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The Westover Manuscripts - Pages 90-107
Page 90
19th. From hence we despatched the cart with our baggage under a guard,
and crossed Meherrin river, which was not thirty yards wide at that place.
By the help of fresh horses, that had been sent us, we now began to mend
our pace, which was also quickened by the strong inclinations we had to
get home. In the distance of five miles we forded Meherrin creek, which
was very near as broad as the river. About eight miles farther we came to
Sturgeon creek, so called from the dexterity an Occanechy Indian showed
there in catching one of those royal fish, which was performed after the
following manner. In the summer time it is no unusual thing for sturgeons
to sleep on the surface of the water, and one of them having wandered up
into this creek in the spring, was floating in that drowsy condition. The
Indian, above-mentioned, ran up to the neck into the creek a little below
the place where he discovered the fish, expecting the stream would soon
bring his game down to him. He judged the matter right, and as soon as it
came within his reach, he whipped a running noose over his jole. This
waked the sturgeon, which being strong in its own element darted
immediately under water and dragged the Indian after him. The man made it
a point of honour to keep his hold, which he did to the apparent danger of
being drowned. Sometimes both the Indian and the fish disappeared for a
quarter of a minute, and then rose at some distance from where they dived.
At this rate they continued flouncing about, sometimes above and sometimes
under water, for a considerable time, till at last the hero suffocated his
adversary, and hauled his body ashore in triumph.
About six miles beyond that, we passed over Wicco-quoi creek, named so
from the multitude of rocks over which the water tumbles, in a fresh, with
a bellowing noise. Not far from where we went over, is a rock much higher
than the rest, that strikes the eye with agreeable horror, and near it a
very talkative echo, that, like a fluent help-mate, will return her good
man seven words for one, and after all be sure to have the last. It speaks
not only the language of men, but also of birds and beasts, and often a
single wild goose is cheated into the belief that some of his company are
not far off, by hearing his own cry multiplied; and it is pleasant to see
in what a flutter the poor bird is, when he finds himself disappointed. On
the banks of this creek are very broad low-grounds in many places, and
abundance of good high-land, though a little subject to floods.
We had but two miles more to captain Embry's, where we found the
housekeeping much better than the house. Our bountiful landlady had set
her oven and all her spits, pots, gridirons and saucepans to work, to
diversify our entertainment, though after all it proved but a Mahometan
feast, there being nothing to drink but water. The worst of it was, we had
unluckily outrode the baggage, and for that reason were obliged to lodge
very sociably in the same apartment with the family, where, reckoning
women and children, we mustered in all no less than nine persons, who all
pigged lovingly together.
20th. In the morning colonel Bolling, who had been surveying in the
neighbourhood, and Mr. Walker, who dwelt not far off, came to visit us;
and the last of these worthy gentlemen, fearing that our drinking so much
water might incline us to pleurisies, brought us a kind supply both of
wine and cider. It was noon before we could disengage ourselves from the
courtesies of this place, and then the two gentlemen above-mentioned were
so good as to accompany us that day's journey, though they could by no
means approve of our Lithuanian fashion of dismounting now and then, in
order to walk part of the way on foot. We crossed Nottoway river not far
from our landlord's house, where it seemed to be about twenty-five yards
over. This river divides the county of Prince George from that of
Brunswick. We had
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not gone eight miles farther before our eyes were blessed with the sight
of Sapponi chapel, which was the first house of prayer we had seen for
more than two calendar months. About three miles beyond that, we passed
over Stony creek, where one of those that guarded the baggage killed a
polecat, upon which he made a comfortable repast. Those of his company
were so squeamish they could not be persuaded at first to taste, as they
said, of so unsavoury an animal; but seeing the man smack his lips with
more pleasure than usual, they ventured at last to be of his mess, and
instead of finding the flesh rank and high-tasted, they owned it to be the
sweetest morsel they had ever eaten in their lives. The ill savour of this
little beast lies altogether in its urine, which nature has made so
detestably ill-scented on purpose to furnish a helpless creature with
something to defend itself. For as some brutes have horns and hoofs, and
others are armed with claws, teeth and tusks for their defence; and as
some spit a sort of poison at their adversaries, like the paco; and others
dart quills at their pursuers, like the porcupine; and as some have no
weapons to help themselves but their tongues, and others none but their
tails; so the poor polecat's safety lies altogether in the irresistible
stench of its water; insomuch that when it finds itself in danger from an
enemy, it moistens its bushy tail plentifully with this liquid ammunition,
and then, with great fury, sprinkles it like a shower of rain full into
the eyes of its assailant, by which it gains time to make its escape. Nor
is the polecat the only animal that defends itself by a stink. At the cape
of Good Hope is a little beast, called a stinker, as big as a fox, and
shaped like a ferret, which being pursued has no way to save itself but by
ejecting its wind and excrements, and then such a stench ensues that none
of its pursuers can possibly stand it.
At the end of thirty good miles, we arrived in the evening at colonel
Bolling's, where first, from a primitive course of life, we began to
relapse into luxury. This gentleman lives within hearing of the falls of
Appomattox river, which are very noisy whenever a flood happens to roll a
greater stream than ordinary over the rocks. The river is navigable for
small craft as high as the falls, and at some distance from thence fetches
a compass, and runs nearly parallel with James river almost as high as the
mountains. While the commissioners fared sumptuously here, the poor
chaplain and two surveyors; having stopped ten miles short at a poor
planter's house, in pity to their horses, made a St. Anthony's meal, that
is, they supped upon the pickings of what stuck in their teeth ever since
breakfast. But to make them amends, the good man laid them in his own bed,
where they all three nestled together in one cotton sheet and one of brown
oznaburgs, made still something browner by two months' copious
perspiration. But those worthy gentlemen were so alert in the morning
after their light supper, that they came up with us before breakfast, and
honestly paid their stomachs all they owed them.
21st. We made no more than a Sabbath day's journey from this to the
next hospitable house, namely, that of our great benefactor, colonel
Mumford. We had already been much befriended by this gentleman, who,
besides sending orders to his overseers at Roanoke to let us want for
nothing, had, in the beginning of our business, been so kind as to
recommend most of the men to us who were the faithful partners of our
fatigue. Although in most other achievements those who command are apt
take all the honour to themselves of what perhaps was more owing to the
vigour of those who were under them, yet I must be more just, and allow
these brave fellows their full share of credit for the service we
performed, and must declare, that it was in a great measure owing to their
spirit and indefatigable industry that we overcame
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many obstacles in the course of our line, which till then had been
esteemed insurmountable. Nor must I at the same time omit to do justice to
the surveyors, and particularly to Mr. Mayo, who, besides an eminent
degree of skill, encountered the same hardships and underwent the same
fatigue that the forwardest of the men did, and that with as much
cheerfulness as if pain had been his pleasure, and difficulty his real
diversion. Here we discharged the few men we had left, who were all as
ragged as the Gibeonite ambassadors, though, at the same time, their rags
were very honourable, by the service they had so vigorously performed in
making them so.
22d. A little before noon we all took leave and dispersed to our
several habitations, where we were so happy as to find all our families
well. This crowned all our other blessings, and made our journey as
prosperous as it had been painful. Thus ended our second expedition, in
which we extended the line within the shadow of the Chariky mountains,
where we were obliged to set up our pillars, like Hercules, and return
home. We had now, upon the whole, been out about sixteen weeks, including
going and returning, and had travelled at least six hundred miles, and no
small part of that distance on foot. Below, towards the seaside, our
course lay through marshes, swamps, and great waters; and above, over
steep hills, craggy rocks, and thickets, hardly penetrable.
Notwithstanding this variety of hardships, we may say, without vanity,
that we faithfully obeyed the king's orders, and performed the business
effectually, in which we had the honour to be employed. Nor can we by any
means reproach ourselves of having put the crown to any exorbitant expense
in this difficult affair, the whole charge, from beginning to end,
amounting to no more that one thousand pounds. But let no one concerned in
this painful expedition complain of the scantiness of his pay, so long as
his majesty has been graciously pleased to add to our reward the honour of
his royal approbation, and to declare, notwithstanding the desertion of
the Carolina commissioners, that the line by us run shall hereafter stand
as the true boundary betwixt the governments of Virginia and North
Carolina.
The Names of the Commissioners to direct the running of the Line between
Virginia and North Carolina.
WILLIAM BYRD, ESQUIRES, Commissioners for Virginia.
RICHARD FITZ-WILLIAM, ESQUIRES, Commissioners for Virginia.
WILLIAM DANDRIDGE, ESQUIRES, Commissioners for Virginia.
CHRISTOPHER GALE, ESQUIRES, Commissioners for Carolina.
JOHN LOVEWICK, ESQUIRES, Commissioners for Carolina.
EDWARD MOSELEY, ESQUIRES, Commissioners for Carolina.
WILLIAM LITTLE, ESQUIRES, Commissioners for Carolina.
ALEXANDER IRVIN, Surveyors for Virginia.
WILLIAM MAYO, Surveyors for Virginia.
EDWARD MOSELEY, Surveyors for N. Carolina.
SAMUEL SWAN, Surveyors for N. Carolina.
THE REVEREND PETER FOUNTAIN, Chaplain.
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Names of the Men employed on the part of Virginia to run the Line between
that Colony and North Carolina.
ON THE FIRST EXPEDITION.
1. Peter Jones,
2. Thomas Jones,
3. Thomas Short,
4. Robert Hix,
5. John Evans,
6. Stephen Evans,
7. John Ellis,
8. John Ellis, Jr.
9. Thomas Wilson,
10. George Tilman,
11. Charles Kimbal,
12. George Hamilton,
13. Robert Allen,
14. Thomas Jones, Jr.
15. James Petillo,
16. Richard Smith,
17. John Rice.
ON THE SECOND EXPEDITION.
Peter Jones,
Thomas Jones,
Thomas Short,
Robert Hix,
John Evans,
Stephen Evans,
John Ellis,
John Ellis, Jr.
Thomas Wilson,
George Tilman,
Charles Kimbal,
George Hamilton,
Thomas Jones, Jr.
James Petillo,
Richard Smith,
Abraham Jones,
Edward Powell,
William Pool,
William Calvert,
James Whitlock,
Thomas Page.
Account of the Expense of running the Line between Virginia and North
Carolina.
To the men's wages in current money £277 10 0
To sundry disbursements for provisions, &c. 174 01 6
To paid the men for seven horses lost 44 0 0
£495 11 6
The sum of £495 11 6 current money reduced at 15 per cent. sterling
amounts to £430 8 10
To paid to colonel Byrd 142 5 7
To paid to colonel Dandridge 142 5 7
To paid Mr. Fitz-william 94 0 0
To paid to the chaplain, Mr. Fountain 20 0 0
To paid to Mr. William Mayo 75 0 0
To paid to Mr. Alexander Irvin 75 0 0
To paid for a tent and marquis 20 0 0
£1000 0 0
This sum was discharged by a warrant out of his majesty's quitrents
from the lands in Virginia.
Page 94
APPENDIX
To the foregoing journal, containing the second charter to the
proprietors of Carolina, confirming and enlarging the first, and also
several other acts to which it refers. These are placed by themselves at
the end of the book, that they may not interrupt the thread of the story,
and the reader will be more at liberty whether he will please to read them
or not, being something dry and unpleasant.
The second Charter granted by King Charles II. to the Proprietors of
Carolina.(1)
CHARLES, by the grace of God, &c.: Whereas, by our letters patent,
bearing date the four and twentieth day of March, in the fifteenth year of
our reign, we were graciously pleased to grant unto our right trusty and
right well beloved cousin and counsellor, Edward, earl of Clarendon, our
high chancellor of England, our right trusty and right entirely beloved
cousin and counsellor, George, duke of Albemarle, master of our horse, our
right trusty and well beloved William, now earl of Craven, our right
trusty and well beloved counsellor, Anthony, lord Ashley, chancellor of
our exchequer, our right trusty and well beloved counsellor, sir George
Carterett, knight and baronet, vice chamberlain of our household, our
right trusty and well beloved, sir John Colleton, knight and baronet, and
sir William Berkley, knight, all that province, territory, or tract of
ground, called Carolina, situate, lying and being within our dominions of
America, extending from the north end of the island called Luke island,
which lies in the southern Virginia seas, and within six and thirty
degrees of the northern latitude; and to the west as far as the South
seas; and so respectively as far as the river of Mathias, which bordereth
upon the coast of Florida, and within one and thirty degrees of the
northern latitude, and so west in a direct line as far as the South seas
aforesaid. Now know ye, that, at the humble request of the said grantees
in the aforesaid letters patent named, and as a further mark of our
especial favour towards them, we are graciously pleased to enlarge our
said grant unto them according to the bounds and limits hereafter
specified, and in favour to the pious and noble purpose of the said
Edward, earl of Clarendon, George, duke of Albemarle, William, earl of
Craven, John, lord Berkley, Anthony, lord Ashley, sir George Carterett,
sir John Colleton and sir William Berkley, we do give and grant to them,
their heirs and assigns, all that province, territory, or tract of ground,
situate, lying and being within our dominions of America aforesaid,
extending north and eastward as far as the north end of Coratuck river or
inlet, upon a straight westerly line to Wyanoke creek, which lies within
or about the degrees of thirty-six and thirty minutes northern latitude,
and so west in a direct line as far as the South seas; and south and
westward as far as the degrees of twenty-nine inclusive northern latitude,
and so west in a direct line as far as the South seas; together with all
and singular ports, harbours, bays, rivers and inlets belonging unto the
province or territory aforesaid. And also, all the soil, lands, fields,
woods, mountains, ferms, lakes, rivers, bays and inlets, situate, or being
(1. As this charter is very long, and but a small portion of it has any
relation to the subject of dispute between the two colonies, no more will
be inserted here than so much as precedes and embraces the matter in
controversy.--EDITOR.)
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within the bounds or limits last before mentioned: with the fishing of all
sorts of fish, whales, sturgeons, and all other royal fishes in the sea,
bays, inlets, and rivers, within the premises, and the fish therein taken;
together with the royalty of the sea, upon the coast within the limits
aforesaid. And moreover, all veins, mines and quarries, as well discovered
as not discovered, of gold, silver, gems and precious stones, and all
other whatsoever; be it of stones, metals or any other thing found or to
be found within the province, territory, inlets and limits aforesaid.
* * * * * *
At the Court of St. James, the 1st day of March, 1710.--Present, the
Queen's most excellent majesty in Council.
Upon reading this day at the board a representation from the right
honourable the lords commissioners for trade and plantations, in the words
following: In pursuance of your majesty's pleasure, commissioners have
been appointed on the part of your majesty's colony of Virginia, as
likewise on the part of the province of Carolina, for the settling the
bounds between those governments; and they have met several times for that
purpose, but have not agreed upon any one point thereof, by reason of the
trifling delays of the Carolina commissioners, and of the many
difficulties by them raised in relation to the proper observations and
survey they were to make. However, the commissioners for Virginia have
delivered to your majesty's lieutenant governor of that colony an account
of their proceedings, which account has been under the consideration of
your majesty's council of Virginia, and they have made a report thereon to
the said lieutenant governor, who having lately transmitted unto us a copy
of that report, we take leave humbly to lay the substance thereof before
your majesty, which is as follows:
That the commissioners of Carolina are both of them persons engaged in
interest to obstruct the settling the boundaries between that province and
the colony of Virginia; for one of them has for several years been
surveyor general of Carolina, has acquired to himself great profit by
surveying lands within the controverted bounds, and has taken up several
tracts of land in his own name, and sold the same to others, for which he
stands still obliged to obtain patents from the government of Carolina.
The other of them is at this time surveyor general, and hath the same
prospect of advantage by making future surveys within the said bounds.
That the behavior of the Carolina commissioners has tended visibly to no
other end than to protract and defeat the settling this affair: and
particularly Mr. Moseley has used so many shifts and excuses to disappoint
all conferences with the commissioners of Virginia, as plainly show his
aversion to proceed in a business that tends so manifestly to his
disadvantage. His prevaricating on this occasion has been so indiscreet
and so unguarded, as to be discovered in the presence of the lieutenant
governor of Virginia. He started so many objections to the powers granted
to the commissioners of that colony, with design to render their
conferences ineffectual, that his joint commissioner could hardly find an
excuse for him. And when the lieutenant governor had with much ado
prevailed with the said Mr. Moseley to appoint a time for meeting the
commissioners of Virginia, and for bringing the necessary instruments to
take the latitude of the bounds in dispute, which instruments he owned
were ready in Carolina, he not only failed to comply with his own
appointment, but after the commissioners of Virginia had made a journey to
his house, and had attended him to the places proper for observing the
latitude, he would not take the trouble of carrying his own instrument,
but contented himself
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to find fault with the quadrant produced by the Virginia commissioners,
though that instrument had been approved by the best mathematicians, and
is of universal use. From all which it is evident how little hopes there
are of settling the boundaries above-mentioned, in concert with the
present commissioners for Carolina. That though the bounds of the Carolina
charter are in express words limited to Weyanoke creek, lying in or about
36 degrees 30' of northern latitude, yet the commissioners for Carolina
have not by any of their evidences pretended to prove any such place as
Weyanoke creek, the amount of their evidence reaching no further than to
prove which is Weyanoke river, and even that is contradicted by affidavit
taken on the part of Virginia; by which affidavits it appears that, before
the date of the Carolina charter to this day, the place they pretend to be
Weyanoke river was, and is still, called Nottoway river. But supposing the
same had been called Weyanoke river, it can be nothing to their purpose,
there being a great difference between a river and a creek. Besides, in
that country there are divers rivers and creeks of the same name, as
Potomac river, and Potomac creek, Rappahannock river, and Rappahannock
creek, and several others, though there are many miles' distance between
the mouths of these rivers and the mouths of these creeks. It is also
observable, that the witnesses on the part of Carolina are all very
ignorant persons, and most of them of ill fame and reputation, on which
account they had been forced to remove from Virginia to Carolina. Further,
there appeared to be many contradictions in their testimonies, whereas, on
the other hand, the witnesses to prove that the right to those lands is in
the government of Virginia are persons of good credit, their knowledge of
the lands in question is more ancient than any of the witnesses for
Carolina, and their evidence fully corroborated by the concurrent
testimony of the tributary Indians. And that right is farther confirmed by
the observations lately taken of the latitude in those parts, by which it
is plain, that the creek proved to be Weyanoke creek by the Virginia
evidences, and sometimes called Wicocon, answers best to the latitude
described in the Carolina charter, for it lies in thirty-six degrees,
forty minutes, which is ten minutes to the northward of the limits
described in the Carolina grant, whereas Nottoway river, lies exactly in
the latitude of thirty-seven degrees, and can by no construction be
supposed to be the boundary described in their charter; so that upon the
whole matter, if the commissioners of Carolina had no other view than to
clear the just right of the proprietors, such undeniable demonstrations
would be sufficient to convince them; but the said commissioners give too
much cause to suspect that they mix their own private interest with the
claim of the proprietors, and for that reason endeavour to gain time in
order to obtain grants for the land already taken up, and also to secure
the rest on this occasion, we take notice, that they proceed to survey the
land in dispute, notwithstanding the assurance given by the government of
Carolina to the contrary by their letter of the 17th of June, 1707, to the
government of Virginia, by which letter they promised that no lands should
be taken up within the controverted bounds till the same were settled.
Whereupon we humbly propose, that the lords proprietors be acquainted
with the foregoing complaint of the trifling delays of their
commissioners, which delays it is reasonable to believe have proceeded
from the self-interest of those commissioners, and that therefore your
majesty's pleasure be signified to the said lords proprietors, that by the
first opportunity they send orders to their governor or commander in chief
of Carolina for the time being, to issue forth a new commission, to the
purport of that lately issued, thereby constituting two other persons, not
having any personal interest in, or claim to, any of the land lying within
the boundary, in the room of Edward
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Moseley and John Lawson. The Carolina commissioners to be appointed being
strictly required to finish their survey, and to make a return thereof in
conjunction with the Virginia commissioners, within six months, to be
computed from the time, that due notice shall be given by your majesty's
lieutenant governor of Virginia to the governor or commander in chief of
Carolina, of the time and place, which your majesty's said lieutenant
governor shall appoint for the first meeting of the commissioners on one
part and the other. In order whereunto we humbly offer, that directions be
sent to the said lieutenant governor, to give such notice accordingly; and
if after notice so given, the Carolina commissioners shall refuse or
neglect to join with those on the part of Virginia, in making such survey,
as likewise a return thereof within the time before mentioned; that then
and in such case the commissioners on the part of Virginia be directed to
draw up an account of the proper observations and survey which they shall
have made for ascertaining the bounds between Virginia and Carolina, and
to deliver the same in writing under their hands and seals to the
lieutenant governor and council of Virginia, to the end the same may be
laid before your majesty, for your majesty's final determination therein,
within, with regard to the settling of those boundaries; the lords
proprietors having, by an instrument under their hands, submitted the same
to your majesty's royal determination, which instrument, dated in March,
1708, is lying in this office.
And lastly, we humbly propose, that your majesty's further pleasure be
signified to the said lords proprietors, and in like manner to the
lieutenant governor of Virginia, that no grants be passed by either of
those governments of any of the lands lying within the controverted
bounds, until such bounds shall be ascertained and settled as aforesaid,
whereby it may appear whether those lands do of right belong to your
majesty, or to the lords proprietors of Carolina.
Her majesty in council, approving of the said representation, is
pleased to order, as it is hereby ordered, that the right honourable the
lords commissioners for trade and plantations do signify her majesty's
pleasure herein to her majesty's lieutenant governor or commander in chief
of Virginia for the time being, and to all persons to whom it may belong,
as is proposed by their lordships in the said representation, and the
right honourable the lords proprietors of Carolina are to do what on their
part does appertain.
EDWARD SOUTHWELL.
Proposals for determining the Controversy relating to the bounds between
the governments of Virginia and North Carolina, most humbly offered for
his Majesty's royal approbation, and for the consent of the right
honourable the Lords Proprietors of Carolina.
Forasmuch as the dispute between the said two governments about their
true limits continues still, notwithstanding the several meetings of the
commissioners, and all the proceedings of many years past, in order to
adjust that affair, and seeing no speedy determination is likely to ensue,
unless some medium be found out, in which both parties may incline to
acquiesce, wherefore both the underwritten governors having met, and
considered the prejudice both to the king and the lords proprietors'
interest, by the continuance of this contest, and truly endeavouring a
decision, which they judge comes nearest the intention of royal charter
granted to the lords proprietors, do, with the advice and consent of their
respective councils, propose as follows.
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That from the mouth of Coratuck river or inlet, and setting the compass
on the north shore, thereof a due west line be run and fairly marked, and
if it happen to cut Chowan river, between the mouths of Nottoway river and
Wicocon creek, then shall the same direct course be continued towards the
mountains, and be ever deemed the sole dividing line between Virginia and
Carolina.
That if the said west line cuts Chowan river to the southward of
Wicocon creek, then from point of intersection the bounds shall be allowed
to continue up the middle of the said Chowan river to the middle of the
entrance into the said Wicocon creek, and from thence a due west line
shall divide the said two governments.
That if a due west line shall be found to pass through islands or to
cut out small slips of land, which might much more conveniently be
included in one province or the other by natural water bounds, in such
cases the persons appointed for running the line shall have power to
settle natural bounds, provided the commissioners of both sides agree
thereto, and that all such variations from the west line, be particularly
noted in the maps or plats, which they shall return, to be put upon the
records of both governments, all which is humbly submitted by
CHARLES EDEN.
A. SPOTSWOOD.
Order of the King and Council upon the foregoing proposals, at the Court
of St. James, the 26th day of March, 1729. Present, the King's most excel-
lent majesty in Council.
Whereas it has been represented to his majesty at the board, that for
adjusting the disputes, which have subsisted for many years past, between
the colonies of Virginia and North Carolina, concerning their true
boundaries, the late governors of the said colonies did some time since
agree upon certain proposals for regulating the said boundaries for the
future, to which proposals the lords proprietors of Carolina have given
their assent; and whereas the said proposals were this day presented to
his majesty as proper for his royal approbation,
His majesty is thereupon pleased, with the advice of his privy council,
to approve of the said proposals, a copy whereof is hereunto annexed, and
to order, as it is hereby ordered, that the governor or commander in chief
of the colony of Virginia, do settle the said boundaries, in conjunction
with the governor of North Carolina, agreeably to the said proposals.
EDWARD SOUTHWELL.
The Lieutenant Governor of Virginia's Commission in obedience to his
Majesty's Order.
George the Second, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and
Ireland king, defender of the faith, to our trusty and well beloved
William Byrd, Richard Fitz-william, and William Dandridge, Esqrs., members
of our council of the colony and dominion of Virginia, greeting: Whereas
our late royal father of blessed memory was graciously pleased, by order
in his privy council, bearing date the 28th day of March 1727, to approve
of certain proposals agreed upon by Alexander Spotswood, Esq. late
lieutenant governor of Virginia, on the one part, and Charles Eden, Esq.
late governor
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of the province of North Carolina, for determining the controversy
relating to the bounds between the said two governments, and was farther
pleased to direct and order, that the said boundaries should be laid out
and settled agreeably to the said proposals. Know ye, therefore, that
reposing special trust and confidence in your ability and provident
circumspection, have assigned, constituted and appointed, and by these
presents do assign, constitute and appoint you and every of you jointly
and severally, our commissioners for and on behalf of our colony and
dominion of Virginia, to meet the commissioners appointed or to be
appointed on the part of the province of North Carolina, and in
conjunction with them to cause a line or lines of division to be run and
marked, to divide the said two governments according to the proposals
above-mentioned, and the order of our late royal father, copies of both
which you will herewith receive. And we do further give and grant unto
you, and in case of the death or absence of any of you, such of you as
shall be present, full power and authority to treat and agree with the
said commissioners of the province of North Carolina on such rules and
methods as you shall judge most expedient for the adjusting and finally
determining all disputes or controversies which may arise, touching any
islands or other small slips of land which may happen to be intersected or
cut off by the dividing line aforesaid, and which may with more
conveniency be included in the one province or the other by natural water
bounds, agreeably to the proposals aforementioned, and generally to do and
perform all matters and things requisite for the final determination and
settlement of the said boundaries, according to the said proposals. And to
the end our service herein may not be disappointed through the refusal or
delay of the commissioners for the province of North Carolina, to act in
conjunction with you in settling the boundaries aforesaid, we do hereby
give and grant unto you, or such of you as shall be present at the time
and place appointed for running the dividing line aforesaid, full power
and authority to cause the said line to be run and marked out, conformable
to the said proposals, having due regard to the doing equal justice to us,
and to the lords proprietors of Carolina, any refusal, disagreement, or
opposition of the said commissioners of North Carolina notwithstanding.
And in that case we do hereby require you to make a true report of your
proceedings to our lieutenant governor, or commander in chief of Virginia,
in order to be laid before us for our approbation, and final determination
herein. And in case any person or persons whatsoever shall presume to
disturb, molest or resist you, or any of the officers or persons by your
direction, in running the said line, and executing the powers herein given
you, we do by these presents give and grant unto you, or such of you as
shall be attending the service aforesaid, full power and authority by
warrant under your or any of your hands and seals, to order and command
all and every the militia officers in our counties of Princess Anne,
Norfolk, Nansemond, and Isle of Wight, or other the adjacent counties,
together with the sheriff of each of the said counties, or either of them,
to raise the militia and posse of the said several counties, for the
removing all force and opposition, which shall or may be made to you in
the due execution of this our commission, and we do hereby will and
require, as well the officers of the militia, as all other our officers
and loving subjects within the said counties, and all others whom it may
concern, to be obedient, aiding and assisting unto you in all and singular
the premises. And we do in like manner command and require you, to cause
fair maps and descriptions of the said dividing line, and the remarkable
places through which it shall pass, to be made and returned to our
lieutenant governor or commander in chief of our said colony for the time
being, in order to be entered on record in the proper offices within our
said colony. Provided that
Page 100
you do not, by colour of this our commission, take upon you or determine
any private man's property, in or to the lands which shall by the said
dividing line be included within the limits of Virginia, nor of any other
matter or thing that doth not relate immediately to the adjusting,
settling, and final determination of the boundary aforesaid, conformable
to the proposals hereinbefore mentioned, and not otherwise. In witness
whereof we have caused these presents to be made. Witness our trusty and
well beloved William Gooch, Esq. our lieutenant governor and commander in
chief of our colony and dominion of Virginia, under the seal of our said
colony, at Williamsburg, the 14th day of December, 1727, in the first year
of our reign.
WILLIAM GOOCH.
The Governor of North Carolina's Commission in obedience to his Majesty's
Order.
Sir Richard Everard, baronet, governor, captain general, admiral, and
commander in chief of the said province: To Christopher Gale, Esq. chief
justice, John Lovick, Esq., secretary, Edward Moseley, Esq., surveyor
general and William Little, Esq., attorney general, greeting: Whereas many
disputes and differences have formerly been between the inhabitants of
this province and those of his majesty's colony of Virginia, concerning
the boundaries and limits between the said two governments, which having
been duly considered by Charles Eden, Esq., late governor of this
province, and Alexander Spotswood, Esq., late governor of Virginia, they
agreed to certain proposals for determining the said controversy, and
humbly offered the same for his majesty's royal approbation, and the
consent of the true and absolute lords proprietors of Carolina. And his
majesty having been pleased to signify his royal approbation of those
proposals (consented unto by the true and absolute lords proprietors of
Carolina) and given directions for adjusting and settling the boundaries
as near as may be to the said proposals:
I, therefore, reposing especial trust and confidence in you, the said
Christopher Gale, John Lovick, Edward Moseley and William Little, to be
commissioners, on the part of the true and absolute lords proprietors, and
that you in conjunction with such commissioners as shall be nominated for
Virginia, use your utmost endeavours, and take all necessary care in
adjusting and settling the said boundaries, by drawing such a distinct
line or lines of division between the said two provinces, as near as
reasonable you can to the proposals made by the two former governors, and
the instructions herewith given you. Given at the council chamber in
Edenton, under my hand, and the seal of the colony, the 21st day of
February, anno Domini 1727, and in the first year of the reign of our
sovereign lord, king George the Second.
RICHARD EVERARD.
The Protest of the Carolina Commissioners, against our proceeding on the
Line without them.
We the underwritten commissioners for the government of North Carolina,
in conjunction with the commissioners on the part of Virginia, having run
the line for the division of the two colonies from Coratuck inlet, to the
south branch of Roanoke river; being in the whole about one hundred and
seventy miles, and near fifty miles without the inhabitants, being of
opinion we had run the line as far as would be requisite for a long time,
judged the
Page 101
carrying it farther would be a needless charge and trouble. And the grand
debate which had so long subsisted between the two governments, about
Weyanoke river or creek, being settled at our former meeting in the
spring, when we were ready on our parts to have gone with the line to the
utmost inhabitants, which if it had been done, the line at any time after
might have been continued at an easy expense by a surveyor on each side;
and if at any time hereafter there should be occasion to carry the line on
further than we have now run it, which we think will not be in an age or
two, it may be done in the same easy manner, without the great expense
that now attends it. And on a conference of all the commissioners, we have
communicated our sentiments thereon, and declared our opinion, that we had
gone as far as the service required, and thought proper to proceed no
farther; to which it was answered by the commissioners for Virginia, that
they should not regard what we did, but if we desisted, they would proceed
without us. But we, conceiving by his majesty's order in council they were
directed to act in conjunction with the commissioners appointed for
Carolina, and having accordingly run the line jointly so far, and
exchanged plans, thought they could not carry on the bounds singly; but
that their proceedings without us would be irregular and invalid, and that
it would be no boundary, and thought proper to enter our dissent thereto.
Wherefore, for the reasons aforesaid, in the name of his excellency the
lord palatine, and the rest of the true and absolute lords proprietors of
Carolina, we do hereby dissent and disallow of any farther proceeding with
the bounds without our concurrence, and pursuant to our instructions do
give this our dissent in writing.
EDWARD MOSELEY.
WILLIAM LITTLE.
C. GALE.
J. LOVICK.
October 7th, 1728.
The Answer of the Virginia Commissioners to the foregoing Protest.
Whereas, on the 7th of October last, a paper was delivered to us by the
commissioners of North Carolina, in the style of a protest, against our
carrying any farther, without them, the dividing line between the two
governments, we, the underwritten commissioners on the part of Virginia,
having maturely considered the reasons offered in the said protest, why
those gentlemen retired so soon from that service, beg leave to return the
following answer:
They are pleased in the first place to allege, by way of reason, that
having run the line near fifty miles beyond the inhabitants, it was
sufficient for a long time, in their opinion for an age or two. To this we
answer that, by breaking off so soon, they did but imperfectly obey his
majesty's order, assented to by the lords proprietors. The plain meaning
of that order was, to ascertain the bounds betwixt the two governments as
far towards the mountains as we could, that neither the king's grants may
hereafter encroach on the lords proprietors', nor theirs on the rights of
his majesty. And though the distance towards the great mountains be not
precisely determined, yet surely the west line should be carried as near
them as may be, that both the king's lands and those of their lordships,
may be taken up the faster, and that his majesty's subjects may as soon as
possible extend themselves to that natural barrier. This they will
certainly do in a few years, when they know distinctly in which government
they may enter for the land, as they have already done in the more
northern parts of Virginia. So that it is strange the Carolina
commissioners should affirm, that the distance only of fifty miles above
the inhabitants would be sufficient to carry the
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line for an age or two, especially considering that, two or three days
before the date of their protest, Mr. Mayo had entered with them for two
thousand acres of land, within five miles of the place where they left
off. Besides, if we reflect on the richness of the soil in those parts,
and the convenience for stock, we may foretell, without the spirit of
divination, that there will be many settlements higher than those
gentlemen went, in less than ten years, and perhaps in half that time.
Another reason mentioned in the protest for their retiring so soon from
the service is, that their going farther would be a needless charge and
trouble. And they allege that the rest may be done by one surveyor on a
side, in an easy manner, whenever it shall be thought necessary.
To this we answer, that frugality for the public is a rare virtue, but
when the public service must suffer by it, it degenerates into a vice. And
this will ever be the case when gentlemen execute the orders of their
superiors by halves. But had the Carolina commissioners been sincerely
frugal for their government, why did they carry out provisions sufficient
to support them and their men for ten weeks, when they intended not to
tarry half that time? This they must own to be true, since they brought
one thousand pounds of provisions along with them. Now, after so great an
expense in their preparations, it had been no mighty addition to their
charge, had they endured the fatigue five or six weeks longer. It would at
most have been no more than they must be at, whenever they finish their
work, even though they should fancy it proper to trust a matter of that
consequence to the management of one surveyor. Such a one must have a
number of men along with him, both for his assistance and defence, and
those men must have provisions to support them.
These are all the reasons these gentlemen think fit to mention in their
protest, though they had in truth a more powerful argument for retiring so
abruptly, which, because they forgot, it will be neighbourly to help them
out. The provisions they intended to bring along with them, for want of
horses to carry them, were partly dropped by the way, and what they could
bring was husbanded so ill, that after eighteen days, (which was the whole
time we had them in our company,) they had no more left, by their own
confession, than two pounds of biscuit for each man, to carry them home.
However, though this was an unanswerable reason for gentlemen for leaving
the business unfinished, it was none at all for us, who had at that time
bread sufficient for seven weeks longer. Therefore, lest their want of
management might put a stop to his majesty's service, and frustrate his
royal intentions, we judged it our duty to proceed without them, and have
extended the dividing line so far west as to leave the great mountains on
each hand to the eastward of us. And this we have done with the same
fidelity and exactness as if the gentlemen had continued with us. Our
surveyors (whose integrity I am persuaded they will not call in question)
continued to act under the same oath, which they had done from the
beginning. Yet, notwithstanding all this, if the government of North
Carolina should not hold itself bound by that part of the line which we
made without the assistance of its commissioners, yet we shall have this
benefit in it at least, that his majesty will know how far his lands reach
towards the south, and consequently where his subjects may take it up, and
how far they may be granted without injustice to the lords proprietors. To
this we may also add, that having the authority of our commission, to act
without the commissioners of Carolina, in case of their disagreement or
refusal, we thought ourselves bound upon their retreat to finish the line
without them, lest his majesty's service might suffer by any honour or
neglect on their part.
WILLIAM DANDRIDGE.
WILLIAM BYRD.
Page 103
A
JOURNEY
to
THE LAND OF EDEN:
IN THE YEAR 1733.
September 11th. Having recommended my family to the protection of the
Almighty, I crossed the river with two servants and four horses, and rode
to Col. Mumford's. There I met my friend, Mr. Banister, who was to be the
kind companion of my travels. I stayed dinner with the good colonel, while
Mr. Banister made the best of his way home, to get his equipage ready, in
order to join me the next day. After dining plentifully, and wishing all
that was good to the household, I proceeded to major Mumford's, who had
also appointed to go along with me. I was the more obliged to him, because
he made me the compliment to leave the arms of a pretty wife, to lie on
the cold ground for my sake. She seemed to chide me with her eyes, for
coming to take her bedfellow from her, now the cold weather came on, and
to make my peace, I was forced to promise to take an abundance of care of
him, in order to restore him safe and sound to her embraces.
12th. After the major had cleared his pipes, in calling with much
authority about him, he made a shift to truss up his baggage about nine
o'clock. Near the same hour my old friend and fellow traveller, Peter
Jones, came to us completely accountred. Then we fortified ourselves with
a beef-steak, kissed our landlady for good luck, and mounted about ten.
The major took one Robin Bolling with him, as squire of his body, as well
as conductor of his baggage. Tom Short had promised to attend me, but had
married a wife and could not come. We crossed Hatcher's run, Gravelly run,
Stony creek, and in the distance of about twenty miles reached Sapponi
chapel, where Mr. Banister joined us. Thus agreeably reinforced we
proceeded ten miles further, to major Embry's, on the south side of
Nottoway river. The major was ill of a purging and vomiting, attended with
a fever which had brought him low; but I prescribed him a gallon or two of
chicken broth, which washed him as clean as a gun, and quenched his fever.
Here major Mayo met us, well equipped for a march into the woods, bringing
a surveyor's tent, that would shelter a small troop. Young Tom Jones also
repaired hither to make his excuse; but old Tom Jones, by the privilege of
his age, neither came nor sent, so that we were not so strong as we
intended, being disappointed of three of our ablest foresters. The
entertainment we met with was the less sumptuous by reason of our
landlord's indisposition. On this occasion we were as little troublesome
as possible, by sending part of our company to Richard Birch's, who lives
just by the bridge over the river. We sent for an old Indian called Shacco-
Will, living about seven miles off, who reckoned himself seventy-eight
years old. This fellow pretended he could conduct us to a silver mine,
Page 104
that lies either upon Eno river, or a creek of it, not far from where the
Tuscaroras once lived. But by some circumstances in his story, it seems to
be rather a lead than a silver mine. However, such as it is, he promised
to go and show it to me whenever I pleased. To comfort his heart, I gave
him a bottle of rum, with which he made himself very happy, and all the
family very miserable by the horrible noise he made all night.
13th. Our landlord had great relief from my remedy, and found himself
easy this morning. On this account we took our departure with more
satisfaction, about nine, and having picked up our friends at Mr. Birch's,
pursued our journey over Quoique creek, and Sturgeon run, as far as
Brunswick court house, about twelve miles beyond Nottoway. By the way, I
sent a runner half a mile out of the road to Col. Drury Stith's, who was
so good as to come to us. We cheered our hearts with three bottles of
pretty good Madeira, which made Drury talk very hopefully of his copper
mine. We easily prevailed with him to let us have his company, upon
condition we would take the mine in our way. From thence we proceeded to
Meherrin river, which lies eight miles beyond the court house, and in our
way forded Great creek. For fear of being belated, we called not at my
quarter, where Don Pedro is overseer, and lives in good repute amongst his
neighbours. In compliment to the little major we went out of our way, to
lie at a settlement of his upon Cock's creek, four miles short of Roanoke.
Our fare here was pretty coarse, but Mr. Banister and I took possession of
the bed, while the rest of the company lay in bulk upon the floor. This
night the little major made the first discovery of an impatient and
peevish temper, equally unfit both for a traveller and a husband.
14th. In the morning my friend Tom Wilson made me a visit, and gave me
his parole that he would meet us at Blue Stone Castle. We took horse about
nine, and in the distance of ten miles reached a quarter of Col. Stith's,
under the management of John Tomasin. This plantation lies on the west
side of Stith's creek, which was so full of water, by reason of a fresh in
the river, that we could not ford it, but we and our baggage were paddled
over in a canoe, and our horses swam by our sides. After staying here an
hour, with some of Diana's maids of honour, we crossed Miles' creek a
small distance off, and at the end of eight miles were met by a tall,
meager figure, which I took at first for an apparition, but it proved to
be Col. Stith's miner. I concluded that the unwholesome vapours arising
from the copper mine had made this operator such a skeleton, but upon
inquiry understood it was sheer famine had brought him so low. He told us
his stomach had not been blessed with one morsel of meat for more than
three weeks, and that too he had been obliged to short allowance of bread,
by reason corn was scarce and to be fetched from Tomasin's, which was ten
long miles from the mine where he lived. However, in spite of this spare
diet, the man was cheerful, and uttered no complaint. Being conducted by
him, we reached the mines about five o'clock, and pitched our tents, for
the first time, there being yet no building erected but a log-house, to
shelter the miner and his two negroes. We examined the mine and found it
dipped from cast [sic: east?] to west, and showed but a slender vein,
embodied in a hard rock of white spar. The shaft they had opened was about
twelve feet deep, and six over. I saw no more than one peck of good ore
above ground, and that promised to be very rich. The engineer seemed very
sanguine, and had not the least doubt but his employer's fortune was made.
He made us the compliment of three blasts, and we filled his belly with
good beef in return, which in his hungry circumstances was the most
agreeable present we could make him.
15th. It rained in the morning, which made us decamp later than we
intended, but the clouds clearing away about ten, we wished good luck to
Page 105
the mine and departed. We left Col. Stith there to keep fast with his
miner, and directed our course through the woods to Boucher's creek, which
hath its name from an honest fellow that lives upon it. This place is
about six miles from Col. Stith's works, and can also boast of a very fair
show of copper ore. It is dug out of the side of a hill, that rises
gradually from the creek to the house. The good man was from home himself;
but his wife, who was as old as one of the Sibyls, refreshed us with an
ocean of milk. By the strength of that entertainment, we proceeded to Mr.
Mumford's quarter, about five miles off, where Joseph Colson is overseer.
Here our thirsty companions raised their drooping spirits with a cheerful
dram, and having wet both eyes, we rode on seven miles farther to Blue
Stone Castle, five whereof were through my own land, that is to say, all
above Sandy creek. My land there in all extends ten miles upon the river;
and three charming islands, namely, Sapponi, Occaneeche, and Totero, run
along the whole length of it. The lowest of these islands is three miles
long, the next four, and the uppermost three, divided from each other by
only a narrow strait. The soil is rich in all of them, the timber large,
and a kind of pea, very grateful to cattle and horses, holds green all the
winter. Roanoke river is divided by these islands; that part which runs on
the north side is about eighty yards, and that on the south more than one
hundred. A large fresh will overflow the lower part of these islands, but
never covers all, so that the cattle may always recover a place of
security. The middlemost island, called Occaneeche island, has several
fields in it where Occaneeche Indians formerly lived, and there are still
some remains of the peach trees they planted. Here grow likewise excellent
wild hops without any cultivation. My overseer, Harry Morris, did his
utmost to entertain me and my company; the worst of it was, we were
obliged all to be littered down in one room, in company with my landlady
and four children, one of which was very sick, and consequently very
fretful.
16th. This being Sunday, and the place where we were quite out of
Christendom, very little devotion went forward. I thought it no harm to
take a Sabbath day's journey, and rode with my overseer to a new entry I
had made upon Blue Stone creek, about three miles from the castle, and
found the land very fertile and convenient. It consists of low grounds and
meadows on both sides the creek. After taking a view of this, we rode two
miles farther to a stony place, where there were some tokens of a copper
mine, but not hopeful enough to lay me under any temptation. Then we
returned to the company, and found Tom Wilson was come according to his
promise, in order to proceed into the woods along with us. Jo. Colson
likewise entered into pay, having cautiously made his bargain for a
pistole. There were three Tuskeruda Indians, (which I understood had been
kept on my plantation to hunt for Harry Morris,) that with much ado were
also persuaded to be of the party. My landlady could not forbear
discovering some broad signs of the fury, by breaking out into insolent
and passionate expressions against the poor negroes. And if my presence
could not awe her, I concluded she could be very outrageous when I was a
hundred miles off. This inference I came afterwards to understand was but
too true, for, between the husband and the wife, the negroes had a hard
time of it.
17th. We set off about nine from Blue Stone Castle, and rode up the
river six miles, (one half of which distance was on my own land,) as far
as major Mumford's quarter, where master Hogen was tenant upon halves.
Here were no great marks of industry, the weeds being near as high as the
corn. My islands run up within a little way of this place, which will
expose them to the inroad of the major's creatures. That called Totero
island lies too convenient not to receive damage that way; but we must
guard against
Page 106
it as well as we can. After the major had convinced himself of the
idleness of his tenant, he returned back to Blue Stone, and Harry Morris
and I went in quest of a fine copper mine, which he had secured for me in
the fork. For which purpose, about a quarter of a mile higher than
Hogen's, we crossed a narrow branch of the river into a small island, not
yet taken up, and after traversing that, forded a much wider branch into
the fork of Roanoke river. Where we landed was near three miles higher up
than the point of the fork. We first directed our course easterly towards
that point, which was very sharp, and each branch of the river where it
divided first seemed not to exceed eighty yards in breadth. The land was
broken and barren off from the river, till we came within half a mile of
the point where the low-grounds began. The same sort of low ground ran up
each branch of the river. That on the Staunton (being the northern branch)
was but narrow, but that on the south, which is called the Dan, seemed to
carry a width of at least half a mile. After discovering this place, for
which I intended to enter, we rode up the mid-land five miles to view the
mine, which in my opinion hardly answered the trouble of riding so far out
of our way. We returned downwards again about four miles, and a mile from
the point found a good ford over the north branch, into the upper end of
Totero island. We crossed the river there, and near the head of the island
saw a large quantity of wild hops growing, that smelt fragrantly, and
seemed to be in great perfection. At our first landing we were so hampered
with brambles, vines and poke bushes, that our horses could hardly force
their way through them. However, this difficulty held only about twenty-
five yards at each end of the island, all the rest being very level and
free from underwood. We met with old fields where the Indians had formerly
lived, and the grass grew as high as a horse and his rider. In one of
these fields were large duck ponds, very firm at the bottom, to which wild
fowl resort in the winter. In the woody part of the island grows a vetch,
that is green all the winter, and a great support for horses and cattle,
though it is to be feared the hogs will root it all up. There is a cave in
this island, in which the last Totero king, with only two of his men,
defended himself against a great host of northern Indians, and at last
obliged them to retire. We forded the strait out of this into Occaneeche
island, which was full of large trees, and rich land, and the south part
of it is too high for any flood less than Noah's to drown, we rode about
two miles down this island, (being half the length of it,) where finding
ourselves opposite to Blue Stone Castle, we passed the river in a canoe,
which had been ordered thither for that purpose, and joined our friends,
very much tired, not so much with the length of the journey, as with the
heat of the weather.
18th. We lay by till the return of the messenger that we sent for the
ammunition, and other things left at the court house. Nor had the Indians
yet joined us according to their promise, which made us begin to doubt of
their veracity. I took a solitary walk to the first ford of Blue Stone
creek, about a quarter of a mile from the house. This creek had its name
from the colour of the stones, which paved the bottom of it, and are so
smooth that it is probable they will burn into lime. I took care to return
to my company by dinner time, that I might not trespass upon their
stomachs. In the afternoon I was paddled by the overseer and one of my
servants up the creek, but could proceed little farther than a mile
because of the shoal water. All the way we perceived the bottom of the
creek full of the blue stones above mentioned, sufficient in quantity to
build a large castle. At our return we went into the middle of the river,
and stood upon a large blue rock to angle, but without any success. We
broke off a fragment of the rock, and found it as heavy as so much lead.
Discouraged by our ill luck, we repaired to the
Page 107
company, who had procured some pieces of copper ore from Cargil's mine,
which seemed full of metal. This mine lies about twelve miles higher than
major Mumford's plantation, and has a better show than any yet discovered.
There are so many appearances of copper in these parts, that the
inhabitants seem to be all mine-mad, and neglect making of corn for their
present necessities, in hopes of growing very rich hereafter.
19th. The heavens lowered a little upon us in the morning, but, like a
damsel ruffled by too bold an address, it soon cleared up again. Because I
detested idleness, I caused my overseer to paddle me up the river as far
as the strait that divides Occaneeche from Totero island, which is about
twenty yards wide. There runs a swift stream continually out of the south
part of the river into the north, and is in some places very deep. We
crossed the south part to the opposite shore, to view another entry I had
made, beginning at Buffalo creek and running up the river to guard my
islands, and keep off bad neighbours on that side. The land seems good
enough for corn along the river, but a quarter of a mile back it is
broken, and full of stones. After satisfying my curiosity, I returned the
way that I came, and shot the same strait back again, and paddled down the
river to the company. When we got home, we laid the foundation of two
large cities. One at Shacco's, to be called Richmond, and the other at the
point of Appomattox river, to be named Petersburg. These major Mayo
offered to lay out into lots without fee or reward. The truth of it is,
these two places being the uppermost landing of James and Appomattox
rivers, are naturally intended for marts, where the traffic of the outer
inhabitants must centre. Thus we did not build castles only, but also
cities in the air. In the evening our ammunition arrived safe, and the
Indians came to us, resolved to make part of our company, upon condition
of their being supplied with powder and shot, and having the skins of all
the deer they killed to their own proper use.
20th. Every thing being ready for a march, we left Blue Stone Castle
about ten. My company consisted of four gentlemen (namely, major Mayo,
major Mumford, Mr. Banister and Mr. Jones,) and five woodsmen, Thomas
Wilson, Henry Morris, Joseph Colson, Robert Bolling and Thomas Hooper,
four negroes and three Tuscaruda Indians. With this small troop we
proceeded up the river as far as Hogen's, above which, about a quarter of
a mile, we forded into the little island, and from thence into the fork of
the river. The water was risen so high, that it ran into the top of my
boots, but without giving me any cold, although I rode in my wet
stockings. We landed three miles above the point of the fork, and, after
marching three miles farther, reached the tenement of Peter Mitchell, the
highest inhabitant on Roanoke river. Two miles above that we forded a
water, which we named Birche's creek, not far from the mouth, where it
discharges itself into the Dan. From thence we rode through charming low-
grounds, for six miles together, to a larger stream, which we agreed to
call Banister river. We were puzzled to find a ford by reason the water
was very high, but at last got safe over, about one and a half miles from
the banks of the Dan. In our way we killed two very large rattle-snakes,
one of fifteen and the other of twelve rattles. They were both fat, but
nobody would be persuaded to carry them to our quarters, although they
would have added much to the luxury of our supper. We pitched our tents
upon Banister river, where we feasted on a young buck which had the ill
luck to cross our way. It rained great part of the night, with very loud
thunder, which rumbled frightfully amongst the tall trees that surrounded
us in that low ground, but, thank God! without any damage. Our Indians
killed three deer, but were so lazy they brought them not to the camp,
pretending for their excuse that they were too lean.
The Westover Manuscripts - End of Pages 90-107
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