of us knew that the other had enlisted.

[image: The Color Guard]

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Saturday, December 13th.--Again on the march and in the middle of the forenoon we could hear firing in front, which proved to be our artillery shelling the woods.

Later we came to an opening where our cavalry had had a skirmish with the Confederate troopers. Our cavalry, the Third New York, with reins on their horses' necks, revolver in one hand, and sword in the other, had put spurs to their horses, and dashed upon the enemy. We marched into a field, passing a building on our left, where were surgical instruments and stretchers which had been used. We formed line of battle with other regiments, expecting a battle immediately, but the regiments in front, and then our regiments laid down and many were soon asleep. Sergeant Parkman, myself and others wrote in our diaries.

Sunday, December 14th.--We were early on the march this morning, often on the "Double Quick," through a country which apparently had been flooded. Firing was distinctly heard in the advance at ten o'clock. As we passed Major-General Foster and Staff, who were dismounted, I heard him say to one of his aides, "Go in with this battalion and see that it is properly placed." Soon the Regiment was in the swamp and under fire in the battle of Kinston, which lasted for three or four hours. After the battle we crossed the bridge and marched into Kinston, where our Regiment was detailed for "Provost Duty," which kept us awake about all night.

Tuesday, December 16th.--We reached Whitehall, our Regiment being the Advance Infantry, where we supported a battery on our right, changing front in the road by the order, "On right, by file into line," when we were ordered to lie down. Later we fell back behind a rail fence skirting the road, that we might have some protection, and move out of the range of the Confederate fire.

Another of our batteries that was in our rear across the field, were ordered to depress their guns more, answered that "they were already firing under the Colors of the Regiment in front," meaning our Regiment. It was a great artillery duel. The air was full of shot and bursting shells. One, about a 4-inch shell,

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struck the ground in front of the Color Guard, bounded and struck our Color-Bearer, Sergeant Parkman, in the left temple, and passing over the rear rank, landed near Colonel Codman, when we pushed it farther to the rear. Fortunately it did not explode. Upon finding our Color-Sergeant injured, the Colonel ordered his removal to the rear. Color-Corporals Brooks, Keating and myself lifted him and carried him to the rear of the line.

Upon reaching a dry water-course we had to rest when the other two went for a stretcher. I remained with the Sergeant, standing a conspicuous mark for the Confederate Sharpshooters, the zip of whose bullets I was only too conscious of. With the stretcher we carried our burden more comfortably. We took him to the Field Hospital, where the surgeon after an examination, and applying some lint to the wound, said he could do nothing for our Color Bearer. I do not think he was conscious after being struck. When Chaplain Stone appeared, I took the Sergeant's watch, keys and diary and handed them to the Chaplain, and then with sad hearts we all returned to our place at the Colors. As the Colors fell from the hands of Sergeant Parkman, they were seized by Colonel Codman who gave them to Color-Corporal Green to carry. That evening the Color-Corporals were ordered to appear at headquarters when Colonel Codman designated Sergeant Green as color bearer.

December 30, 1862.--Orders were read on "Dress Parade" of the appointment of Major General Foster as commander of the Eighteenth Army Corps, and of the First Brigade to be composed of the Seventeenth, Forty-Third, Forty-Fifth and Fifty-First Massachusetts Regiments, Colonel T. J. C. Amory, Commanding.

January 1st, 1863.--Major Sturgis with others started for Kinston and Whitehall, under a flag of truce, to recover the bodies of Sergeant Parkman, Elbridge Graves and others, to be sent home.

Color-Sergeant Ebenezer Green left camp with his company which had been detailed for service at Fort Macon, and therefore did not officiate as color bearer, until after his company's return to the regiment.

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January 25th, 1863.--Orders were read on "Dress Parade," detailing our regiment for "Provost Duty" in New Berne. Upon our arrival in town the captain of the Color Company H, was ordered to escort the regimental colors to headquarters, preceded by the band, the color bearers marching between the platoons. Upon our arrival the color bearers flanked by a lieutenant and sergeant deposited the colors at Colonel Codman's headquarters, after which the guard was dismissed, they seeking their several companies, which were quartered in dwelling-houses. As the color corporals were required to be always ready to accompany the colors, they were exempt from guard duty, but were frequently detailed for other duties. The provost marshal ordered a public bell to be rung daily at 12 M. and 8.45 P. M. After the latter hour passes were to be examined and the negroes must be in their quarters. Colonel Codman thought a color corporal could ring the public bell, and on February 9th, Lieutenant Emmons, the acting regimental quartermaster, detailed me as "Bell Ringer of New Berne," with instructions to apply for a pass and a key to the Baptist Church on Middle Street. After a little practice and instruction from a fellow corporal, I became quite expert in ringing a set bell, holding it inverted on the long and short rope.

Hd. Qrs. 45th, Mass. Regimt. Newbern, Feb. 9th, 1863.

Special Order No. 15.

Corporal Chittenden of Co. A, is hereby detailed to ring the bell at the Baptist Church at 12 o'clock M. and 8.45 P. M. until further notice.

By order of Col. Codman, G. C Winsor, Adjt.

Provost Marshal's Office, Newbern, N. C., Feb'y 10th, 1863.

Please deliver the Key of Baptist Church on Middle St. to Corpl. Chittenden who has been detailed to ring the Bell at 9 o'clock.

George F. Woodman, Lieut. Dep. Provost Marshal.

To His Excellency Gov. Stanley.

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I have not the Key, I never have had it.

Edw. Stanley, Brig. Gen.

10th, Feby. 1863.

Provost Marshal's Office, Newbern, N. C. Feb'y 10th, 1863.

Guards will pass Corp'l Chittenden until 9½ O'clock P. M. until further notice.

George F. Woodman, Lieut. Dep. Provost Marshal.

As a result of this new occupation, or duty, the occupants of our room in Company A's quarters, eight of us, christened our quarters, "The Bell Ringer's Mess." While quartered in town, we had many visitors, and many a larder was emptied, and many a time the last cent was spent to entertain these friends. Fresh oysters were easily obtainable, and with pies, cakes, oranges, figs and lemonade, we could spread quite a repast.

February 23rd.--Upon the return of the regiment from battalion drill today, General Foster saluted our Colors, taking off his cap--the regiment coming to "shoulder arms" from "right shoulder shift," as they marched by him.

February 25th.--Was a grand review of the Eighteenth Army Corps. The marching by company front and dipping of the colors, were executed by our regiment in a very creditable manner.

April 1st. 1863.--Ordered to have forty rounds in our cartridge boxes.

April 5th.--Went to church this afternoon with guns and equipments, and listened to Chaplain Stone. During his sermon he stopped and gave notice that the Third Regiment M. V. M. were under marching orders and waited for those present, members of that regiment, to retire.

April 25th.--Our regiment was relieved from provost duty by the Forty-Fourth Regiment, M. V. M. After our line was formed General Foster appeared, receiving the salute due his rank, when he expressed his appreciation of the manner in which

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the Forty-Fifth had performed their duty. Upon leaving our quarters the "Bell Ringer's Mess" left a floral arch in the room.

WELCOME 44th, COMPLIMENTS OF COMPANY A, 45th. with the names of the eight occupants appended.

In the fight at Dover Cross Roads--owing to Company H having been sent on special service that morning, Company A acted as Color Company in the centre of the deployed line and on the roadbed of the railroad. Owing to the absence of Colonel Amory, Colonel Codman was in command of the Brigade, and ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Fellows of the Seventeenth Massachusetts to hold his regiment in readiness to support the deployed line. Colonel Codman ordered Company A, Forty-Fifth by "platoons into line" then "first platoon, Ready, Aim, Fire, lie down," repeating these orders to the second platoon then "Rise up, first platoon, fix bayonets, forward, double-quick march!" but were soon halted when were repeated the loading and firing, and the whole deployed line received the order to "Charge, Double Quick!" Company A and the color guards rushed forward along the railroad, over loose sleepers, burnt crooked rails, etc., Captain Denny reaching the works among the first, the colonel and the guard close up. The color bearer, Corporal Keating, waved the colors from the highest point, then planted the staff in the earth. The colors were the Massachusetts State Flag, the United States Regimental Flag having been sent North to be inscribed with "Kinston, Whitehall and Goldsboro." We had just fairly got down into the works when the Confederates fired a volley at us from the woods on our left, which was returned with vigor.

After supper that night I turned in under our rubber blanket roof, lying on a Confederate blanket, made of carpet lined with cotton cloth, which I had been sitting on while making my coffee, although unknown to me then. Private Hoffman

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of Company K was Colonel's Orderly the day before and had slept with the color guard, so as to be near the colonel, and had slept next to me.

He had taken this blanket from one of the dead Confederates inside the earthworks, and brought it back with him. He proposed to spread it so that I might have the use of it with him. At first I had a feeling of repugnance, but finally thought it would be much more comfortable to use it, although not with. out a feeling of pity for the poor fellow, though a Confederate, who used it probably the night before.

May 18th.--This evening General Wild, his aid Colonel Beecher and Mr. Edward W. Kinsley, were in camp and we had some fine singing in Company A Street.

May 23rd.--Just after roll call tonight we were hurried up to Batchelder's Creek to reinforce the Fifty-Eighth Pennsylvania whose camp had been attacked and their colonel killed.

May 26th.--The regiment in full dress turned out to escort, with others, the remains of Colonel Jones to the steamer, the line being formed at Captain Messenger's, the Provost-Marshal's house. Colonels acted as pall-bearers, General Foster marching in the procession.

May 31.--Had taken exceptional pains in cleaning my gun and equipments for the rigid inspection and review to take place this afternoon, when I received orders to carry the blue banner. Upon our return the regiment was complimented for the precision of its marching by "Company front" and the color bearers for the accuracy of their salute in the regular and even-dipping of the three colors.

June 24.--The regiment broke camp, proceeded to Morehead City and embarked for Boston. On Boston Common we received a great ovation and an artillery salute; whereupon many of the comrades dropped to the ground as they had been accustomed to do in the enemy's country, but quickly got up laughing.

Several years after the war, on the occasion of the dedication of the Soldier's Monument on Boston Common, September 17th, 1877, the three Forty-Fifth Regimental Flags were carried by Color-Corporals Keating, Dakin and Chittenden. Since then the

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National and State Flags have been in Doric Hall, State House, the State Blue Banner, mounted and framed is placed on the north wall of the Cadet Armory Drill Hall, near which hangs the portrait of Color-Bearer Sergeant Theodore Parkman.

The members of the Color Guard were, Color-Bearer, Sergeant Theodore Parkman of Company H; Color-Bearer, Sergeant Ebenezer Green of Company I; Color Corporals Albert A. Chittenden of Company A: George Tucker of Company B: George F. Woodward of Company C: George L. Haines of Company D: John W. Brooks of Company E: Arthur Dakin of Company F: Nathan Warren, (afterwards on detached duty) and George G. Adams of Company G: Charles S. Russell of Company H: John W. Keating of Company K; of the above only two, Corporal George L. Haines of D, of Sandwich and Corporal Albert A. Chittenden of A, of Boston, are now living.

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THEODORE PARKMAN was the eldest child and only son of John Parkman. His mother's maiden name was Susan Parkman Sturgis. He was of the purest New England blood, and belonged to a Boston family, but was born in Paris, on January 22nd, 1837, and owing to his father's profession as a Unitarian minister, his son spent nearly his entire life away from Boston in Greenfield, Mass., in Dover, N. H., and Staten Island, New York.

In 1857, Theodore graduated from Columbia College, and after two years' study of chemistry, went with his father to Germany, and spent a year at Göttingen under the famous chemist, Professor Wöhlen. In 1860, he took his degree of Doctor of Philosophy, and afterwards studied for another year at the University of Heidelberg, under Professor Bunsen. It was during the year at Heidelberg that Theodore's happy life was marred by the gathering shadows, in the dear country beyond the sea, where the fear of civil war became a certainty by the Spring. It was expected however, to be only a question of a few short months, and there seemed no reason therefore for Theodore to break up his studies and hasten home, though news reached him that many of his young friends and relatives who were on the spot when the war broke out, had entered the army, and had already been sent to the South. Among the relatives was his own first cousin, Robert G. Shaw, and his intimate second cousin Henry S. Russell. In October, 1861, the family returned to America, and settled permanently in Boston, and Theodore entered the Scientific School at Harvard, in order to be able to work in the laboratory. His education as a chemist was now finished, and he was waiting for an opportunity to use it practically. It was this short stay of less than a year at the Scientific School which gave his family the great happiness, in later years, of seeing his name on one of the marble tablets in Memorial

[image: Regimental Colors, 45th Regiment M.V.M. And Blue Banner]

[image: Color-Sergt. Theodore Parkman]

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Hall, and of having his portrait accepted to hang close to that of his cousin, Colonel Shaw.

Theodore would have liked to enter the army soon after his return from Europe, and all that kept him from doing so was the knowledge that he was his parent's only son, upon whom they depended to be the head of the family when they themselves should have left their three young daughters, one of whom was, at this time, only twelve years old.

The time was near however, when he felt he could no longer refuse the call of his country. In the summer of 1862, there were terrible reverses before Richmond, and one day in August, the papers brought the news that President Lincoln had issued a call for three hundred thousand more men. It was at that time that James Gibbons of New York wrote one of the most famous of the War poems, "We are coming Father Abraham, three hundred thousand more," and Theodore Parkman was one of the three hundred thousand who gave their answer "We are coming."

The day that the news came he said nothing of what was in his mind, but the next morning he quietly said to his family that he felt that he must go. His parents made no opposition, terrible as was their dread of losing their only son. His father began at once to make inquiries about getting him a commission, and was told that there would probably be a good deal of delay. When this was reported to Theodore, he said without hesitation, that he wished to go as a private soldier, for that the need was for men immediately and not later. This resolution was also not opposed by his parents, and won their respect for their son's judgment and conscience, though he was not yet twenty-six years old. His father only asked him, "Are you quite sure that you realize the life of a private? I suppose you might have to dig all day in the trenches, or help to clean the camp." Theodore answered, with a quiet smile, "Well, you know, father, I am not going for the fun of the thing." That was all. A man with a more ready flow of language, would have enlarged upon his feelings, and talked of duty, patriotism and self-sacrifice, but Theodore was not a talker. In one of his last letters from North Carolina he wrote to his mother, "You know I was never much of a hand at expressing my feelings," and it was true.

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So after making the supreme sacrifice, well realizing the possible consequences, he only expressed the fact by saying that it was not done "for the fun of the thing." Immediately after coming to this decision, he began to drill, and passed his medical examination, which to his amusement took place in the steeple of the Park Street Church, that being a conveniently private place, far from the world below, where the Examining Surgeon could meet the recruits. The Forty-Fifth Regiment was chosen for Theodore's enlistment because the Colonel was his cousin by marriage, and the Major, his own first cousin, and although a private soldier would not be brought in contact with the field officers, it was a comfort to his family to know that he was going with those who knew and were interested in him.

After the regiment went into camp at Readville, Theodore's history up to the day of his death is contained in the history of the regiment, and need not be added here, for his sisters were asked for only a short account of his life and personality.

Among several notices of his death, one month after leaving home, there was one written by George William Curtis, who, like Colonel Codman, was a cousin by marriage. In this it was said that he was "A youth, so pure and noble, that his face was beautiful." Let those true words, written by one who knew him since he was a child, be a fitting close to this brief sketch of Theodore Parkman written by one of his two surviving sisters, to both of whom he was, and is, inexpressibly dear.

Tablet in Memorial Hall, Harvard University.

George Brooks (brother of Phillips Brooks) of Company A, Forty-Fifth Regiment, M. V. M., died at Stanley Hospital, New Berne, N. C.

[unnumbered page]

THE Forty-Fifth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteer Militia was mustered into service September 15th, 1862. Contrary to the custom established in the early part of the war, the Forty-Fifth had no band. Two months prior to this time all the regimental bands had been "mustered out" by orders from headquarters. This was done because the men were enlisted as musicians, and not as soldiers, liable to do active duty in the field. As time went on, these musicians numbered into the many thousands, and it was held that the enormous expense to the government was not warranted, considering that such service was of the ornamental, rather than of the most serious kind. But Colonel Codman said a band he would have, and in this he was warmly seconded by the officers and men of the Forty-Fifth. He instituted a search among the men of the different companies for those who were musical, and who had more or less knowledge of musical instruments used in bands. As a result, details were made from the several companies, as follows:

Company A. Charles P. Goldsmith, Robert B. Hasty, John R. Morse.

Company D. Alva M. Richardson.

Company E. Henry Cummings, Henry L. Saxton, Henry C. Whitcomb, John D. Whitcomb.

Company G. Danforth K. Olney.

Company H. John A. Jones, James R. McLeran.

Company I. John L. Collyer, Freeman D. Hopkins, Joseph K. Melcher, John A. Spofford, Myron W. Whitney.

Company K. Hosea E. Holt.

These men were organized into a band and John A. Spofford was made leader, with the rank of Sergeant.

It was understood that these men should give up their guns, and henceforth serve as musicians, unless by reason of great loss

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they should be needed as fighting men, in which case every man should return to his company. They were, in either capacity, to receive the same pay, the same company rations, and the same clothing. Our "gridiron front" of blue stripes was the only distinguishing mark of the band.

Our duties were to furnish music in camp at "guard mount" and "dress parade," give evening concerts, or whatever else was necessary for the good and pleasure of officers and men. It should be said that our instruments were furnished by officers and friends of the regiment. At the expiration of our term of service each member was generously presented with the instrument he used. Being "armed" with musical instruments we began preparations for our first appearance at "dress parade." In this we were greatly helped by Seignor Mariani, the old drum major of Gilmore's Band. He was very tall and commanding in appearance, always proud, and at the same time, jolly. When he marched before us, dressed in his gorgeous uniform, with his long gold-headed baton and his bearskin hat, with pompom topping all, he was inspiring. I used to think of him as a "moving shield" to cover the defects of our inexperienced work.

To be of interest, this article should call up the events of our campaign in which we, as a band, were able to be of real service to the regiment, in camp, or in the field, or were able to encourage and keep alive military spirit, cheerfulness and content. The men of the band had pride enough in their own organization, and pride enough in the regiment to feel duly responsible for results. Whatever may be said, they were, in my opinion, conscientious, reasonably ambitious, willing to practice individually and together, and it is only fair to say that they wanted to be taught and drilled a great deal more than they were. Any amount of effective professional drill would have been welcome. Notes and letters written by myself, during our service, are lost, and my "forgetting" is big. A thousand and one things, more or less important, were jotted down, but are now forgotten. A few things remain in the memory, and as I dwell upon them, I am made happy in the belief that the band was appreciated by the officers and men of the regiment. We

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often received words of satisfaction and praise. The Adjutant and Quartermaster were untiring in their efforts to quarter us comfortably, and as a company, by ourselves, when possible, as was the case in Camp Amory and at Newbern. We received evidences of cordiality in many ways, which, though they might be small, meant a great deal, and helped smooth the rough edges of army life. Our "gridiron front" was generally recognized with a "hel-lo band," and was a passport to the quarters of any company cook. Do not look lightly upon such a privilege! Do not, for a moment, suppose that if the commissary furnishes certain things to feed a regiment, that all the companies of that regiment will be fed and nourished alike.

There were cooks and cooks, then, as now. An untidy, unskilful army cook will injure the temper and efficiency of the best company. He can cultivate "cursing" and in his position between the commissary and the man with the gun, he can give less satisfaction than any "middleman" I know of in the commercial world. I quote from letters received from time to time, showing how the Forty-Fifth Band was appreciated during service and how it is remembered after a lapse of forty-five years. Adjutant Winsor writes suggesting that the tune known to this day as "cut-cut-cut-a-cut" be printed in the regimental history. This tune was one of the first, if not the very first lesson given out by the leader for the band "to get together" on, and it is imbedded in the memory of every man. It is easy to reproduce the printed notes, but the "music" of the tune lives only in the memory of those who heard it, as it was then played by the "Cadet Band," John A. Spofford, leader, and solo cornet player. At first it was called "that squawking tune," then the "cut-cut-cut-a-cut," words fit the music very well. After the war it was rescued by the Adjutant, dressed up in printer's ink and christened "The Cadet Waltz." But what's in a name? The tune is as good as by any other, and now after a lapse of forty-five years, if a band man meets an old comrade of the "Forty-Fifth," he will generally strike an attitude, and begin to sing or whistle, "Cut-cut-cut-a-cut-cut Cut-cut-cut-a"

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as a token of recognition. The regiment adopted the tune, as Harvard adopted "John, the Orangeman," and gave him a donkey. At regimental reunions, our thoughtful Secretary, John D. Whitcomb, never fails to have it on the programme for the band to play, just for days of "Auld Lang Syne."

The adjutant is quite right. The "Cadet Waltz" certainly belongs here. Corporal Augustus S. Lovett has pleasing recollections of the "Cadet Band" and writes as follows:

"My first knowledge that a band was being organized was a detail from Company A, which included comrades John R. Morse, Robert B. Hasty and Charley Goldsmith. Soon discordant sounds from the retreat of the musicians, indicated that they were "getting together," and exerting themselves to produce harmony of action, which in due time, bore fruit in making our band a great credit to our regiment as a whole, and the admiration of each individual.

I recall the first "dress parade" in which they participated. The leader, Mr. Spofford, proud of his following, leading off with his cornet, in a step which seemed to indicate, "See, what I have produced." The Whitcomb Brothers, John D. and Henry, who beat the big drum. The sedate artist who managed the cymbals, the rakish drummer, Jones, these, and the others, loom up, even after the lapse of more than forty years. How the old "Cut-cut-ca-da--cut" springs up in the memory, their maiden effort, never forgotten, and brought up often at regimental reunions. By the time we left Readville, we had a band that did well their part. As we marched through the city and on our return to Boston, the results of their long practice and devotion to their duties, showed itself in the development of a body of musicians that any regiment might be proud of. Of their service in camp, on the march, in the field and in the many details they were called upon to perform, others can speak with better knowledge than can I. But I take pleasure in recalling our comrades of the band and adding my testimony to their ability as musicians, and their patriotism as soldiers of the Union."

Mr. Shields contributes the following account of the

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For a week the drummers had been collecting broken hardtack from every source about camp, and storing it in an empty bunk. At last when the drummers came in from their last duty of the day, beating "Taps," they held their last council, while undressing. Each company barracks was divided by the entrance and the fire-place opposite. The only light came from the wood fire. All was quiet, except for a few snores up among the bandmen, who occupied the upper end, beyond the fire place. Soon there was quite a shower of broken hard tack among the bandmen, and it was kept up in spite of all their protests. At last Spofford, the leader of the band, got out of his bunk, which was just what the boys wanted, so they could pelt him from head to foot. He said he would "report them in the morning," but they cared nothing for to-morrow, for it was now they were having their good time.

At last Spofford dressed and went to find the officer of the day. When the officer appeared he called the boys in their undress, about him in front of the fire. "Boys," he said, "how many of you took part in throwing this hardtack?" pointing to the floor. Not an answer. "I will only say to you now, that if you repeat it you will be marched away from your quarters. Return to your bunks." All became quiet. After a while, when the boys were sure there was no one on the watch, they started in again, throwing hard tack. Spofford was now mad, and again went for the officer of the day. This time he came with a corporal and file of men. "Boys, turn out and dress, put on your shoes, blouse and cap. Fall in here by the door, two and two." The corporal marched them to the wood pile. The officer of the day then told them to each take a stick. "You can drag it, or carry it on your shoulder, or put it under your arm, but "tote" it, you must."

For two hours the corporal kept them on the move, with a halt at the end of the first hour. They were right glad to get back to their bunks and never again did they take part in any disorder. There were other kinds of mischief, however, that paid better.

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I quote from a letter from John D. Whitcomb, Secretary of the Regimental Association, who was a member of the band. He says :

"To me recollections of the band's service, musically, have always been clouded with reflections as to what we did do in music, and as to what we might have done, under different circumstances. However, we may take to ourselves comfort from the words of Colonel Codman, who publicly said, "It was a good band, that is to say, it became a good band." I put some considerable value on the service of the band in the several affairs the regiment was engaged in as an Ambulance Corps. You probably yourself know, that in the line of duty, the mere fact of one member of the band being twice required to cross the line of fire of both forces, undoubtedly saved the lives of several members of our own regiment from the fire of one of our own batteries, several members of our own regiment having already been killed by the unfortunately located battery, directly enfilading our troops. You probably, will not forget that, at least, the band was thought to be good enough, to be detailed as the Band of the First Brigade, First Division, Eighteenth Army Corps." The reference in the above to the band as an Ambulance Corps, is well deserved and should be extended. The bandmen had been well taught by the surgeon how to give first aid to the wounded, and how to use stretchers, bandages and tourniquets. We were to go with the regiment into battle, rescue the wounded, if possible, and carry them to the field hospital. We were liable to be sent as messengers on dangerous errands, as the one referred to by comrade Whitcomb.

At Kinston, our first engagement, we found our services needed as an Ambulance Corps. Just before the Forty-Fifth went into action, we received orders to file to the right, and in doing so, soon found ourselves between one of our own batteries and the enemy. The result was the loss of a few of our men by our own battery before they found the proper elevation.

It was here that we first witnessed the horrors of war, and I have no words to tell how terrible it was to see men killed by their own friends by mistake, an error of judgment. I have no

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doubt that thousands of good soldiers lost their lives during the war, in similar ways. The band, of course, had work to do with their stretchers in removing the wounded from the field. The battle was not of long duration, but it was severe. The enemy retreated across the bridge to Kinston, our army following, and driving them through, and beyond the town. Our victorious army now went into quarters for the night. The band laid aside their stretchers, found their instruments, which had been left in care of the quartermaster, and resumed their pleasant and more peaceful duties, as musicians. We were ordered to the colonel's headquarters, where we made as cheerful music as possible, under the circumstances. As we turned in for the night we were too tired to dwell upon forebodings of the morrow, when we were liable to fight again, or even dream of the day's experience. It was thought that the enemy might return and attack us in the night. We cared little about it, for we knew the town was well guarded.

At Whitehall the Forty-Fifth Regiment was exposed to the shot and shell of the opposing force as well as from sharpshooters who were in the treetops. It was here that our Color-Sergeant Theodore Parkman received his mortal wound. One of Belger's gunners was seen to fall. Four ambulance men immediately went across the open space, placed the wounded man on their stretcher, and carried him off the field, while heavy shot and musket balls were much in evidence. I mention these instances to show that while acting as ambulance corps the members of the band were greatly exposed. After the successful battle of Goldsboro, the object of the expedition having been accomplished, we gathered up our "war-worn" instruments and attempted to play patriotic airs. This attempt under difficulties is aptly described by comrade Pike in his reminiscences.

From this time till we got back to Camp Amory, the band attempted no professional work, except to try to preserve their instruments and keep them from being entirely ruined. In obeying frequent orders to "double-quick" we found other uses for our wind. By the way, I never fully understood just why the return march from Goldsboro was conducted in such haste during the

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first afternoon and the following forenoon of the following day. The orders, "close up" and "double quick" were frequently given, suggesting that the head of the column was moving rapidly. Now and then, an aide-de-camp would ride by towards the front, or towards the rear as if on pressing errands. Such movements were suggestive. The hills on the right and left and the turpentine forests, were convenient hiding places for the "rebs."

Our forefathers were "rebs" on the 19th of April, 1775, and we knew from the books we have read, how they treated the British.

Were we to be treated to a dose of Lexington? But history did not repeat itself. We saw no "Minute men."

"Crossing the field to emerge again,
Under the trees at the turn of the road,
And only pausing to fire and load."

Therefore, in time, we were reassured, and cuddled our beloved instruments, as mothers cuddle their babies after a fright. Musical instruments are delicate war tools. I don't think Colonel Codman took that into account, when he ordered his band to carry their instruments on the Goldsboro march. On later expeditions they were left in camp.

Whether or not the band had anything to do with the Forty-Fifth being ordered to New Berne, to do provost duty, I do not know, but always thought it had. We were detailed to do duty with the First Brigade Army Corps, and events proved that it was necessary that the band should be near headquarters.

In the picture the band is represented in front of their quarters in New Berne.

The band improved much while in New Berne, owing to the fact that they had a good place in which to practice and were ambitious to do as well as they could as a Brigade Band. In one way and another, mostly on account of individual interest and pride, a fairly good repertoire had been collected and the band felt prepared to furnish music for social as well as for military occasions.

The crowning event of our service came with our return to

[image: The Cadet Band]

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Boston. After landing from the Spaulding and the Tilly, we formed near the wharf, and with a squad of police in front to clear the way, the colonel and staff in our rear, we led the regiment up through State Street and Beacon to the Common, amid generous applause.

Some years afterwards, I saw in a Boston paper, an account of the return of the Forty-Fifth, by some one who signed himself "March Past." Of the band, he said, "It is remembered that the Cadet Band of the Forty-Fifth Regiment, during a halt on State Street near the old State House, gave a brief concert for the benefit of the crowds assembled on the street. They played among other selections, a well-known and difficult march by Grafula.

The applause of the audience indicated that the selection was good and that the band played it well."

The following article entitled "Music in the Army," although not relating especially to the Cadet Band, will I am sure be appreciated in this connection, inasmuch as it was written by John D. Whitcomb, a member of the band.

The article appeared in the Boston Transcript, August 9, 1890.

"General Orders No. 15, dated May 4th, 1861, issued by the War Department, give the plan of organization of the volunteer forces called into service by the President on the day previous to that date.

The men enlisting under this call were to be subject to the laws and regulations governing the Army of the United States, and the orders specified that a band of twenty-four musicians should be included as a part of each regimental organization. Besides this band two musicians for the ordinary martial music were allowed each company, and two principal musicians were allotted to serve the whole regiment. Such liberal provision for music shows that the glory of the army was considered incomplete without an abundance of the blare of horns, the clash of cymbals and the boom and rattle of drums.

This view of the importance of music to the military halo was held not only in the army, but also by the civilian masses of the people at the early war period. Individuals of the latter class possibly often estimated a position in the band as being one of special opportunity for distinction in the field, as all the troops they had ever seen, marched with a drum major and the band at the right of the line and the bravest

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were generally supposed to be those placed in front. But battles are never fought in that order of formation, and bands, though they may have their usefulness in other directions are never expected to lead bayonet charges with music. An historical occasion is remembered when, at the critical moment of a collision with a secession mob during the early days of the war, the musicians found themselves unpleasantly at the front. This occasion was at the time of the passage through Baltimore, on April 19th, 1861, which was attempted by the band marching at the head of one wing of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment. Probably blood flowing from the wounds of these musicians was some of the earliest shed in the Union cause.

Certainly this band was the first of any body of the troops to return home disabled; for not only did the members of it receive bodily wounds from "clubs," paving stones, and the various missiles availed of by the mob in resisting their onward way, but also their musical instruments which played "Yankee Doodle," and other patriotic tunes, were ruthlessly beaten out of shape, and the usefulness of the band for any of the legitimate purpose of music in the army was for the time being, neutralized. The members of the band in some instances, owed their lives to the protection of several of the loyal and humane citizens of Baltimore, and after a few days of such safety at private hands they returned to Massachusetts to recover from wounds and secure new instruments for service. A period between the spring of 1861 and mid-summer of 1862--something over a year--was when music was at its best in the army. The militia regiments from the different loyal States went forward at the first to Washington and other points menaced, for a three months' tour of duty, and each regiment took with it its regimental band, composed generally of the best military professional musicians resident in the locality from which the regiment took its departure. The short-term troops returned from their tour of duty and were replaced by those of longer terms. Musicians who had served with the three months' troops having gained much in general proficiency and having become familiarized with the military field movements were engaged to go with the regiments then being formed for the longer terms. Inducements were held out to quicken the enlistment of recruits by publicly announcing that a famous band would be attached to some particular regiment. Members of bands in the army at this time were graded in classes, and were mustered in ordinarily as "musicians for a band." Besides the Government pay, which for most of the classes was above that of the private soldier, there was generally some arrangement, through a regimental fund, by the voluntary assessment of officers, or through contributions of friends of the different regiments, by which extra pay was provided to secure superior musicians. The Union Army included among its numerous regimental organizations, during the first

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year and a half of the war, many bands from the Northern, Middle and Western States, which had national reputations as musical organizations. Among these were Gilmore's of Boston, and Dodworth's of New York.

In that first eighteen months of the early part of the war, in which the army was lying near Washington and on the near border of Virginia, visitors to the different camps of the regiments had nothing near so much to say about anything else they had seen or heard as they had to say in praise of the music of the Union Army bands. "I heard bands in the Army of the Potomac," said one narrator who had visited the camps there in 1862, "that could play the music of an entire opera in faultless harmony without looking at the notes, from the beginning to the end." Slight knowledge only of music is necessary to make one aware that a statement so inclusive is an exaggeration; but that there were excellent bands in the army at that time there is no doubt, and the rivalry as to which regiment had the best, was nearly as great as the competition in regard to which regiment, brigade, division or corps, excelled in the school of the soldier. On June 30th, 1862, there were in the service of the United States Government according to the official statement of Adjutant-General Richard C. Drum, six hundred and forty-six thousand nine hundred and seventeen troops. If the maximum aggregate of one thousand and forty-six officers and men be allowed to each regiment (which would be an over proportion as many regiments had only the minimum aggregate of eight hundred and sixteen officers and men) then there were, in a round total of six hundred and eighteen regiments, with the allowance of twenty-four musicians for the band, twenty more for drummers, and two more for principal musicians, to all appearances twenty-eight thousand, four hundred and twenty-eight men enlisted as musicians, and fourteen thousand, eight hundred and thirty-two of these men were serving, or according to the organization of the army should have been serving, strictly as band men, divided into six hundred and eighteen or more bands. On July 17th, 1862, a bill containing sections ordering the muster-out of regimental bands passed in Congress, and was approved by the President. This bill contained the proviso that each brigade in the volunteer service be allowed to have sixteen musicians in a band. The carrying into effect of the provisions of this bill resulted in the going out of service, within thirty days from its passage, of nearly all of the bands of volunteer troops in the army, very few of the men composing the regimental bands being willing to serve as musicians on such terms as were offered men of superior musical ability, the pay, the length of service, and possible requirements of duty being those of a regular enlisted soldier. Musicians who had served in the army as bandmen had become familiar with the impossibility of merging their professional duties with those of the ordinary soldier, who carried a rifle. Acting as ambulance corps, bands could be and

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were, very useful, and members of bands in the army sometimes ran great risks of losing their lives. Indeed some were killed; but such an unfortunate event immediately crippled the band. Except in camp or on parade, and for lightening the tedium of the soldiers' lives when not on active duty, musical instruments played by a band were not largely of general usefulness to guide in step, or in any way help the movements of regiments. When the bands which had been mustered out in July, 1862, and which had done good duty during the war up to that period, ceased to perform their peculiar service, the numbering of the regiments sent out from Massachusetts had reached to about the forties. After that time all bands attached to regiments and under the control of its commanding officer, were composed of strictly enlisted men, on the same footing for pay, rations and duty as the soldier who carried a rifle. In fact the men composing these bands in some cases were only musicians when in camp or on parade and on the march or in action carried rifles. At Readville in the summer and autumn of 1862, the nine-months' regiments were recruiting. The Forty-Third Massachusetts Regiment in camp there had Gilmore's famous band, which had been mustered out, and had returned from its tour of duty in North Carolina with the Twenty-Fourth Massachusetts Regiment. The Forty-Fourth Massachusetts Regiment at its camp had Flagg's Boston Brass Band. The Forty-Fourth paid $3,000 for this band's service while in camp. It is likely the Forty-Third paid nearly the same amount.

It was no part of the contract that these bands should go to war with the regiments they had been in camp with, and upon the departure of the troops the bands escorted them to the transports upon which the soldiers were to be conveyed to North Carolina, and there the duties of the musicians ended.

Colonel Charles R. Codman, who was then raising the Forty-Fifth Massachusetts (Cadet) Regiment, also in Readville, at Camp Meigs, took a different view of the musical situation in his regiment, and immediately on going into camp set about forming a band out of his enlisted men, instruments being furnished by friends of the regiment. Many other regiments followed his example after reaching the front, but it is believed that this regimental band was the first to depart from Massachusetts as regular soldiers, musically equipped. After the muster-out of the bands in 1862, most excellent corps of musicians for marching purposes were formed out of the martial-music corps of regiments. Their music was most inspiring on the march, and the octave flutes and fifes playing different parts made really good music for war purposes, though for concert occasions it was monotonous. The bands enlisting after 1862 were eventually organized into drilled ambulance corps, and when in camp or in action were responsible for that duty. Their services in that direction were unquestionably of great value.

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From a letter written by Army-Surgeon Edward P. Roche, concerning the battle of the North Anna River, the following is quoted: "To a request as to what I should do with the wounded, the reply came from Dr. Hogan at Crittenden's headquarters. 'Do the best you can, but cross the river.'

To wait for the river to fall, which was greatly swollen by a terrific thunder storm, was perhaps to be captured, but how transport the wounded over such a flood? Their guns and equipments we threw into the river, and the dead had gone over, we need not trouble about them. There were no regular hospital attendants to call on; but fortunately the band of the Fifty-Sixth had been ordered back to the field hospital when the fight began, with orders to report to the surgeon for duty for the time. They were a fine body of young men and the most willing and reliable I ever found. I called them together and stated the case fully, and they promptly offered to get the wounded across by carrying them on their backs, two men wading and swimming with one wounded. The attempt was made but the men became so exhausted and chilled, it was abandoned. A raft was made from the flooring of an old mill near by, capable of sustaining three men at a time. No ropes could be had to pull the raft, and the only means of propulsion was for the men to strip off their clothing and swim and wade the river pushing the raft before them. It took six men most of the time to make the trip and they were up to their necks about all the time. The danger and labor of transporting fifty wounded men in this manner can hardly be understood by the civilian in these times of peace. They toiled all through that long summer night and into the daylight. We had many men during the war who struck printer's ink with much greater zeal and tact than they did the enemy, but in this case I can do justice to the band of the Fifty-Sixth Massachusetts.

Its members alone did the work and earned the praise. If they came from Cape Cod, as I always believed they did, they were a credit to it and the State." Many other army surgeons could undoubtedly bear similar testimony as to the value of the services of bandmen in the army, not only in active service, but in promoting health and keeping up the spirits of the troops in camp."