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History of the Forty-Fifth Regiment M.V.M. - Pages 55-101


Page 55

The War Status, when the Nine Months' Croops were Called

BY AN OFFICER OF THE FORTY-FIFTH REGIMENT.

IT is probable that in the year 1862, the greater part of the people of the Northern States, did not fully appreciate the greatness and difficulty of the work that they had undertaken in reducing the revolted States and people.

From the very beginning there had been illusions on this subject. Early in the war, Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, in public speech and diplomatic correspondence, had boldly stated his opinion that the efforts which the government was making would surely suppress the rebellion in sixty days' time.

The first battle of Bull Run very rudely dissipated any hopes founded upon the opinion of even so distinguished and thoughtful a public man as Mr. Seward. It became evident that the southern white people were substantially united; and that they had a large territory, not easy to be overrun, and capable of subsisting and supporting for a long period, all the armies that the new Confederacy could put into the field.

It was clear that their troops were fired with enthusiasm, and that they could fight to the last.

And yet even as late as in 1862, the administration, if it may be judged by its official acts, did not seem fully to realize these facts. It may be that it doubted whether the northern people could yet be brought to realize them.

It is, of course possible, that Congress and the Executive, while fully appreciating the magnitude of the contest which was then approaching the high-water mark of intensity, feared that, if too great sacrifices were demanded of the people, they might falter and consent to some sort of disunion for sake of peace.

The existence of some such fear may have induced the Government to take measures which no Government that did not

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absolutely depend upon popular support, and which was not at the same time uncertain of possessing that support, would have been likely to have attempted.

It was determined to call for Volunteers for three years, or the war, and to call for militia from certain states to serve nine months. It is easy to see now, that this last call was a military, if not a political, mistake.

It proposed to draw newly raised troops into the service of the United States for a period just long enough to train them to be good soldiers, and then disband them at the moment they had arrived at a high point of efficiency.

It was true that many trained men might re-enlist, as many did, but the loss of disciplined organizations, was a serious disadvantage. That the policy was wasteful and short-sighted, if judged exclusively as a military question, seems certain.

But when it is considered in its political aspects it must be admitted that there is much to be said to qualify such a judgment.

Abraham Lincoln, as well as any man of his time, or any public man that has ever lived in this country, understood the peculiar character of the American people. He knew their virtues and he knew their limitations.

That they were resolute when their blood was up, and capable of endurance and patience, he surely well understood. But he did not fail also to appreciate that his countrymen are of all men, the most optimistic, the most easy-going, and the most hopeful. Foreigners call them vain, and a well-known English writer has said, "that the American nation is the vainest and the most generous on the face of the earth." [Charles Reade] Mr. Lincoln himself though certainly as free from personal vanity, as any man that ever lived, may have shared to some extent the general opinion of his countrymen that the great superiority of the North in population and wealth, as well as the moral forces that underlay its cause, would give it a speedy triumph, without any approach to the exhaustion of its resources; and if the President did not himself share this confident expectation, he must have known that it

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existed, and that it was general; and that if the Administration was to take the attitude of an alarmist, it would lose the sympathy of the people and so be subjected to very great embarassment, in practically carrying out measures more vigorous than public opinion was ready to sustain.

While it is possible that the reasons which have thus far been adduced to account for the action of the United States government in resorting to apparently halfway and inconclusive measures are purely conjectural; there are other considerations relating to the attitude of foreign countries, which probably had a more direct bearing upon the action of Mr. Lincoln and his advisors.

They may very naturally have reasoned that to do anything which looked like calling for the last man or the last dollar might be interpreted abroad, if not at home, as a confession that the United States were at the end of their resources, at a time when their armies had made no very serious impression upon the revolted South; and might thus supply the motive and the occasion for European intervention.

It could hardly have been supposed that military observers in Europe, especially those whose prejudices tended to make them favor the Southern cause, would be disposed, at this time, to believe that the overthrow of the Rebellion was assured. Grant, it is true, had won his victories in Tennessee, and was beginning the campaigns which resulted in a little less than a year, in the capture of Vicksburg.

A lodgment upon the coast of North Carolina had been made by Burnside at New Berne. But hardly anywhere else in the theatre of operations had the forces of the United States made substantial progress; and the war had been going on for more than a year. McClellan's army had failed to take Richmond, and its only great victory had been that at Antietam; and this was rather a successful defence of Washington and the North, than an effective blow at the Confederacy. The object then of calling for troops, to serve for a short time may have been to announce in this way, not only to the country, but to foreign nations, that the American Government was far from doubting that its cause would triumph at no distant period.

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It was no doubt necessary to keep up a bold front, and to show no signs of discouragement, or of lack of confidence. There was believed to be danger of intervention in favor of the South from both France and England. France, then under the rule of Louis Napoleon, a ruler absolutely devoid of moral, or political principle, and seeking only the aggrandizement of his dynasty, was placed in a position of jealousy and hostility to the United States.

It is now well known that, if he could have persuaded England to join him, the French Emperor was ready and desirous to establish a new power in America to counteract the influence and control the territorial limits of the great Northern Republic. A Southern Confederacy, owing its existence to him, might be depended upon to offer no resistance to the occupation of Mexico, which he, undoubtedly meditated as early as 1862, and which he subsequently undertook. That the full significance of the overthrow of the rebellion was at once recognized by Louis Napoleon, confirms this view.

Lee had hardly surrendered when the French troops were withdrawn from Mexico, leaving to his miserable fate the unfortunate Austrian prince, who had weakly permitted himself to be the instrument of a ruler, whose past record would appear to have demonstrated clearly enough, that neither oaths, nor promises, would ever restrain him in any political action that he deemed necessary to the attainment of his ends.

The danger of intervention by England in favor of the South was, probably, never very great. There was always a large body of Englishmen, that was outspoken in its sympathy with the North, and this body was fully able to deal with the sympathisers with southern secession. It was only when the British pride of nationality was aroused, which happened in the stoppage of the Trent by Captain Wilkes, and the seizure of the Confederate Envoys, that any serious danger of active intervention arose. Nevertheless, the fear of such intervention was always present to American statesmen, and it was a factor always to be taken into consideration in determining the public acts of the Administration.

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It is not unreasonable, therefore, to suppose that the probable effect of the measures upon the public opinion of foreign nations, and especially upon the action of France and England, may have had deciding weight in the counsels of President Lincoln and his advisors, and may have convinced them that no policy should be proclaimed as that of the American Government which would imply any lack of confidence in the ultimate success of the National arms.

The Proclamation of the President calling militia into the service of the United States was issued in the summer of 1862.

Of these several regiments were from Massachusetts. The subsequent chapters of this work deal with the experiences and services of one of these regiments.

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Camp Meigs, Readville

BY PRIVATE JOSEPH G. DALTON OF COMPANY F.

CAMP MEIGS was one of the ten camps of rendezvous formed in the State and mostly named after eminent American generals. It was doubtless so-called for Quartermaster-General Montgomery C. Meigs of Chattanooga memory and much important service. It was located in Norfolk County, about ten miles from Boston, a few rods from Readville Station on the Boston & Providence Railroad, within the limits of the town of Hyde Park, and three miles from Dedham Centre. It was upon a nearly level tract of high land bordering on Milton Street, of which our Regiment occupied a rectangular space of about eight or ten acres. To the south and east the field spread in a gentle slope to the Neponset River some three-quarters of a mile away, whose winding course forms the north-west boundary of Milton. It is a slow stream there about fifty feet wide, and unseen from the camp because of a belt of scrub oak and birch on the edge of the lowland. The Blue Hill Summit, a little east of south, and not far off on the other side of the river, was the prominent feature in the landscape, with its hilly range extending easterly.

Our barracks were ten parallel one-story buildings, about eighty feet long, of plain boards, with doors at each end, a spacious parade ground in front, and separated by a lane in the rear from the cook-houses. Near by in the same direction were the officers' tents and mess rooms and the buildings of the Quartermaster and medical departments. Other regiments were similarly housed on the west of us, leaving the view unobstructed to the east and south. This encampment formed the principal school of the soldier for volunteers in the eastern part of the State. Here several other nine-month's regiments, of which were the Forty-Second, Forty-Third and Forty-Fourth had preceded us by some weeks.

[image: Camp Of 45th Regt. M.V.M. At Camp Meigs, Readville, Mass.]

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ARRIVAL OF COMPANIES AT CAMP.

Early in September a part of the Forty-Fifth were gathered here; Company D came on the 12th, Company A on the 15th, and others at intervals. Company F was mustered into service on the 26th together with six other Companies, and one on October 7th. Many men were then hastening to enlist as only a few days remained of volunteering, for the paying of bounties was to cease and the draft to begin October 1st, afterwards postponed to the 15th.

Our field and staff officers and the last companies were sworn in on the morning of October 8, and we then became a United States Regiment, though still part of the State militia. Thereupon in the afternoon was the first regimental parade and drill. This, the birthday of the Corps had been very warm, eighty degrees even at its close. The sunset was the most splendid of the year and one of the most notable of a lifetime for its gorgeous variety of vivid and rare colors and contrasts, and their continuance for more than an hour.

If taken as symbolical, a sort of chromatic horoscope of our career, this was rather overdone, too bright and lasting for a short-term Regiment, and a future scene of action not where the war raged severest. Leaving fancy, I add here what other facts of the weather were recorded. Nearly all the latter part of September was fine, but on the twenty-eighth hard rain most of the day. The first ten days of October were clear and warm; the eleventh to thirteenth were rainy; the nineteenth, a bright day, and the last three or four days of the month were finest autumnal weather. The dampness of the ground in places and the frequent fogs affected the health of those on guard at night.


REGULATIONS FOR THE RENDEZVOUS OF THE FORTY-FIFTH REGIMENT AT READVILLE.

Reveille at 5 A. M., when the Company Rolls will be called, after which the quarters will be put in order.

Breakfast at 6 A. M.

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Surgeon's Call at 7 A. M., when sick men will be conducted to the Surgeon, or reported to him by the First Sergeants, if unable to report in person.

Guard Mounting at 7.30 A. M.

First Sergeant's Call at 8 A. M., when they will report to the Adjutant for orders.

Drills from 8.30 A. M. to 11 A. M.; drum practice at the same time.

Dinner at 12 M.

Drills from 2 to 4 P. M., or longer, at the discretion of officers conducting drills, or according to such orders as they may receive.

Tea at 6 P. M.

Retreat at sunset, when the Company Rolls will be called, and if ordered, there will be a dress parade.

Tattoo at 9 P. M., when the Company Rolls will be called.

Taps at 9.20 P. M., when all lights must be extinguished, except those at Headquarters and at the Guard Tent.

Morning Reports of Companies signed by the Captains and First Sergeants, must be handed to the Adjutant before eight o'clock every morning.

Each cook-house will be in charge of a non-commissioned officer appointed by the Captain of the Company.

The greatest attention will be paid by all officers and soldiers to the cleanliness of the camp, and of its inhabitants..

The attention of all officers and soldiers is called to the following extract from the Army Regulations, which will be strictly observed in this Camp:

"Courtesy among military men is indispensable to discipline. Respect to superiors will not be confined to obedience on duty, but will be extended to all occasions. It is always the duty of the inferior to accost or to offer first the customary salutation, and of the superior to return such complimentary notice.

Sergeants with swords drawn will salute by bringing them to a present; with muskets, by bringing the left hand across the body so as to strike the musket near the right shoulder. Corporals out of the ranks, and privates, not sentries, will salute in like manner; and when a soldier, without arms or with side arms only, meets an officer, he is to raise his hand to the right side of the visor of his cap, palm to the front, elbow raised as high as the shoulder, looking at the same time in a respectful and soldierlike manner, at the officer, who will return the compliment thus offered.

A non-commissioned officer or soldier seated and without particular occupation will rise on the approach of an officer and make the customary

[image: Lieut. J. Frank Emmons, Co. E]

[image: Lieut. Theodore A. Thayer, Co G]

[image: Lieut. Lewis R. Whitaker, Co. C]

[image: Lieut. William S. Bond, Co. B]

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salutation. If standing, he will turn toward the officer for the same purpose. If the parties remain in the same place on the same ground such compliments need not be repeated."

Sergeant G. C. Winsor of the Company of Cadets, 1st Division, Mass. V. M., has been appointed to act as Adjutant, and private Francis A. Dewson of Company A of the Forty-Fifth Regiment has been appointed to act as Quartermaster of this Encampment, and they will be obeyed and respected accordingly.

Doctor Cleveland, of Tisbury, has been appointed Acting Assistant Surgeon, and will be obeyed and respected accordingly.

The Commanding Officer expects and believes that the conduct of the soldiers will be creditable to themselves and to the Commonwealth; that the inevitable hardships of camp life will be cheerfully and patiently submitted to, and that rapid progress will be made in discipline and drill.

By order of

Capt. C. R. Codman, Com'g Rendezvous of 45th Mass. Vols.

G. C. WINSOR, Acting Post Adjutant. Readville, September 12, 1862.


RECRUITS FROM ALL THE WALKS OF LIFE.

The recruits came, of course, from many classes and occupations. A few had got some previous training either in the Militia or in the Home Guards which had been formed in many towns. These often had some military touches in their dress, and in their talk were ready to take almost any position, preferably one of command. Only the test of time proved whether they made better or worse soldiers than the rest. The majority were raw recruits, who came in their ordinary dress from their usual pursuits, from the field and plow, the workshop, the factory and railroad, the nautical trades, the country store and the city office, and were generally endowed with the patriotic spirit and sound qualities of character. The really bad element was but slightly represented in our Regiment. The average morale in the Forty-Fifth and the Forty-Fourth was unexcelled by any other of the Massachusetts Volunteers. The very young men were numerous, and I believe there were a few who were past the age of exemption

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from service, but who had been enlisted through their manifest devotion and capability, capable also of "remembering to forget" the exact date of their birth.

The formalities and restraint of army discipline were irksome at first to many of these free citizens, who were slow to realize the necessity of outward respect and prompt obedience to the officers over them, of whom some were their familiar acquaintances, and the need of precision and system everywhere in the machine of war which they were to form. Frequent and animated were the discussions and criticism on these points, wherein those of some prior experience were influential toward the contented subordination that on the whole soon prevailed. Free men finding themselves voluntarily under despotic rule, each willingly gave up some personal rights for the general good. The confinement within the camp lines was relieved, particularly in the last week or two, by liberal allowance of brief furloughs so necessary to many who had enlisted at very short notice, and all were given a chance to settle their business and family affairs before a departure which might know no return.


REVEILLE AND THE BREAKFAST CALL.

Though the line of hills on the eastern horizon somewhat delayed the sunrise, our morning rise was none the less early, and the daily round began with the sounding of reveille at five o'clock, when to the rattle of drums the men were mustered and formed in line by the first sergeants in the company streets to answer the roll call, or inside the barracks in foul weather. Then being dismissed, they were busied in making up their bunks and putting everything about their quarters in proper order. Shortly came another signal from the drums, the welcome call to breakfast. For every meal, each man having a tin plate and cup provided by the Government, we marched in single file to the windows of the cook-house, wherefrom ample slices of bread and meat, and the beans or rice, were passed to us, and our cups filled with tea or coffee. These beverages may not have been of the very best, but thinking of the vile decoctions we got soon after on board the transport, I am willing, at this late date, to call them first-rate.

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The rations thus served were usually partaken of in-doors, and the meal made sociable in parties about the barracks. Soon after breakfast the drums were heard again, this time for guardmounting to replace those on duty during the night, and a detail from each company were marched to the parade ground, the names of those to serve having been given out at roll call on the previous evening by the Sergeants.


GUARD DUTY.

It was at Guard Mounting that we got some of the best of our first lessons in method and promptness. The quick, sharp way of the Adjutant in inspecting our rifles made us soon expert in handling and catching them, to avoid bruised fingers or toes; and when his critical eye found anything amiss in dress or equipment, the culprit was likely to be put upon the "police" detail to do scavenger work and dirty jobs, and wield a broom or rake instead of a musket for that day. The cordon of sentries around the camp, about forty yards apart, were relieved every two hours--easy duty compared to the tedious four hours on Provost Guard at New Berne afterward. Post One, at the main entrance, was a coveted place for its liveliness, but with duties more urgent and varied than at the other posts, for in pleasant weather the stream of visitors was unceasing all day. No raw recruit was stationed there except in the early days of such duty, when once a very verdant man at that post did not act and speak up aright, and the guard failed to turn out on approach of the Colonel. After that, such a man was posted at some other part of the line where a larger number denoted his post and his role was more simple.


COMPANY AND REGIMENTAL DRILLS.

The next movement, in suitable weather (not actual rain), was the Company Drill. The drum-beat for this brought each company out, and all, save the men on guard were drilled by their Captains or Lieutenants for the rest of the forenoon until the recall was sounded shortly before dinner-time. Then again the lines marched on the cook-houses to the clattering din on the glittering tin things, signals of the sharp appetites for the principal feed of the day. The hour of noontide was the best opportunity

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for intercourse with visiting relatives and friends, and parents came to see their boys; brothers, sisters and cousins, or wife and children of the recruit came, often bringing home-made dainties to add to the camp rations, and all dining together in groups about the barracks,--groups lively indeed to the casual eye and ear, but betraying tokens of natural anxiety more and more as the day of separation drew near.

Our military training, so novel to most of us, was, in the pleasant autumn and on our own "native heath," much less arduous than the hard service we saw soon after in the enemy's country. Yet there was much to do and learn in the process of transforming new recruits into efficient soldiers. One principal work was, of course, the drilling; at first in marching and facing, by squads or by company, nearly every day and sometimes twice a day, and afterward in the manual of arms also. Strange to say, there was no target practice during our whole term, so that surely not one in ten of us was a fairly good shot with his weapon. The battalion and regimental drills, less frequent than the others, occurred in the afternoon under command of the Colonel or Lieutenant-Colonel. Being very important ones the strictest attendance of officers as well as men was enforced by Colonel Codman, many of the former needing instruction and practice as much as the enlisted men. To the latter these occasions gave a certain satisfaction when their own tutors got a touch of the same discipline and reprimand undergone by themselves.

The first drills by the Colonel in person were, I think, on the fourteenth and fifteenth of October. These drills closed about half an hour before the dress parade, in time for all to appear there looking their best. The dress parade concluded the evolutions of the day, and was enlivened by music of the full band, and made interesting by the company reports of the First sergeants, and the reading of papers drawn from his belt by the Adjutant, which might include marching orders or notice of a court martial, and confirm or refute the various rumors always afloat. Finally we march off, the band in advance, the companies going to quarters separately by tap of drum. The parade was

[image: Lieut. Abijah Hollis]

[image: Samuel Thaxter, Jr.]

[image: Theodore C. Hurd]

[image: Benj. H. Ticknor]

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followed by supper, and all except the guard were at liberty within the lines until "taps" at 9 P. M., when lights in the barracks must be put out.


SOCIAL LIFE IN THE BARRACKS.

The evenings were passed in recreative ways and lively scenes in the buildings were common. In some were music and dancing, or games of cards, etc.; the familiar war songs of the time were sung by many voices, and the chorus being often caught up from one part to another, the whole camp rang with the inspiring strains. Religious meetings were also frequent in one or other of the buildings, and many joined in the services by speaking or singing. These were real union meetings, no one denomination prevailing.

Permission to pass the lines was often given, and in the leisure parts of the day we had various diversions, such as going in swimming at the river or a pond near by, when the weather was warm enough, as on September 27, October 7, 8 and 9, with occasional football games (the Colonel did not join in these, though good at it when in college), and gymnastic feats, where the stouter muscle of the sailor-man was oft excelled by the slim civilian. Some took long pedestrian trips in the vicinity, and the band playing on top of the big hill one day. We were sportive enough, but not so much so as a regiment within one of us, which decorated its barracks with Chinese lanterns, flags, and many gay devices, mottoes and ornaments, and while in the service got up a song-book, newspaper, magazine, debating club, concerts, and even dramas, balls, masquerades, and opera.


RELATIONS OF OFFICERS AND MEN.

In due course of time officers and men became well acquainted with each other and with their several duties, and the esprit de corps grew to a unity of purpose and fellow-feeling in a common interest and ambition to win a good record for the Regiment. Of the large number who met at first as strangers, individuals were soon influenced by sundry affinities or contrasts, and attachments began which lasted through the campaign, at least; or after often sharing each other's blankets and rations

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and experiencing perils, hardship and adventure in the wild scenes of bivouac, march and battle together, resulted in friendships to be cherished during life.


A VISIT FROM GOVERNOR ANDREW.

On October 15th we were reviewed by Governor Andrew, who, with his staff and medical men, was on a tour of inspection of all the camps at Readville. On the morning of the twenty-second the Regiment marched to the railroad depot to see off for New Berne the Forty-Fourth, which had been at Camp Meigs since August 29th. One pleasant Sunday morning our Regiment attended service at the Park Street Church in Boston, and heard a discourse by our Chaplain, Rev. A. L. Stone, who afterward became endeared to all. Our first marching drill with muskets was on October 27th. About the twenty-ninth a case of varioloid appeared somewhere in the camps, and a general vaccination was ordered. Each company of us filed to the hospital where every man received the lancet and virus in his arm--fortunate those who suffered no worse wound or disease during the service. This operation had its compensation for who those "took" it severely, as they were excused from drill or got their leaves of absence at that time. On the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth the new rifles and some clothing, such as blouses, gloves, etc., were distributed; on the thirtieth the height, weight, and a detailed description of each man were recorded.


MARCHING ORDERS.

We were now under marching orders and it was known that our destination was North Carolina, not the Army of the Potomac as had been supposed. November 1, each man's gun was stamped with a number to identify it as his special charge to keep, and to maintain in prime order and a high state of polish. We were armed with the Springfield rifles. The Forty-Fourth carried Enfield rifles captured in a blockade runner.

November 1st was a gala day. The Governor was again present with General Pierce, Commandant of the Post, and the grounds were en fete with our best display, and a throng of visitors in carriages and on foot. The occasion was chiefly the presentation

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of a handsome blue silk banner to the Regiment from ladies, personal friends of the officers. Most of those present were visiting us for the last time.


GOOD-BY TO CAMP MEIGS.

The final days here were busy with the preparation for leaving, and early in the morning of November 5th blankets were rolled up and knapsacks packed. Many trifles that had accumulated in our quarters had to be left, or were cast into the fires, where the camp kettles hung, cooking our parting meal. The sentries on their well-worn paths were relieved for the last time, and at ten A. M. the Regiment was ready to march. We left the fire still burning by the guard tent, where at night we had smoked our pipes and tended the potatoes roasting in the ashes for our midnight lunch, or, wrapped in our blankets, feet to the fire, had slept till aroused to go upon guard at our several posts.

The deserted barracks remained in memory as the scenes of an active and mostly pleasant life, with comforts often lacking in camps occupied afterward. To the tunes of "Auld Lang Syne" and the like by the band, we marched to the station, whence the train bore us away about eleven A. M., and we embarked the same day, with the Forty-Sixth Regiment, on the iron steamer Mississippi for transfer to New Berne.

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From Readbille to Morehead City, N. C.

BY PRIVATE FRANKLIN H. DEAN, COMPANY A.

DOUBTLESS the least interesting portion of the experience of the Forty-Fifth Regiment is the history of its trip from Readville to Morehead City, N. C. Not that the passage was devoid of incident, but because it was evidently free from inspiration. Dull and eventless camp life sometimes becomes monotonous, but lying between decks in bunks, dark and comfortless, is stagnation.


MARCHING ORDERS AND DEPARTURE FROM READVILLE.

On the first days in November, it began to be rumored about Camp Meigs that "marching orders" had come. Many were the speculations as to the Regiment's destination, and various arguments were advanced to the effect that it must be, as each disputant presented his case, the Potomac, New Orleans, Texas, and New Berne. At last the official order was read at "Dress Parade" and general satisfaction seemed to prevail that New Berne was to be our destination. After this all was activity in our camp, and to the untried soldier it was the great question how all the accumulations of comforts of a month in camp could be transported in knapsack, haversack, or canteen, to a new camp facing the enemy in North Carolina. The sequel proved that these accumulations must remain behind for the benefit of those who were to follow us in the occupation of the Readville barracks. The last evening in camp was spent as had been the custom by the presence of many friends of the Regiment. "Taps" were sounded, and the boys slept for the last night where they first formed their army associates and friendships. On the morning of November 5th, the Forty Fifth Regiment fell into line, equipped for the march, and went directly to the little station on the Boston and Providence Railroad at Readville, where they boarded the train for Boston.

[image: Franklin H. Dean, Co. A]

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ARRIVAL IN BOSTON AND RECEPTION ON THE COMMON.

After the usual delays attending such movements, the boys formed in line at the Park-Square Station, about noon, to march to the Charles-Street Mall on the Common. Drawn up in line to receive us, and accompanied by many past officers and members, was the Independent Corps of Cadets, who honored the regiment by performing escort duty for the day. Taking up the line of march, the Regiment came to a halt near the Beacon Street end of the Mall. The Parade Ground of the Common was roped off, and some five thousand or more people standing outside greeted the boys. The Boston Journal commenting said, "the men wore their new overcoats, and looked in fine condition." An abundant repast of sandwiches, cake and coffee had been prepared by Boston ladies, and appetites whetted by keen November air caused those good things to disappear in a very brief time. Then those who were fortunate enough to have family and other friends present managed to bid them "good-by."

Colonel Codman, having the natural and pardonable pride of a Bostonian in his own city, then put the Regiment through some manœuvres to the delight and applause of friends gathered outside the ropes. Then, forming the men in a hollow square, the officers stepped to the centre and John A. Andrew, to be known in all history as the War Governor of Massachusetts, stepped into the square and presented the Regiment with the colors of the old Commonwealth. Among the many inspiring utterances coming from his lips, Governor Andrew said in part--"I know, whatever future may betide you, the people of Massachusetts will always maintain in their hearts the unfailing certainty that the honor of the Commonwealth, the dignity of their own character, the fidelity of their own purpose will be fitly represented whether in the police or morals of the camp, or in the sharp conflict of the battle-field; wherever your swords are drawn, louder than the din of battle, let your exulting shout crown the hour of Victory; higher than our Eagle soars, let the flame of your patriotism ascend toward the skies and pure as the white field of the flag of the Commonwealth shall be the firmness of your patriotic loyalty. Go Sirs! Go Gentlemen! Go

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Soldiers! The sympathy of the old Bay State accompanies you to the field, and the prayers of good men whom you leave behind you shall attend in every conflict, and the blessing of God himself be with you and our Holy Cause forever!" Colonel Codman said on receiving the colors, "The future will tell you how much we deserve the enconium you have passed upon us." After this the Regiment, under the escort, passed off the Common, marching through Beacon, Tremont, Court, State and Commercial Streets to Battery Wharf where the transport steamship Mississippi lay waiting to receive our command.

The sidewalks along the line of march were thronged with people, and the balconies and windows crowded with ladies who vied with each other in giving the Forty-Fifth Regiment evidence of their esteem and affection. The Transcript of that day said, "As the Cadet Regiment was marching through Tremont Street, Colonel Chickering's command, escorting the distinguished General Banks, moved along Washington Street, affording an excellent opportunity of viewing both regiments."


EMBARKATION FOR NORTH CAROLINA.

On reaching Battery Wharf, a strong guard was placed to keep the public away, and as quickly as possible, the whole Regiment, and three companies of the Forty-Sixth, with line officers, baggage, horses, etc., were placed on board, and, as the sun descended below the New England hills, the huge transport swung into the stream and steamed down the bay to its anchorage in President Roads. During the night the wind came squarely round to the east, and in the morning a severe storm was raging. The steamers Mississippi and Merrimac, which now lay near each other, had been fitted up with bunks, three tiers deep, with narrow aisles between the tiers, the whole space dimly lighted, and the means of ventilation anything but satisfactory. Added to this was the mysterious character of the rations dipped from a large caldron, and the tepid water, condensed for drinking, the tea, black in color and oily in taste, said by the growlers to be made from the black overcoats of our friends of the Forty-Sixth;

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all this, with the rolling of the steamer, produced, in many, a nausea that was anything but romantic.

This state of affairs continued for five days, until the writer's condition reminded him of the Hibernian woman who said, "By me faith, I lay spacheless, six wakes in the hot month of Arugust, flat on me back, face downwards, and me only cry was--'wather, wather'." Some of the men soon discovered that by taking one of the lanterns that shed its dim rays on the scene, ascending to the deck and passing down a narrow staircase forward, they could have it replenished with oil, and themselves replenished with an abundant supply of ice water. Never before in the history of the lighting did lamps need replenishing so often! The Boston Journal of the 8th, said, "So many men having been gathered together in a small space scarcely any of whom have been at sea, has been productive of considerable sea-sickness and suffering among the men, and it has been desirable and necessary to cleanse and purify the vessels before proceeding to sea. One private, named Snell, who was sick when the Regiment embarked, died yesterday, and the body was brought to the city this afternoon."

The following "General Order" was issued by the Adjutant General--"The Forty-Third, Forty-Fifth and Forty-Sixth Regiments Massachusetts Volunteer Militia on board the transports Merrimac and Mississippi in Boston Harbor will be at once taken from their transports and placed in Forts Warren and Independence, and wherever accommodations can be found for them, where they will remain until the ships are cleaned of filth, and made ready again to receive the troops. Colonel Codman of the Forty-Fifth will promulgate this order to the officers commanding the Forty-Third and Forty-Sixth Regiments, and will see to the execution of it. General Schouler has gone down the harbor to personally attend to the condition of the men." The writer finds upon consulting the different authorities that this order was not carried out because of the unwillingness of the commanders of the forts above mentioned to receive the troops. The matter was finally adjusted by taking the Forty-Sixth Regiment to the city and quartering the men at Faneuil Hall.

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The Boston Journal of the 10th said, "The all prevailing topic of this week is the condition of the troops on board the Merrimac and Mississippi, and a great deal of anxiety is felt and expressed for the comfort of the troops.

There are not two finer transport steamers in the employ of the Government than the Merrimac and the Mississippi."

In ordinary weather the steamers could have carried the troops embarked on them much more comfortably than the British soldiers were transported. As soon as the facts of the above-named "General Order" were made known, Quartermaster McKim took possession of the steamer Saxon, Captain Matthews, of the Boston and Philadelphia line of steamers, that was to have sailed Saturday at four o'clock, P. M. The freight was discharged, and she was quickly made ready to receive the Forty-Sixth Regiment. On the 18th, there appeared in the city dailies a letter from Chaplain Stone in reference to a sensational article appearing in the Evening Express, which represented the Forty-Fifth in a state of open rebellion. He said, "No statement could have been more unfounded in fact. Their cheerfulness, their harmony, their perfect obedience to orders, their unmurmuring consent to all that is disagreeable and trying in their situation, have been the delight and pride of their officers. There is considerable intelligence in these regiments, and not a few of the men are capable of wondering why they were hurried away from Readville, and packed on board a transport ship with hardly room to draw a long breath, to wait here four days for a convoy, the necessity for which was as well understood before they left as since. The commander of this vessel, the veteran Captain Baxter, remarked to-day at table, 'Well, Colonel, I must give your men the palm above all I have yet carried, for orderly and peaceful conduct on board, because they have been through severer trials than any others.' "

A pleasant incident associated with the Boston Harbor experience is worthy to be recalled. When the Swampscott boys enlisted, they suffered in common with others while waiting to make their trip to the South. Captain Blanchard, learning of their state, came home and related it to the people. Immediately

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he collected a large store of goods, among them being many barrels of apples, which the farmers supplied. The Captain took them to Boston over the water, during a terrific storm. It was so bad that the crew asked many times to return, and thought he was crazy to venture further. He kept on, and successfully landed his cargo, which was greatly appreciated by the boys.

When the Forty-Sixth Regiment joined the rest down the bay on board the Saxon, the men were greeted with, "Did you dine at Parker's?" "How are the girls?" "Is Faneuil Hall in Dock Square now?"

Aggravating replies of an exaggerated character were given. One had a good night's rest, but didn't sleep a wink. On the 10th, the convoy Huron having arrived, the fleet was, towards evening, at last ready to sail. Shortly after a signal from the warship, the Mississippi led off the column followed by the Saxon a half mile distant, and close upon her was the Merrimac, and bringing up in the rear was the Huron, having on board ample means with a gallant crew to defend the fleet against Confederate cruisers. It was ordered that the fleet keep as close as possible to each other for the purpose of protection, should any danger occur.

The next morning we sailed past Gay Head, and by noon were out of sight of land. On the 12th, the sea was rather rough for landsmen, and considerable sickness prevailed. On the 13th, the sea was again calm. In the evening many of the comrades were on deck singing when the light of Hatteras appeared. At an early hour, those on deck caught their first sight of the low coast of Carolina. Previous to this a suspicious craft had been seen, and the transports had lain by awaiting developments. For this reason the vessels had changed position somewhat, the Merrimac having the lead upon entering the harbor of Morehead City, and taking on board the only pilot, she steamed towards the railroad wharf, closely followed by the Mississippi, both making a chase for the first occupation of the wharf. Luckily for the Forty-Fifth, the Merrimac struck a sandbar, and while struggling to get off, the Mississippi steamed by and reached the wharf in advance, much to the chagrin of the other

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fellows. Nearly nine days had been spent in our narrow quarters, and the men set foot on Confederate soil with the greatest pleasure, to face an enemy whose power they knew not, and the exigencies of battle that none could foresee.

[image: Albert W. Mann, Co. A]

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Camp Amory on the Crent

BY PRIVATE ALBERT W. MANN OF COMPANY A.

ON our arrival at Morehead City, North Carolina, November 14, 1862, there were no crowds of enthusiastic friends to welcome us, but on the wharf were a few whites, whose cold and stony countenances seemed in accord with the bleak and dreary landscape of sand and water that stretched for miles on either side of us. We disembarked at four o'clock, clambered on to platform cars, and started on our forty mile ride to New Berne. As we entered the woody district the signs on every hand indicated that we were in the enemy's country and that this railroad was closely guarded by our troops. There were numerous camps and picket stations, and here and there a blockhouse, commanding a road or a bridge. A swampy country extended for many miles on either side of the railroad track, covered with a heavy growth of pines, in whose depths were stores of tar and turpentine, about the only source of wealth in this desolate looking district. At eight o'clock that evening our train rolled over the long bridge which spans the river Trent, and we entered the town of New Berne. We were cold and hungry and appreciated the "hot coffee" provided for us by our friends of the Forty-Fourth, who had been awaiting our arrival.

Our wing of the Regiment had been assigned quarters for the night in a government warehouse, and to many of the boys no feather bed on the old farm ever seemed so inviting and comfortable as did those bags of oats on which we rested our weary bodies that first night in New Berne. We were up bright and early the next morning and took a brief stroll around the town, which we found to be pleasantly situated at the confluence of the Trent and Neuse rivers, its streets regularly laid out and shaded by graceful elms. Many of the old and well-to-do citizens left the town when it was taken by the Union forces, and their

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large and handsome residences were taken possession of by the Government and occupied by the general officers of our Army Corps and the Provost Guard.

The city was one vast camp with but few white civilians. A few enterprising citizens remained and did a thriving business in various lines, often making serious inroads on the pocketbooks of the Yankee invaders.

Before taking up the march for our quarters across the Trent, our Springfield rifles, which had been shipped to New Berne in cases were unpacked and delivered to the men. Then, in heavy marching order, we formed our regimental line and started for our camp ground, crossing the long railroad bridge and following the road along the edge of the river. On our way we passed the camp of the Seventeenth Massachusetts who were quartered in tents. They turned out en masse and greeted us with hearty cheers. After a tramp of a mile and a half, over a sandy road and under a hot sun, we reached the barracks assigned to us on the east bank of the river Trent. In my mind's eye I can see those long, rough wooden sheds, standing parallel to each other, and at right angles to the river, which we were to occupy and which would ever after be known to us as


CAMP AMORY ON THE TRENT.

In our fatigued condition it was a welcome resting place, a very haven of rest. In the rear of our barracks was the main road from New Berne to Beaufort, crossing the Trent at this point, over the county bridge, its approach guarded by Fort Gaston, a little earthwork. The river Trent formed one boundary of our camp ground. The officers' quarters were directly opposite, a short distance beyond the ends of the barracks. There were five rooms in each shed, one for each company. The detail for camp guard was made at once after our arrival and the guards posted. Then the command, "Break Ranks" was given and there was a grand scramble for bunks. The quarters for each company were roomy and comfortable, and a little later we each had large open fire-places around which we spent many pleasant hours in the long winter evenings. Our barracks occupied the

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site of a former Confederate Cavalry Camp, and was originally a portion of a large cotton plantation, whose owner was an officer in the Confederate Army. Camp Amory received its name in compliment to Colonel Amory of the Seventeenth Massachusetts, commanding our brigade, which was composed of the Seventeenth, Twenty-Third, Forty-Third, Forty-Fifth and Fifty-First Massachusetts regiments. Our camp became more and more comfortable and pleasant with every day's occupation, but we soon realized that our long holiday was over and we were now engaged in the stern duties of soldiers in the field. A pleasant memory in the early days of our camp life there, is a little excursion that twenty of us made to the brick mansion, once the home of the owner of the plantation, having been detailed to get bricks to build a chimney for our barracks. It was only a few minutes' walk from our camp. The mansion house was a sad ruin, the front wall nearly demolished, the windows broken, and the bats flying in and out. In front of the house was a lawn, once finely kept, which sloped gradually down to the river, and scattered here and there were some noble old trees. In the rear were the negro quarters, also a large cotton press and cotton gin, all going to decay. Under the shade of a holly tree was a tomb from which I copied the following beautiful epitaph:


Here are deposited the remains of
Gen. Richards Dobbs Spaight
who departed this life on the 6th September, 1802
Aged 44 years.

He is gone, lamented by the good and revered by the brave.

He is gone, loaded with the honors of his country and the bendictions of his friends.

So sleeps the brave who sink to rest
By all their country's wishes blest.
When Spring, with dewy fingers cold,
Returns to deck his hallowed mold;
She there will find a sweeter sod,
Than Fancy's feet have ever trod.
By fairy hands his knell is rung
By forms unseen his dirge is sung,
There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray,
To bless the turf that wraps his clay,
And Freedom shall awhile repair,
And dwell a weeping hermit there.

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The tomb was built of brick, five feet high and twelve feet square, and there were the indications of a house having covered it at one time. History informs us that General Richards Dobbs Spaight was a delegate from North Carolina to the Convention which framed the Constitution of the United States, and he was one of the signers of that memorable document.

One of the bright spots in our life at Camp Amory was the arrival of the steamer from New York, bringing the mail for the soldiers in the department. It came to pass that the names of those steamers, the Dudley Buck and Ellen S. Terry became as familiar as household words. On one occasion, soon after our arrival, Captain Denny entered the barracks with three hundred letters for the members of Company A. I seem to hear the sharp, clear voice of Sergeant Barstow as he read off the names, and can see the eager, expectant look on the faces of my comrades. They were tender, encouraging messages which came to us from the loved ones at home, and it was an inspiration to right action to know that our friends in New England were thinking of us, praying for us, and at the same time sending us so many substantial tokens of their affection, for the cargo of every steamer from New York was largely made up of boxes for the Massachusetts boys in the department, and we of the Forty-Fifth received our full proportion. They were full of just such eatables as our good mothers knew we were particularly fond of, every one expressive of deep love, while tucked away here and there was a leaflet, a paper, or a book, showing their anxiety for our mental and spiritual welfare. While these good things lasted, the sutler's business, was almost at a standstill. Occasionally some of us were favored with brief visits from relatives and friends from the North. At such times the rigor of military discipline was somewhat relaxed by our kind-hearted Colonel, and we were permitted to enjoy their society for a while.

[image: Battle Of Goldsboro]

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Life at Camp Amory proceeded according to strict military rules. When the "reveille" sounded there was no loitering in bunks, but an instantaneous gathering on to the floor of our barracks. Sergeant Barstow was a model of promptness and regularity, and in our opinion was one of the best Orderly Sergeants in the Regiment. His quick eye seemed to take in everything at a glance, and his clear ringing voice commanded instant attention.

Three days after our arrival we had a "general inspection." We were ordered out in "heavy marching order" as if we were going to leave our camp. Some thought we were going to New Berne, but we were halted out on the plain, half a mile from our barracks, and were reviewed by Major General Foster and Staff. Early in December in obedience to orders from headquarters, Colonel Codman detailed two companies for special service. Company C went to Morehead City, and on the following day Company G, under command of Lieutenant Thayer, left for garrison duty at Fort Macon. Several of the officers and men were also detached from the Regiment for special service. Captain Joseph Murdoch of Company G, went on Colonel Amory's Staff as aid, and Lieutenant Dewson as Brigade Quartermaster, his place as Regimental Quartermaster being filled by Lieutenant Emmons of Company E. Lieutenants Richardson of Company A, and Blagden of Company I, went into the Signal Corps and never rejoined their commands. The men were variously distributed, some on signal service, many as clerks at the various headquarters, assistants in the hospitals, teamsters, etc., thus materially weakening the Regiment in point of numbers by these heavy details.

Colonel Codman was a thorough and persistent drill master and seemed determined that we should become proficient in every movement laid down in the "tactics," and the Forty-Fifth earn the name of being one of the best drilled regiments in the department. Company drills were always in order for the forenoon, and in the afternoon regimental, and frequently brigade drills. There was an immense level field back of the officers' quarters, and Colonel Codman made the most of it, and we

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tramped many miles over it in our daily drills. Fortunately the weather was favorable for such active out-of-door exercise, the days being quite mild, like our Indian summer in New England, but the nights were cold and damp. We shall never forget those brigade drills on those burning sands in company with the Seventeenth, Twenty-Third, Forty-Third and Fifty-First Regiments, Colonel T. J. C. Amory in command. Colonel Codman in the regimental drills had a very plain and direct way of addressing the line officers when they blundered, which greatly amused us "high privates" and increased our respect for his clear-sightedness. Just before sunset the day's duties closed with a dress parade, which was a very different exhibition from that given at Readville. Not only had the constant drilling improved the bearing and marching of the men, but our band, by constant practice had also made a great advance, and gave us some very good music.

When the Seventeenth Massachusetts was detailed for Provost Duty in New Berne, we were obliged by General Orders to furnish a detail for picket duty across the river. The preparations for this service were as extensive as if we were bound on an expedition, instead of a simple bivouac for the night. It was quite a different duty from that on the Potomac, and was in some degree a relief from the monotonous daily round of camp life. There were six stations across the river under the com mand of a Corporal. The Picket Guard with rations and blankets went out one morning and were relieved the next. There was no expectation that an enemy would approach in that direction, and yet one night we had a practical example of its great advantage as told by Sergeant Barry in "The Sergeant's Story." When relieved from our ordinary camp guard we had a little target practice and the best shot was exempted from guard duty for a while.

This routine of drill, guard and police duty, led many to think that our term of service would be an inactive one, but in the army, the "unexpected" frequently happens. These rigid drills and high state of discipline, were, after all, preparing us for the stern realities of war which we were to experience in a few

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short weeks. These fears of inactivity were dispelled by rumors, which spread through the camp, that our Regiment would soon take part in an aggressive movement, and on the 8th of December, 1862, "Marching Orders" were read on "Dress Parade."

Early in January, after our return from the Goldsboro Expedition, we had a welcome visitor, in the shape of Uncle Sam's Paymaster, and we drew the munificent sum of $19.95, our pay from September 15th, to November 1st. The paymaster's table was between the two lines of barracks, and close at hand was the happy Sutler, who scooped in a good full portion of the cash, for he had given the boys a pretty full line of credit. The sudden acquisition of so much ready money, gave some of us a desire to spend a portion of it, and two of us secured passes to New Berne. We were tired of "hard-tack" and "salt-horse," and even of the excellent baked beans, with which company-cook Davenport used to regale us; so we made a "bee-line" for Mrs. Morse's boarding-house on Middle Street, a restaurant well patronized by members of the Forty-Fifth. My comrades who have been there, will testify that it was a good dinner which she served to her patrons. The bill of fare included oysters, stewed chicken, ham, sausages, fish-balls, sweet potatoes, hoe-cakes, biscuits, and custard pudding, all for fifty cents. She was thoroughly "Secesh" in her sentiments, and used her tongue freely, but her sarcasm never spoiled our appetites. After dinner we visited the Masonic Hospital, and saw several of our Regiment who were wounded in the recent battles. These little excursions to New Berne and to neighboring camps, were pleasant features of our army life.

Our life at Camp Amory was full of incidents, amusing and entertaining. As we became better acquainted we took greater liberties with each other, and then the fun increased. It is no secret, that one member of Company A was pulled out of his bunk in the middle of the night, when he shouted with nightmare, rousing us all from sound slumber, then riding his nightmare he rushed out of the barracks onto the parade ground, followed by others, all in "undress uniform." The contrabands in

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our vicinity of all ages, sizes and colors, and of both sexes, paid us daily visits in great numbers; and our camp was a veritable bonanza to them, for we were liberal purchasers of their pies, cakes, biscuits and sweet potatoes. There was old "Gatsy" with her sweet potatoes, pies and cakes, and "Caleb" with his long cotton bag full of dough bullets. They took our persistent and practical jokes good naturedly, knowing that we were their friends and protectors. Once in a while a runaway slave from within the Confederate lines found his way into camp, and would be taken before Colonel Codman. One came into camp just before we started on the Goldsboro Expedition, who reported that since sunrise of the previous day, he had travelled from Jacksonville, forty miles distant, and that there was a large Confederate force in that vicinity. A day or two after our return from the mud-march to Trenton, some of the results of that raid came straggling through our camp, a hundred or more contrabands, escaped from slavery. Once under the "Stars and Stripes" they could claim, and were entitled to our protection.


THANKSGIVING DAY IN CAMP

will long be remembered. The companies were formed during the forenoon, marched to the parade ground, formed battalion line, then hollow square, the men four deep. Colonel Codman then read Governor Andrew's proclamation, as follows:--


COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN A. ANDREW, GOVERNOR.

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING AND PRAISE.

By and with the advice and consent of the Council, I do hereby appoint Thursday, the twenty-seventh day of November next, to be observed throughout this Commonwealth as a Day of Public Thanksgiving and Praise. And I do earnestly invite and request all the people of Massachusetts to set apart that day for the grateful and happy remembrance of the boundless mercies and loving kindness of Him, in whose name our fathers planted

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this Commonwealth, and to whose services they consecrated their lives and devoted their posterity. "The Lord has established His Throne in the Heavens and His Kingdom ruleth over all." He is the Sovereign Commander of all the world, in whose hand is power and might; which none is able to withstand, and to Him only belong ascriptions of glory, who is the only Giver of Victory. Let our hearts therefore ascend higher than all the interests that entangle, all the doubts that bewilder, the passions that ensnare, and the prejudices that obscure, consenting to be led, illumed and governed by His infinite intelligence and love. In the meditations of the House of Praise let us take comfort, and be thankful for the numberless manifestations of heroic and manly virtue, which, amid the distractions of War, in the duties of the camp, and in the perils of battle, have illustrated the character of the sons of Massachusetts, and for the serene and beautiful devotion with which her daughters have given the dearest offerings of their hearts to the support of their country, and for the defence of mankind.

Let us not forget the bountiful bestowments of the year, filling the granaries of the husbandman, and rewarding the toil of the laborer, the enterprise, thrift and industry of all our people.

No pestilence hath lurked in the darkness, nor assailed us in the light of day. Calamity hath not overwhelmed us, nor hath any enemy destroyed.

Rising to the height of our great occasion, reinforced by courage, conviction and faith, it has been the privilege of our country to perceive in the workings of Providence the opening ways of a sublime duty. And to Him, who hath never deserted the faithful unto Him "who gathereth together the outcasts of Israel, who healeth the broken in heart," we owe a new song of Thanksgiving. "He showeth His word unto Jacob, His statutes and His judgments unto Israel. He hath not dealt so with any nation."

Putting aside all fear of man, which bringeth a snare, may this people put on the strength which is the Divine promise and gift to the faithful and obedient, "let the praises of God be in their mouth, and a two-edged sword in their hand." Not with

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malice and wickedness, but with sincerity and truth, let us keep this feast, and while "we eat the fat, and drink the sweet, forget not to send a portion to him for whom nothing is prepared."

Let us remember that day the claims of all who are poor, or desolate, or oppressed, and pledge the devotion of our lives to the rescue of our country from the evils of rebellion, oppression and wrong, and may we all so order our conduct, hereafter, that we may neither be ashamed to live, nor afraid to die.

Given at the Council Chamber in Boston, this twenty-seventh day of October, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and the eighty-seventh of the Independence of the United States.

John A. Andrew.

By His Excellency the Governor with the advice of the Council.

Oliver Warner,

Secretary.

God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts!


After the reading of this Proclamation, Chaplain Stone made an earnest and fitting address, taking for his text the One Hundred and Forty-Sixth Psalm.

At the conclusion of the Chaplain's address, Major Sturgis called for three cheers for home, and good old Thanksgiving, then three more and three more, all of which were given with a good will. Again forming our regimental line, we faced a newly erected flagstaff, and, at a given signal, the flag at the top was loosened and floated in the breeze; our band struck up "The Star Spangled Banner," and Colonel Codman called for three times three cheers for the "Stars and Stripes" to which every man responded heartily. We were then dismissed and had the privilege of passing our camp lines, keeping inside the picket lines. Long after "Taps" sounded that night we sat around the log-fire in our barracks, and thought and talked of home, and how we usually passed Thanksgiving Day in old Massachusetts.


SUNDAY IN CAMP

was not wholly a day of rest. In the forenoon, according to Army Regulations, there came an inspection, when our guns,

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equipments and uniforms must be in the best possible condition. If the inside of the barrels of our rifles revealed an atom of dirt on the white glove of the inspecting officer, it called for a reprimand. To prepare for this inspection occupied the most of our Sunday forenoon. At three o'clock the "Assembly" sounded for "Divine Service." The band, stationed on the "Parade Ground," played the air of some familiar hymn and we marched by companies forming a hollow square enclosing the field officers and the band.

Then Chaplain Stone, with the same ease and reverence, that marked his manner in Park-Street Church, stepped forward, and with uncovered head, conducted the services, closed with the Doxology, "Old Hundred," sung by the whole Regiment.

The whole scene is photographed on my memory. I have a distinct recollection of a sermon he preached in January, 1863, just after our return from the Goldsboro Expedition, and of the practical application he made of the text which was from Psalm 66: XIII. "I will pay Thee my vows." His sermons were always interesting and of practical value. Without any long preamble he could touch and influence all hearts, and I am sure his memory is honored and revered by every man in the Regiment.

The loss of so many comrades in battle, and the illness of others, which in many cases proved fatal, naturally induced a deep seriousness among the members of the regiment.

Prayer meetings were held in the different company barracks, which were largely attended and very interesting. Many of the officers were in hearty sympathy with the movement, and some of them, at times, conducted the meetings.

A malarial fever carried off many of our comrades. In Surgeon Kneeland's article on the Medical and Surgical Department, he gives the cause of so much of the sickness at this time.

I have touched somewhat briefly on a few of the incidents and experiences which marked our life at Camp Amory.

As I have recalled them, doubtless many others have been in the minds of comrades, some of a personal, and some of a general nature, and perhaps more interesting than any here related, and more worthy a place in this Memorial Volume.

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Looking at the picture from this distance of time, there are many lights and but few shadows. We were young, hopeful and patriotic, and, as a rule, accepted the trials and discomforts of army life in a philosophical spirit. If there was a "silver lining to the cloud," we had a few buoyant souls who were sure to find it, and they inspired the rest of us, who took a more sombre view of things.

I cannot close without alluding to the enlivening influence exerted upon us by those who possessed the gift of song.

There were many splendid voices in our Regiment, and in those long winter evenings, when the log fire burned brightly in our barracks, and we gathered around it for warmth and sociability, those clear voices rang out, in songs that were comic, songs that were pathetic, songs that were patriotic, songs tender and sacred that carried our thoughts and hearts back to the old homestead in dear New England. I believe they made us better, braver and truer men. The sharing of common dangers and hardships, bound us closely together in ties of comradeship. It is a peculiar tie which perhaps none of us can clearly define, but we do know that our hearts respond most quickly to a greeting from a member of the "Old Forty-Fifth."

The soldier's life is one of change. In the Civil War he had no fixed abiding place. Therefore we were not surprised when orders were read on "Dress Parade," January 24, 1863, detailing our Regiment for "Provost Duty" in New Berne.

And thus ended our ten weeks' sojourn at Camp Amory on the Trent.

[image: Maj.-Gen. John G. Foster, Commanding 18th Army Corps Department of North Carolina]

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General John G. Foster.

OUR Corps Commander, John G. Foster, Major General of Volunteers, was a native of New Hampshire and born May 27, 1823. He graduated at West Point in 1846, and was appointed a brevet second lieutenant in the Corps of Engineers.

Among his classmates were Generals McClellan, Couch, Gordon, Oaks, Reno, Stedman and Sturgis of the Union Army; and Stonewall Jackson and Wilcox, of the Confederate Army. He served in the Mexican War, and was brevetted first lieutenant for gallantry at Contreras and Cherubusco, and as captain, for gallantry at Molino del Rey, where he was one of the party that stormed the Mexican works, and where he was severely wounded. In 1854, he was Assistant Professor of Engineering at West Point, became a captain July 1, 1860, and was brevetted major, December 26, 1860. April 28, 1858, he had charge of the fortifications in North and South Carolina, which duty he was performing when the Civil War broke out in 1861.

He was second in command in the garrison of Fort Sumter under Major Robert Anderson, and participated in the defence of that fort. After its surrender he was employed upon the fortifications of New York. October 23, 1861, he received a commission as Brigadier-General of Volunteers, commanding a brigade in the Burnside Expedition to North Carolina, and took a leading part in the capture of Roanoke Island and New Berne.

After the capture of New Berne he was made Governor of the place. In August, 1862, he was commissioned Major-General of Volunteers, and when General Burnside left North Carolina to join the Army of the Potomac, General Foster became the Commander of the Department, and on the creation of the Eighteenth Army Corps he was appointed to the command.

The following despatch was sent by General Foster after the Goldsboro Expedition:

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Headquarters Department of North Carolina December 20, 1862.

Major-General Halleck, General-in-chief, Washington.

My expedition was a perfect success. I burned the railroad bridge at Goldsboro and Mount Olive, and tore up several miles of the track of the Wilmington and Weldon Railroad. We fought four engagements, viz: at Southwest Creek, Kinston, Whitehall and Goldsboro, and whipped the enemy handsomely each time.

(Signed) J. G. Foster, Brigadier-General Commanding.


By a General Order dated New Berne, January 12, 1863, the following named officers were announced as constituting the Staff of the Major-General Commanding:

Brigadier-General, Edward E. Potter, Chief-of-Staff; Lieutenant-Colonel Southard Hoffman, Assistant Adjutant-General; Captain James H. Strong, Aide-de-Camp and Assistant-Adjutant and Inspector General; Major J. L. Stackpole, Judge Advocate; Major John F. Andrews, Senior Aide-de-Camp; Major Edward N. Strong, Aide-de-Camp; Captain George E. Garrard, Aide-de-Camp; Captain Louis Fitzgerald, Aide-de-Camp; Captain Daniel Messenger, Provost-Marshal; Lieutenant-Colonel Herman Briggs, Chief-Quartermaster; Captain J. C. Slaght, Assistant-Quartermaster; Captain Henry Potter, Assistant-Quartermaster; Captain William Holden, Assistant-Quartermaster; Captain J. J. Brown, Assistant-Quartermaster; Lieutenant Joseph A. Goldthwaite, Acting Commissary of Subsistence; Lieutenant T. W. Farquhar, United States Engineer Corps, Chief Engineer; Lieutenant M. F. Prouty, Acting Ordnance-Officer; Lieutenant J. Myers, United States Ordnance Corps; Surgeon F. G. Snelling, Medical Director.

From July 15 to November 15, 1863, General Foster was in command of the Department of Virginia and North Carolina, and from December 12, 1863 to February 9, 1864, he commanded the Department of the Ohio. This command he was obliged to relinquish on account of severe injuries, resulting from a fall from his horse. After remaining on "sick leave" two months in Baltimore, he assumed command of the Department of the South, retaining it from May 26, 1864 to February 11, 1865. From August, 1865, to December, 1866, he commanded the Department of Florida.

Page 91

He was made Lieutenant-Colonel in the Engineer Corps of the Regular Army, March 7, 1867, and brevetted Major-General of the Regular Army. He was mustered out of the Volunteer service September, 1866. "After thirty-two years of continuous service he retired to his home in Nashua, where, suffering for six months as a consumptive (a disease which had carried off most of his family) he died September 2, 1874, and was buried with military and civic honors due his rank and services.

"It was his fortune to hear the first gun that ushered in the Civil War, and when at its close the news arrived in Florida of the surrender of Lee and Johnston, he was still pressing marauding bands infesting that State." We take the liberty of quoting here the excellent tribute to his memory and services, by the Historian of the Twenty-Seventh Massachusetts Regiment.

"Major-General Foster was regarded as one of the most accomplished, brave and prudent officers in the army, and during his long and varied service never suffered a defeat on the field.

"He was endowed with wonderful foresight and fertility of resource, enabling him to provide for any emergency, so that his troops never were found in false or fatal positions. This was in part due to his military training, and in part to a trait asserting itself in all his acts, that what was worth doing at all was worth doing well. As a result, whatever field he entered, he became conversant with all its features and detail. As engineer on the coast defences of North and South Carolina, previous to the war, he had not only acquainted himself with the fortifications, but the topography of the surrounding country during the Rebellion. As commander of New Berne he built its fortifications so well that though the enemy several times drove the garrison into the intrenchments they never dared assault them. John G. Nicolay, private secretary to President Lincoln, commenting on the bombardment of Fort Sumter thirty-six hours, without the loss of a single life, says, 'Captain Foster, the accomplished engineer of the fort, by many expedients known to military science, had pushed its defences to a state of relative completeness, with the limited means within the fort. Most of the embrasures of the lower tier of casemates were closed, and here the garrison were securely housed.'

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"His nature was more inclined to aggression than defence. By restless activity with a small force, he was able to inflict serious losses upon a larger one, and by surprises and reconnoisances, to hold them constantly on the defensive. He was a strict disciplinarian; but his genial nature cultivated a most cordial relation with subordinates. His wise, humane, and yet determined course, secured the fear and respect of both friends and foes.

His remains now rest in the Nashua Cemetery, a plain marble shaft, bearing the following inscription, marks his last resting place:

To my Husband, John Gray Foster, Lieut. Col. U. S. Engineers, and Brevet Maj. Gen'l United States Army, Died at Nashua, Sept. 2, 1874. Aged 51.

Post No. 7, Grand Army of the Republic, Nashua, N. H., has the honor of bearing his name.

[image: Col. T. J. C. Amory, Commanding 17th Regt. Mass. Vols., Acting Brigadier General]

Page 93

Colonel T. J. C. Amory.

From Army and Navy Journal, October 22, 1864.

THE Army will read with deep regret the announcement of the death, at New Berne, N. C., on the 6th instant, of Colonel T. J. C. Amory, late of the Seventeenth Massachusetts Volunteers, and the Seventh Infantry. His disease was yellow fever, which reached a fatal termination a few days after the same malady had deprived him of his devoted wife.

Colonel Amory was graduated at the Military Academy in 1851, and was assigned to the Seventh Infantry, in which he obtained a first lieutenantcy in 1855, and in 1861, a captaincy. In the latter year he was appointed colonel of the Seventeenth Massachusetts Volunteers, with which regiment he took part in Burnside's North Carolina Expedition, where he remained stationed up to the time of his death.

Colonel Amory was a quiet, unobtrusive, cultured gentleman, and in every respect a fine soldier. During nearly the whole of his service in North Carolina, he was in command of a brigade or a sub-district equal to a brigade. He had been frequently recommended to promotion to volunteer rank more proportionable to the importance of his command and his worth as an officer, but for some reason he failed to obtain what was generally felt to be his due. But to one of Colonel Amory's temperament who was far more devoted to duty than to fame, the absence of the star from his shoulder was no great source of discontent or uneasiness. He earned what was better than rank, the respect and confidence of every comrade, officer and soldier in his command.

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The Signal Corps.

BY GEORGE W. ESTABROOK OF COMPANY A.

Entrance into the Corps.

ONE day while at Camp Amory on the Trent, I had a summons from Lieutenant Pond of Company A, and on reporting, was told by him that a detail would soon be made from our Company for the Signal Corps and he asked me if I would like to be detached for that service. I had an old college friend in the Corps, and a member of another Massachusetts Regiment, a man whom I knew intimately and liked extremely. From what I had learned, it seemed as if there would be more liberty of action, that I could see and do more than would be possible as a private in the line, that the life would be more full of adventures than ordinary service.

I concluded to accept the offer, telling the Lieutenant that if he and the Colonel thought the Rebellion could be put down more easily and efficiently, I was willing to be detached for the service, and I reported at once for duty at the Corps Headquarters in New Berne. I don't remember where our officers were quartered, but we men were in an old building, which was used at one time as an undertaker's or a carriage-builder's shop, and located on one of the main streets of the town. It was a loose-jointed old structure, not nearly as tight as our barracks at Camp Amory, and no way of warming it except by a sheet-iron stove, and I recall how bitter cold it was there.

There were no commissioned officers there with us, but we all were in charge of one of the older men. There was no "Guard mounting" nor visible authority, and everything was done in a "go as you please" manner. The instruction and drill in our duties were given by older men, and but a short time was required to give us a fair inkling of their scope and to remove any illusions with which we regarded them, and our privileges and opportunities. In regard to illusions. First, I supposed we were

[image: Corp. Augustus S. Lovett, Co. A]

[image: George W. Estabrook, Co. A]

[image: Gardner Gilman, Co. A]

[image: Thos. W. Shapleigh, Co. A]

Page 95

a mounted body, and so I believe we should have been, but there were not horses enough to go around, and thus I never had one. To be sure I did not know how to ride, and it was therefore just as well for me that I did not become a cavalryman, but I never regretted not being mounted. My friend Bancroft on the strength of the reputation the Corps enjoyed of being mounted, got on tick from the Sutler or some other person, a fine pair of top-boots, with spurs, and that was as far as he got, for he never had a horse, at least not while I was in the Department of North Carolina. He used to walk about a great deal, with those boots on, and presented a very gallant and martial appearance.

For arms, we had Colt's revolvers. I don't think I ever had occasion to fire mine. For uniform, cavalry jackets, as well as our usual regimentals, and cavalry trousers, with reinforced seats. The privileges of the Corps were quite substantial, as the Corps jackets commonly passed us all over the city during the day, and a written pass was easily obtained, running for an indefinite time. I do not think I was ever turned back by a sentry for want of a pass. We went out when we liked, and where we liked, after we had learned our work, doing pretty much as we chose, which was a very pleasant change from the monotony of camp.


THE FLAGS, TORCHES AND MANNER OF SIGNALLING.

I presume you are more or less familiar with the tools of our branch of the service, and to some extent with the method of their use, but a brief description may be of interest, and there may be some points you do not know about. Signalling with us was done by flags and torches, as messages were sent by day or night. The flags were of two sizes, four feet and six feet square, and were on jointed poles, twelve and sixteen feet in length. The flags usually had a colored square in the centre to distinguish them, I suppose, from other flags which might be used in the exigencies of the service.

Night work was done with torches attached to staffs, similar to those used with the flags. Beside the swinging torch, another and a larger one was placed on the ground before the operator to

Page 96

indicate his position, and help in reading the motions by affording a fixed point relative to the swinging torch. The large torch held about two quarts, and the swinging torch about half as much. We used camphene for filling them, and had a gallon canteen for carrying it. The grounded torch was not to be let go out while a message was being sent, and filling such a one from a gallon canteen while a high wind was blowing, was often a necessary, and always a rather unpleasant incident of the night work.

The harder the wind blew the larger the flag had to be, as in a wind, it would double over itself and reduce the field exposed to the watchers at the other stations. Officers, of course, had field glasses for field work, but on stations, large spy glasses were used, which were fixed in place when the stations were far apart, as it would be hard to train them accurately. If the stations were not too distant from each other, the glasses could be lined by fixed marks in the home stations. I believe it is claimed that signalling has been done between points more than twenty miles apart, although I never saw it done. I have known of it being done between stations a dozen miles apart.

The first day after I reported for duty, I was taken into the yard back of our quarters by one of the old men, who gave me a flag and told me I must take position holding it erect before me, and when he called "One!" I must move it in a quarter circle to my left and return it to the upright position. This was a continuous movement, without pausing when the flag was at its lowest point. The order "Two!" required a corresponding motion to my right. There could be a I and II and a III and IIII made by making one, two, three or four of these left hand movements. There could not be a 12, though there might be a 14, which was made by the movement over a quarter circle to the left, and then by a half circle to the right. So 23 was made to right a quarter, and then to the left a half circle. Thus we obtained 1--14--142 or 143--141 without our making in fact more than four arcs of circles. At any time we were able to get thirty different and easily distinguishable movements, furnishing one for each letter in the alphabet, and four which were used for abbreviations, such as "ing" or "tion." There were combinations

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of five arcs used for numerals, but this was very seldom done, it being as easy and quick to spell the words out as to employ them.

There was another set of motions consisting of dropping the flag to the front. These were called 5--55--555, and they were employed to mark the end of a word, of a sentence, and of a message. The call to attract the attention of an observer was made by a continuous waving of the flag or torch from one side to the other until noticed and acknowledged by a similar swinging. Of course in signalling the operator faced the observing station, as otherwise the direction of motion could not be well distinguished by the observer. As you will realize, a constant watch had to kept up by day and by night at all stations, changing the eye from glass to glass, or point of the compass to point of the compass at short intervals.

When we entered the Corps the idea prevailed that the privates were not to be instructed in the meaning of these various movements.

"Ours not to reason why,
Ours but to do, or die;"

or at any rate, ours was simply to obey orders. I suppose the theory was that a private would be more likely than an officer to betray the code, as it was called, that is, to tell the enemy what the motions meant, or perhaps to tell one another or others of our soldiers. This, I think, was very silly for reasons I will state. In the first place we soon found out that the older men knew the code perfectly, and could read the messages with ease whenever they could see them; but they could not tell us new men anything. I never knew whether this was because of jealousy of us or to retain their superiority, or whether they were ordered to observe such reticence. The principal objection to such a course was its absolute futility. It is true that to the uninitiated spectator who saw the swiftly moving flags, or watched the gleaming lines of light, the whole thing looked very complicated and mysterious, but it is in fact very simple, unless a cipher is used far more complicated than the system employed while I served, and requiring a key for its translation. Where a symbol is constantly

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employed in place of a letter, the possession of a hundred or so words used consecutively in a communication is enough to work out a translation in a very short time. I think I could do it in a half hour or so.

Everyone has noticed how much more frequent the use of some letters is than others. Then the short words of common occurrence used, all contain at least one vowel, so from the little words, the "its," "has," "at," and "ises," one can soon determine which are the vowels, and after half a dozen letters are learned, the rest is very easy. For this reason, I say, unless a pretty complicated cipher is used, the communications are easily read by any intelligent friend or foe who is in a convenient location and is willing to take a little trouble. My friend Ingraham and I soon puzzled the whole thing out. I believe we first determined the meaning of 5s, indicating, as I said, the end of a word, sentence, or message. If I remember right, we next noticed that the preliminary orders were usually first--1 and then 14 then 5. This we guessed meant, as it actually did, "To" with the address of the message. "To" Captain "so and so," or Lieutenant "such a one." We never wrote anything down, but would remember the series of numbers between two fires (?) and try and piece out the word with what we already knew and guessed. I think we had it all in a fortnight. There were at that time, in all probability, messages sent in cipher, but I never knew of one to be used after I had picked out the code. I could always tell what the officer was sending as well as if he had handed it to me in writing, or told it and left me to send it. I remember one of the new officers calling the letter by name instead of its number once or twice like this "t," number "one." Of course we all remembered such give-aways.

I surprised one of the old men once by translating for him in a very short time, a page he had written down with a variation of meaning of numbers from that on the code. He thought it could not be done. Of course, as we got informed in our duties, we found things pleasanter, especially after we got so familiar with the code that we could tell the message sent. Occasionally we had news of interest. I was on duty one night in South Carolina

Page 99

when a vessel came into Hilton Head Harbor, and the signal officer on board called up a station at headquarters, not my station. I was so located that I could see the torch motions perfectly well, and read that the monitors had crossed the bar into Charleston Harbor. Sometimes we caught an officer tripping in his grammar, or spelling, at which we were amused, and felt our self-complacency restored in some degree; and that leads me to say that I thought then, and still believe, we could have officered the corps from the ranks fully as well as it was officered.

The men were a very intelligent set, more so than the average Massachusetts companies I think, and you must bear in mind that the corps was made up from regiments from almost everywhere. We had men from New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and some from the Western States. One, a Pennsylvania Dutchman, a solid-looking man, but very bright, stayed in the corps and, I believe, rose to a Captaincy. He went on the Goldsboro Expedition and came back leading a blind mare which belonged to some rebel general, and which he gave to one of the officers who sent it North, using it for breeding purposes, as it was a very fine animal. It was said that he took a rebel Major or Colonel prisoner on the Goldsboro Expedition. He rode up to him and demanded his sword, and on getting that said, "Now give me your haversack," and he got that too, with cookies in it. He was a fine cribbage player, and I played many a game with him. Rogers was a capital man. He was frequently sent on duty alone, or with a man or two under him. No officer was more expert than he. Hardy of the corps was a bright old man. He had been on a New Bedford whaler in the Pacific for a long time, and could speak the Spanish language quite fluently, having picked it up in the South American ports.

I found the old men of the corps very good fellows, and we had a mutual liking for each other. Since the war, we have formed a Signal Corps Organization, and have an annual dinner for the New England Branch. My service in it was not very extensive. When the Goldsboro Campaign took place I was just being instructed in my duties, and the older men were so much

Page 100

more experienced, they were sent and I was left behind in New Berne. After that, there was nothing of that nature in North Carolina.

In January I was sent with two or three other men under a Lieutenant down the railroad towards Morehead City. We were told to take three day's rations and our blankets, expecting to be gone only two or three days. Our station was set up on a stiltlike scaffolding, straddling the railroad where it made a curve, so we could look either way along the line. It was a very swampy and desolate place. Nearby was a block-house occupied by a company, or part of a company from one of our regiments. It was here I first saw blood shed. A soldier in the block-house shot a pig and gave me a piece of the meat. This was the first, and also the last blood I saw shed. This, however, was my good luck, and not due to the nature of the service. I believe that members of the Signal Corps were rather more exposed to capture, or being picked off by sharpshooters or guerillas, than those engaged in other branches of the service, for the nature of the duty requires that they should frequently be put into isolated positions with insufficient support, and their swinging flags and torches were an advertisement of their position by day and night, while an enemy, of course, feels that gobbling a post may seriously cripple his antagonist.

I remember that at this station we sent messages as to the arrival at Morehead City of government transports and ships of was This was impressed upon me, because from there we were ordered direct to Morehead City and sent to Hilton Head, South Carolina, on the transport Guide with the Twenty-Fourth Massachusetts. I thought the men of that regiment a pretty tough set. We had no opportunity to get our things from New Berne, and we went to South Carolina with only what we had on, and blankets, except perhaps an extra pair of stockings and handkerchief or so. After landing, we were sent off into camp, and on station, and as the paymaster did not get around and we had no credit with any sutler, we had pretty hard times. While there I had a slight attack of fever, but not enough to send me to the hospital. After being there five or six months, I was sent back to New Berne, and rejoined the regiment.

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In regard to the utility of the corps, I would say I believe it capable of being made of extreme advantage, if properly officered and manned. It should have for its officers not only good soldiers, capable of observing what is going on in the field and judging of the presence, movements and plans of the enemy from the indications which present themselves, but they should be men of scholarship and acuteness enough to readily use a pretty complicated cipher system, not easily puzzled out and capable of quick change. Such systems exist, but require ability of a peculiar kind in the officer using them, and I think a special education should be pursued by the practitioner. Of course in the field a single code must be used, as the information must be immediately available, and equally, of course, it is often of little importance if the enemy does know what is being said. When Sherman signalled Corse, and Corse sent his famous reply that he would hold the Fort, the facts so communicated were enough for each of them, and the Confederates might have known them without detriment to the communicants. Then in the attacking of fortified places, the attack on the fortifications of New Orleans by Farragut, for instance, the artillery fire was directed and regulated without its being necessary for the attacking vessels to expose themselves to the fire of the forts. Signalling, bear in mind, can be made like the eye or the ear. It bridges impassable spaces, and moves with the rapidity of sound and light. I regard a well disciplined and intelligent organization for this purpose as indispensable in modern warfare by sea or land, and I have no doubt such advances have already been made, that another war would find our forces far more completely and effectively assisted by it than it was while I was a member and knew of its operations.


History of the Forty-Fifth Regiment M.V.M. - End of Pages 55-101

 
Intro
Page 3-54
55-101
102-141
142-197
198-244
245-296
 
 
297-340
341-384
385-424
425-469
Roster 1
Roster 2
 


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