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Woodward's Reminiscenses - Part 4
WHEELING; WINN PARISH, LA.,
October 31st, 1858.
To J.J. HOOPER, Esq.:
Dear Sir: Some months back I addressed a letter to Mr. Rutherford of Union
Springs, containing some of the incidents of the life of Billy
Weatherford, a white man, that came to the Creek Nation shortly after the
close of the American Revolution, in company with Sam Mimms, who was once
engaged with George Galphin in the Indian trade. Weatherford was the
second and last husband of Sehoy McPherson. They raised four children that
I knew. Betsy, the oldest child, married Sam Moniac, and was the mother of
Major David Moniac, who was educated at West Point and was killed by the
Seminoles in the fall of 1836 -- he was educated at West Point in
consequence of the faithful and disinterested friendship of his father to
the whites. Billy was the next oldest, Jack next, and a younger daughter
whose name I have forgotten. She married Capt. Shumac, a very intelligent
officer of the United States army. I had seen Billy Weatherford. I was
with Gen. Floyd in the Nation, and was at his night fight at Calebee; a
few days after the fight the army returned to Fort Hull. The time was
about expiring for which the troops had to serve, and a call was made for
volunteers to take charge of the fort until the Militia from the two
Carolinas could arrive. Cap. John H. Broadnax, a very efficient and
popular captain, from Putnam county, Georgia, soon raised a company of
infantry; a Lieutenant Adaroin from Franklin county raised a rifle corps,
and I volunteered as his Orderly Sergeant. A few days before that, the
present Gen. Twiggs, then a Captain in the regular army, had forced his
way through to the army with his company. The army left, and the three
companies above mentioned took charge of the Fort, Col. Homer V. Milton in
command. All I recollect to have done myself was to take some authority
that one of my rank was not entitled to, under the rules and articles of
war, and Capt. Twiggs put me in stocks. And for fear you may think the
case worse than it was, I will say to you that I only rendered another
Sergeant unfit for duty. I think the whole story would amuse you if you
could hear it, but it would be too long for the present; I may give it to
you hereafter. I was in the stocks but a few minutes before I was
released, and I think after that I was rather a favorite both with the
Captain and Colonel. The Colonel wanted an express sent to Gen. Graham at
Fort Mitchell. It had to be taken on foot; I volunteered my services, and
got George Lovitt, a tall half breed; and obtained a pair of shoes from an
Irishman by the name of James Gorman, whom I had known near two years
before that in Florida, in the Spanish Patriot service, under my old and
intimate friend, Billy Cone. The distance was only forty-five miles.
Lovitt and I went in one night, got everything ready and returned to Fort
Hull the next night. The troops began to arrive at the Fort, and the
Militia under Capt. Broadnax and Lieut. Adaroin, were permitted to leave
for home. Col. Milton employed me to go to Fort Hawkins and bring a horse
and some baggage left with Col. Cook, which I did. On my return, I found
the Colonel at Fort Decatur. On the receipt of his horse and baggage, he
gave me a very substantial Indian pony, and proposed to me to remain with
him until he reached his regiment, the old 3d Infantry, then at Alabama
Heights, under the command of Lieut. Col. Russell, and that he could
procure me the appointment of Lieutenant in the army, to be attached to
his regiment. I was not ambitious of military honors, and concluded to
join the Indians. I had been paid for my services in the previous
campaign, had a pony, and that was all I needed. I made up a mess with Sam
Sells, John Winslet, Billy McIntosh, Joe Marshall, Sam Moniac and others,
and went where it suited me. This gave me an opportunity of becoming
acquainted with all the little hostile bands and their leaders. As I have
described to you before how the most of them were situated after Gen.
Jackson reached the fork of the two rivers, Coosa and Tallapoosa, it will
not be necessary now to do so. Though Weatherford could come in with
safety, as Col. Hawkins had taken it upon himself to let the General know
who and what he, Weatherford, Tom Carr, Otis Harjo, Catsa Harjo or Mad
Tiger, a Coowersartda Chief, and a host of others had come in; so I missed
hearing the great speech or seeing Ben Baldwin's white horse or the deer.
The horse I never heard of, nor him, until I found him in Col. Pickett's
history of Alabama. There was a talk with the General and Weatherford,
that he was astonished at a man of his good sense, and almost a white man,
to take sides with an ignorant set of savages, and being led astray by men
who professed to be prophets and gifted with a supernatural influence. And
more than all, he had led the Indians and was one of the prime movers of
the massacre at Fort Mimms. Weatherford, advised them to draw off
entirely. He then left to go some few miles to where his half brother,
Davy Tate, had some negroes, to take charge of them, to keep the Indians
from scattering them; after he left, the Indians succeeded in firing the
Fort, and waited until it burnt so that they could enter it with but
little danger. He also said to the General that if he had joined the
whites it would have been attributed to cowardice and not thanked. And
moreover, it was his object in joining the Indians, that he thought he
would in many instances be able to prevent them from committing
depredations upon defenseless persons; and but for the mismanagement of
those that had charge of the Fort, he would have succeeded, and said,
"Now, sir. I have told the truth, if you think I deserve death, do as you
please; I shall only beg for the protection of a starving parcel of women
and children, and those ignorant men who have been led into the war by
their Chiefs." This is as much as I ever learned from the General, and I
will proceed to give Col. Pickett, as well as other things I see in his
history that I know of my own knowledge, and so do others, to be
incorrect. After it was known that Gen. Jackson would punish any one that
was known to trouble an Indian coming to camp unarmed, and particularly
Weatherford went with the crowd, and had to get a horse from Barney Riley,
having none of his own; besides, had the exhibition of the white horse and
deer been a reality, Major Eaton and others who made speeches for
Weatherford's speech when he surrendered to Gen. Jackson; but if I
recollect right, he was made to say that he would whip the Georgians on
one side of the river and make his corn on the other. That was all a lie,
and for effect. It reminds me of the report that the Kentuckians
ingloriously fled.
It is true, a few Kentuckians had arrived in the neighborhood of New
Orleans, when the British made their attack. The Kentuckians were without
arms -- what could they do? All that can be said is, that it is easier to
find a fighting man than a magnanimous one.
I will go back to our cow hunt. At Moniac's cowpens we found no cattle,
but killed plenty of deer and turkeys, and picked up the half brother of
Jim Boy -- George Goodwin.
Now let us turn to Weatherford relate the following particulars about the
Creek war:
He said that some few years before the war, a white man came from
Pensacola to Tuckabatchy. He remained some time with the Big Warrior. The
white man was a European, and he thought a Scotchman; that he never knew
the man's business, nor did he ever learn; that all the talks between this
man and the Big Warrior were carried on through a negro interpreter that
belonged to the Warrior; that he [Weatherford said that not long after the
return of Tuskenea to the Creek Nation, Tecumseh, with the Prophet,
Seekaboo, and others, made their appearance at the Tuckabatchy town. A
talk was put out by the Warrior. Moniac and Weatherford then said to
Seekaboo to say to Tecumseh, that the whites and Indians were at peace,
and had been for years; that the Creek Indians were doing well, and that
it would be bad policy for the Creeks, at least, to take sides either with
the Americans or English, in the event of a war -- (this was in 1811.)
Besides, he said, that when the English held sway over the country, they
were equally as oppressive as the Americans had been, if not more so; and
in the American revolution the Americans were but few, and that they had
got the better of the English; and that they were now very strong, and if
interest was to be consulted, the Indians had better join the Americans.
After this talk Tecumseh left for home, and prevailed on Seekaboo and one
or two others to remain among the Creeks.
In 1812 the Indians killed Arthur Lott and Thomas Meridith, which I before
mentioned, as well as Captain Isaacs' going with the Little Warrior to the
mouth of Duck river. After this, matters calmed down until the opening of
1813. Moniac and Weatherford's families at the square. They told Moniac
and Weatherford consented to remain. He told them that he disapprobated
their course, and that it would be their ruin; but they were his peoplehe
was raised with them, and he would share their fate. He was no chief, but
had much influence with the Indians. He was always called by the Indians
Billy Larny, or Yellow Billy; that was his boy name. His other name was
Hoponika Futsahia. Hoponika Futsahia, as nigh as I can give the English of
it, is truthmaker -- and he was all of that.
He then proposed to the Indians to collect up all such as intended going
to war with the whites; take their women and children into the swamps of
Florida; leave the old men and lads to hunt for them, and the picked
warriors to collect together and operate whenever it was thought best. He
said that he had several reasons for making this proposition to the
Alabama river Indians; one was, that he thought by the time they could
take their women and children to Florida and return, that the upper towns,
which were almost to a man hostile, except the Netches and Hillabys -- and
were principally controlled by the: Ocfuske chief, Menauway, or Ogillis
lneha, or Fat Englishman; -- (these were the names of the noted men who
headed the Indians at Horse Shoe,) -- that they perhaps would come to
terms, and by that means his people would be spared and not so badly
broken up, and would be the means of saving the lives of many whites on
the thinly settled frontiers; and if the worst came to the worst, that
they could carry on the war with less trouble, less danger, and less
expense, than to be troubled with their women and children.
But in all this he was overruled by the chiefs. Some of their names I will
give you. The oldest and principal chief, the one looked upon as the
General, was a Tuskegee, called Hopie Tustanugga, or Far-off-Warrior; he
was killed at Fort Mims. The others were Peter McQueen, Jim Boy, or High-
head Jim, Illes Harjo, or Josiah Francis, the new made Prophet, the Otisee
chief, Nehemarthla-Micco, Paddy Welch, Hossa Yohola, and Seekaboo, the
Shawnee Prophet, and many others I could name.
The first thing to be had was ammunition. Peter McQueen, with Jim Boy as
his war chief, with a party of Indians, started for Pensacola -- (their
numbers have been greatly overrated.) On their route, at Burnt Corn
Springs, they took Betsy Coulter, the wife of Jim Cornells, -- (not
Alexander Cornells, who was the Government interpreter;) they carried her
to Pensacola, and sold her to a French lady, a madame Barrone. At
Pensacola they met up with Zach McGirth, and some of them wanted to kill
him. Jim Boy interfered, and said that the man or men who harmed McGirth
should die.
Now, recollect, I lived with these people long, and have heard these
things over and over. Betsy Coulter lived with me for years, as well as
others, who bore their parts on one side or the other. This is history --
it is as true as Gospel -- for I am now and was then a living witness to
much of it, and have seen the others who witnessed the balance -- and the
witnesses to the other have been dead a long time; and besides, what I
have seen and write is nothing more than what is and has been common.
But on the return of McQueen's party from Pensacola, the fight took place
at Burnt Corn creek between the Indians and at least three times their
number of white men; that is, if we take the statements of the two
commanders, Col. Collier and Jim Boy. Jim Boy said the war had not fairly
broke out, and that they never thought of being attacked; that he did not
start with a hundred men, and all of those he did start with were not in
the fight. I have heard Jim tell it often, that if the whites had not
stopped to gather up pack horses and plunder their camp, and had pursued
the Indians a little further, they [the Indians] would have quit and gone
off. But the Indians discovered the very great disorder the whites were
in, searching for plunder, and they fired a few guns from the creek swamp
and a general stampede was the result. McGirth always corroborated Jim
Boy's statement as to the number of Indians in the Burnt Corn fight. I
have seen many of those that were in the fight, and they were like the
militia that were at Bladensburg -- they died off soon; you never could
hear much talk about the battle, unless you met with such a man as Judge
Lipscomb, who used to make a laughing matter of it.
Enough of the Burnt Corn battle now. A part of the Indians returned to
Pensacola, and some went to the Nation. So soon as those who had gone back
the second time to Pensacola returned, they commenced fitting out an
expedition to Fort Mims. Weatherford and others who were engaged in the
assault.
The Indians then pretty well ceased operations, and Weatherford's taking
charge of Tate's negroes gave rise to the report by some whites that there
was an understanding between him and Tate that one was to remain with the
whites, and the other with the Indians. The report was, no doubt, false,
but it ever after caused Tate to be very reserved with most people. I knew
Tate well. He, like Weatherford and the chief, Hossa Yoholo, and one or
two others, made what has been known as the Holy Ground their
headquarters. Some time in December, Gen. Claiborne, piloted by Sam Moniac
and an old McGillivray negro, got near the place before the Indians
discovered them. The Indians began to cross their wives and children over
the river; they had scarcely time to do that before the army arrived -- a
skirmish ensued, and the Indians, losing a few men, gave way in every
direction. Weatherford died. Maj. Cowles and myself asked him how that
report got out. He said Sam Moniac knew him, and seeing him on horse back
on the brink of the bluff, and his disappearing so suddenly, caused those
who saw him to believe that he had gone over the bluff. He said that he
ran a greater risk in going the way he did, than he would to have gone
over the bluff; and but for his horse he would have gone over it and
crossed the river. But it was to save his pony that he risked passing
between two lines of the whites. From that circumstance the report got
out, and he would often own to it for the gratification of some, as they
wanted to be deceived any how. But in going the way he did, it was
hazarding more than one in a thousand would do, for a hundred times the
value of a pony.
There was one Indian, if no more, killed at Holy Ground. I believe it from
this circumstance. Some years after the fight, and the whites began to
settle Alabama, a very poor man by the name of Stoker settled on the
Autauga side, and opposite Holy Ground. His little boys, while out hunting
one day, found the irons or an old trunk and some $100 or $200 in eagle
half dollars; this, I have no doubt, was plundered at Fort Mims, and the
plunderer placed it where the boys of Stoker found it, and went back into
the fight at Holy Ground and was killed.
Weatherford's advice been taken, the result of that affair would have been
very different; for long before the fight closed, I could understand
Indian enough to hear them asking each other to "give me some. bullets --
give me powder." The friendly Indians with us did us no good, except
Timpoochy Barnard and his Uchees. Jim Boy and Billy McDonald, or Billy
McGillivray, as he was best known, said that they had between 1800 and
2000 men; but many of them were without guns, and only had war-clubs and
bows and arrows.
The surrender of Weatherford to be as high-toned and fearless as any man
he had met with -- one whose very nature scorned a mean action. And Gen.
Jackson's treatment to Billy Weatherford proved any other than Jackson
took him to be, he would have met the fate of Francis and Nehemarthla-
Micco.
What I have here written is as correct as my memory will allow, for I have
no history to refer to.
Yours, &c.,
T.S.W.
WHEELING, WINN PARISH, LA.
Nov. 3, 1858
J.J. HOOPER Esq.:
Dear Sir: A day or two since I sent you some sketches of the life of Billy
Col. Pickett, in February last, he says that himself and I are as well
acquainted with the modern Creek Indians, perhaps, as any two persons
living. That may be so; but I think there is this difference between us:
his information has been derived from very vague testimony, and gathered
up at too late a date to form anything like a true or correct history;
and, unfortunately for me, too much of mine has been from personal
experience and from the most authentic testimony, and at an early day. It
is true, that one so capable of writing as the Colonel could have given
the world not only a tolerably true, but quite an interesting history.
I see that the Colonel, like many others, is inclined to hold out an idea
or belief that the American Indian descended from the Jew; and from what I
am now about to write, should it ever come under his notice, he may think
that a am somewhat of an Indian genealogist; but by no means would I have
him think that I am a descendant of the Jew, or write from or by
inspiration. Now, had I known in 1836, when I saw the Col. in Walker's old
storehouse in Tuskegee, that he intended writing a history of the Creek
Indians, I would at least have offered him as much assistance as Gen.
Jackson in 1830 offered the Congress of the United States in aiding it to
establish a United States Bank. I would most cheerfully have furnished him
with facts which would have enabled him to write a very fair history. And
I will go farther than Gen. Jackson did -- I will prove that I was capable
of performing what I might have promised. I will commence with the several
Indian Agents from 1790 down to 1832, give their names, the names of their
children, and then the names of the most noted Indian countrymen and their
children, with the names of many half breeds and full bloods and their
children.
James Seagrove, an Irishman, was first Agent. His white family I never
knew; he had a half breed son, who was killed by the Indians many years
ago for killing another Indian at Kiemulga, when the first McIntosh party
were emigrating to Arkansas territory.
Col. Ben. Hawkins, a native of Warren county, N.C., was next Agent. He
raised three daughters -- Georgia, Carolina and Virginia -- and one son,
James Madison, called after the Col.'s class-mate in college, who was
afterwards President of the United States. Col. Hawkins raised a girl who
was called by the name of Muscogee Hawkins. She was the daughter of John
Hill, who was a sub-Indian Agent. He hung himself at Fort Wilkinson many
years ago. Muscogee married Capt. Kit Kizer, of the U.S. Army; he died,
and she married Bagwell Tillor; but enough of her. Georgia died at about
twenty years of age with consumption, a most beautiful and amiable girl.
One of the younger girls married a Lieutenant Loshhas of the army. The
other daughter and Madison I lost sight of, as I left the country a great
while back; but they were all handsome and intelligent children. Col.
Hawkins died in the fall of 1816, and sleeps on the East bank of Flint
river, and none are left who know the spot where he rests but myself and,
perchance, some old Indian countrymen.
The next Agent was Gen. David Brady Mitchell, a very talented Scotchman.
His oldest son, William, a man of fine sense and well educated, married
Jane McIntosh; the second son, David B., married a Miss Thweatt. He was
quite a gentleman; he died while a young man. The two younger sons, John
and Bullock, I have not seen for more than forty years. The oldest
daughter, Sarah, a most splendid woman, married a Col. McClung, of North
Alabama. The youngest daughter, Mary, (or Button, as she was sometimes
called,) was like her sister; she married Gen. Wm. Taylor.
The next Agent was my old and intimate friend, Col. John Crowell. Many,
both white and red, yet live who have shared his kind hospitalities. He
sleeps upon Fort Mitchell Hill, where rest a crowd that no one need be
ashamed to be picked up with, in a coming day.
One of the first Indian traders was George Galphin, an Irishman. He raised
a large family; and of the five varieties of the human family; he raised
children from three, and no doubt would have gone the whole hog, but the
Malay and Mongol were out of his reach. His white children were of the
highest and most polished order -- Mrs. Governor Milledge was one of them.
He had two negroes, Mina, a woman, and Ketch, a man; they were brother and
sister. He raised one daughter from Mina, and called her Barbary. She
married an Irishman by the name of Holmes, and raised Dr. Thomas G.
Holmes, whom Col. Pickett oŁten alludes to in his History of Alabama, as
having had conversations with him. At Galphin's death Mina was set free,
and died at old Timothy Barnard's, on Flint river, Ga., many years back.
Ketch was an interpreter among the Indians for Galphin -- was his stock
minder -- kept stock at Galpin's cowpens, where Louisville in Jefferson
county, Ga., now stands, and which was once the seat of government of that
State. Ketch helped to put up the first cabin at old Galphinton, on the
Ogeechee, for an Indian trading house. At Galphin's death Ketch was sold,
and was purchased by Gen. Twiggs of the revolution. He was the body
servant of Gen. Twiggs during the war. At the close of the war, Ketch left
his master and went into the Creek Nation. In 1833 the present Gen.
Twiggs, who has performed more real, active and hard service (such as
required great bodily exertion as well as great courage) than any one man
living -- I cannot even except the greatest military man of this or any
other age, the veteran Scott -- when severe bodily exertion has been
called for. There is scarcely an Indian tribe on our borders that Gen.
Twiggs has not had to war with, or deal with, in some way or other; and in
addition to this, the battles of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterey,
Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, and every other battle field in Mexico, speak the
praise of Twiggs, Quitman, Worth and others. Gen. Twiggs gave Ketch to me.
He [Ketch] was about six feet six inches high, very straight, and retained
his bodily strength as well as mental faculties, to a most astonishing
degree. The Gen. did not give me Ketch expecting me to profit by it, but
wished him cared for in his old age, as he had been a faithful servant to
his father in trying times. I purchased Ketch's family, and he lived till
1840. I buried him under a large oak about a mile from Tuskegee, a place
that he had selected for that purpose. I had a little mill on a creek near
Tuskegee, where I kept Ketch and several other Indian negroes, and here I
used to spend much time in listening to them tell over old occurrences of
by-gone days. From the best calculation we could make, Ketch lived to be
near a hundred years old.
While I am sketching off a little negro history, I will mention one or two
others. I buried Barnard's old Kitty near Tuskegee, at a time when Amy,
her youngest daughter of nine children, had great grand children. Old
Kitty was an African by birth, and could give no account of her age; but
she was a very old woman, at least to live since Noah's time. Another, and
the most remarkable negro that I have known in my time, was Polly
Perryman, by many known as Chehaw Micco Polly. She was raised by an
English family at Nassau on the Island of New Providence. She was taken to
Mobile when about grown -- that was but a short time after the French
evacuated Fort Du Quesne, or Pittsburg. I have often heard her tell of
making the acquaintance of some Virginia negroes who were with the French.
Polly was sold to one Jas. Clark, and taken to Pensacola. Clark sold her
to an old Indian countryman by the name of Theophilus Perryman, who was
the father of the old half breed, Jim Perryman, of the Octiyokny town; and
Jim was the father of as many children as Priam. These were the
Chattahoochy Indians below Fort Gaines. Polly was then sold to Lauchlan
McGillivray, and taken to the Coosa river a short distance below Proctor's
Island, at the old Bob Cornells place, known by some as Little
Tallassee -- named after Bob's wife, who was a Tallassee, and the mother
of Alexander Cornells, the U.S. interpreter. Polly lived in the
McGillivray family when Sophia and Alexander were born. She lived with
Alexander after he was grown, and after his death Billy Panthon sold her
to the half breed, Jim Perryman, and he sold her to Chehaw-Micco.
When the Indians emigrated in 1836, she and old Rose were left with me,
and I carried them to Arkansas. Polly was the mother of the celebrated
Siro, who was supposed to have been killed in the Pea River fight in 1837.
Polly died in 1846, and said she was 115 years old; and I think she was
but little short of that. She was as intelligent as negroes ever get to be.
I purchased Holmes' old Ned from "Horse Shoe Ned."* He had been raised at
an early day by a family of Powells, one of whom was the father of Hossa
Yoholo, a reckless fighter of the old war. Ned followed this chief to
Florida, where he died on Indian river, from a disease in his feet, caused
by an insect known as the jigger. And from this, Hossa Yoholo, and the
ignorance of many, Ussa Yoholo, or Black Drink, the modern Oceola, derived
much of his fame. Horse Shoe will tell you that Ned was an intelligent
negro.
The ignorant and unobserving will laugh, no doubt, at my introducing negro
testimony in relation to history; but I have gathered much interesting
information from those negroes, as well as McGillivray's old Charles, who
accompanied his old master to Savannah, Ga. The old man McGillivray never
returned to the Nation, but sent his two children, Sophia and Aleck, back
by Charles. This I think I stated to you before. But let me here remark
one thing about negroes -- particularly negroes who are raised in the
slaveholding States of the United States. They are in general treated
kind, and in early life are placed pretty much on an equality with the
white children. They have but few cares, and what they learn they
generally learn well; and they never fail to learn all the family names.
You may take any old negro who has lived for three or four generations in
a family, and nine out of ten will tell you the names of the oldest down
to the youngest for several generations. For the want of a paper record,
they register these things in their heads. The recollection of family
names for a few generations back is a thing which a very large portion of
the American people are deficient in. Indian negroes generally have a
double advantage in the recollection of things, if not of names, over
those raised among the whites. They are raised to man or womanhood with
their owners; and in many instances they are better raised -- always on an
equality, and not one in fifty but speaks the English as well as the
Indian language. Nearly all of them, at some time or other, are used as
interpreters, which affords them an opportunity to gather information that
many of their owners never have, as they speak but the one language.
I have said enough on this subject, if I am right, to satisfy sensible
men; and if wrong, more than they perhaps would like to read -- and as I
have no marvelous yarns to relate, or pictures in my work, fools won't
look at it.
Now, let us go back to family names -- maybe some one will want to write
hereafter, and I will furnish them at least a few names of persons who
have, and are yet living. Timothy Barnard, an Englishman, was a trader and
interpreter for many years. I knew him well -- he had an Uchee woman for a
wife, and raised a number of children. Jim was his oldest son, and a
cripple through life; Billy was the next, and married Peggy Sullivan, a
daughter of Sullivan who was the owner of the negro Bob that was said to
be concerned in the murder of the Kirkland family at Murder creek, from
which the creek took its name. Bob was the father of Caesar, who was with
Gen. Dale in the canoe fight. The mother of Caesar was old Tabby, who was
stolen from a man by the name of Cook in Georgia many years back. Billy's
and Peggy's children were Davy, Tom, Epsy, Nancy and Sukey. Timpoochy, the
third son, had an Indian wife; he commanded the Uchees in Gen. Floyd's
night fight, and was as lionhearted as Gen. Zachary Taylor. Cuseene, the
fourth son, had an Indian wife, and emigrated to Arkansas; Michy, the
fifth son, a fine soldier, got drunk one night at his camp and was burned
to death; Buck, the youngest, was a smart half breed; he packed horses for
me while I was assisting Gen. Watson in running the line between Georgia
and Florida; he was murdered not far from Sand Fort by an Indian. Polly,
his oldest daughter, married Joe Marshall. She was killed by a horse. The
only son she had by Marshall was John, who commanded the five Indians that
burned the last stages and killed Hammel and Lucky in Russell county, in
1836. The next daughter was Matoya, a very pretty woman; she died single,
but was courted by Daniel McGee, of old Hartford, Ga.
The next important trader was Laughlin McGillivray. I have given you an
account of him before. Daniel McDonald, who was the principal pack-horse
man for McGillivray, assumed the name of Daniel McGillivray, and got
considerable property by it. McDonald was the father of Bit-nose Billy
McGillivray, as he has been called and known by many.
James McQueen was the first white man I ever heard of being among the
Creeks. He was born in 1683 -- went into the Nation in 1716, and died in
1811. He married a Tallassee woman. The Tallassees then occupied a portion
of Talladega county. In 1756 he moved the Tallassees down opposite
Tuckabatchy, and settled the Netches under the chief Chenubby and Dixon
Moniac, a Hollander, who was the father of Sam Moniac, at the Tallassee
old fields, on the Tallasahatchy creek. McQueen settled himself on Line
creek, in Montgomery county. I knew several of his children -- that is,
his sons, Bob, Fullunny and Peter. Bob was a very old man when I first
knew him. He and Fullunny had Indian wives. Peter, the youngest son,
married Betsy Durant. They raised one son, James, and three daughters,
Milly, Nancy and Tallassee. The Big Warrior's son, Yargee, had the three
sisters for wives at the same time, and would have taken more half
sisters. After Peter McQueen died, his widow returned from Florida and
married Willy McQueen, the nephew of Peter, and raised two daughters,
Sophia and Muscogee, and some two or three boys. Old James McQueen had a
daughter named Ann, commonly called Nancy. He called her after the Queen
of England, whose service he quit when he came into the Nation. Of late
years it was hard to find a young Tallassee without some of the McQueen
blood in his veins.
This daughter, Ann, raised a daughter by one Copinger, and called her
Polly. She was the mother of Ussa Yoholo, or Black Drink -- but better
known of late as Oceola -- who aided in the murder of my old countryman,
General Thompson. And for the capture of Oceola, Gen. Thomas S. Jessup
deserves as much credit as Peter Francisco would, had he flogged his grand-
mother. Oceola, as he was called, was born in Macon county, on the East
side of Nafawpba creek, and not far from where the West Point Railroad
crosses. If I ever return to Alabama, I will mark the spot for some one.
His great grand-father, James McQueen, lies about a mile off, and on the
West side of the creek.
The next traders I will introduce are Joe and Bob Cornells. Joe had a
Tuckabatchy woman for a wife. Davy was the oldest; he was known to the
Indians as the Dog Warrior, or Efaw Tustanugga. He was the father of the
present speaker of the Upper Creeks, Hopoithle Yoholo, and another son,
Miker. He [Davy Cornell] was a troublesome man, and was killed by one
Harrison, while on a visit to Seagrove at Colerain, bearing a white flag.
George, the second son, raised two sons, Seechy and Dick. Seechy raised
several children, sons and daughters; his daughter, Tomget, married a Mr.
Spire M. Hagerty, and he fell heir to her property. Dick had several
wives. He raised one daughter by his second cousin Sukey Cornells, named
Hannah.
A man named Sam Jones took with him into the Nation from Fort Wilkinson a
woman named Betsy Coulter; Jim Cornells swapped his niece, Polly Kean,
with Jones, and took Betsy Coulter for a wife. She was the woman that
Peter McQueen and Jim Boy captured and carried to Pensacola, and sold to
Madame Barrone. Sam Jones married Polly Kean -- and in 1816, and near
about the time that Col. Fisher and Jim Collier killed Bradberry, and Col.
Joe Phillips killed Roberts, Jim CornelIs killed Sam Jones. Polly then
married one-eyed Billy Oliver, an old countryman of mine. She was the
daughter of Lucy Cornells, who was the daughter of old Joe. Her first
husband was John Kean; she raised Polly, whom I have just mentioned, and
one son, John. Kean died, and she married one Sam Smith, and raised one
son, who was called Sam. He was wounded at Fort Mims, and made his escape.
Old Smith quit Lucy, and she then married one Tooly. He was a blacksmith,
and worked up the little swivel into bells which DeSoto left at Thlea
Walla. Lucy had two daughters by Tooley, Judy and Mahaly; they were
entirely too ugly to think of marrying. Tooly had two sons, Billy and
Hiram, they went off among the whites. One of the Crawfords in Georgia
partly raised Hiram; he returned to the Nation, and was killed by Pompey,
a negro.
Vicey Cornells, the second daughter of Joe Cornells, married Alexander
McGillivray; and after he died, she married Zach McGirth, and raised
several daughters -- one married Vardy Jolly, one Ned James, one Aleck
Moniac, one Bill Crabtree, and the youngest, Sarah, went to Arkansas.
I could give you more of this, but you live too near Montgomery to know it
all.
Mrs. McGirth raised one son, called James, who was killed at Fort Mims,
and she and her daughters were saved by Jim Boy. I lived long with them
both; often have I heard them talk it over, when both were sure to get
drunk, if whiskey could be had.
George Cornells, the son of Joe, raised several daughters; the old Mad-
Dog's son married one of them, and was the father of Capt. Walker's wife,
Sappoya, and a boy, the great friend of Horse Shoe Ned, called Mungy. The
young Dog Warrior was killed at Otisee in 1813. Col. Pickett calls him the
Mad Dragon. Another of George's daughters married Billy McGirth; another
the Little Doctor, and one called Big Lizzy married Mad Blue Bob Cornells,
the brother of old Joe. I have mentioned in the sketches of Polly
Perryman, the negress, that he was the father of Alexander Cornells, the
interpreter. Alexander Cornells' wife was known as the Big Woman. She was
the daughter of the old Mad-Dog by the mother of Tuskenea. The stock was
good.
The Big Woman's first daughter, Anny, was not a Cornells; her father was
Tom Low. Sukey was Alexander's first child by the Big Woman; she had her
second cousin, Dick Cornells, for a husband. Charles was their oldest son,
who hung himself in 1827 or 28. He had Peggy McGillivray for a wife, the
daughter of Alexander McGillivray.
Hawkins CornelIs' wife was an Indian. He and Charles left several
children. But long before Charles hung himself, his wife, Peggy
McGillivray, died, and he married the widow of Bob Mosely; her name was
Sumerly. She was a grand-daughter of old Sire McQueen. Bob Mosely was a
white man, whom I mentioned to you before, in connection with John Ward.
Amy Low, the oldest daughter of Alexander Cornells' wife, had George
Goodwin for a husband. Goodwin was the half brother of Jim Boy, and the
man we picked up, with a few others, when we went to Moniac's cowpens in
company with Col. Pickett and Mr. Compeer, about the Tuckabatchys being a
Northern tribe and coming to the country after the Tallassees and others
had settled it. Big Warrior was a man of great cunning, and there is but
little sincerity in his pretended friendship for the whites. He was the
father of Tuskenea, who was a much better man. Tuskenea's mother and the
Big Woman's mother was the same woman. Old Mad-Dog, who in his time held
the same rank as the Big Warrior, was the father of the Big Woman, and Big
Warrior, was the father of Tuskenea, A brother of Tuskenea's mother, the
oldest man I ever saw, fought with the French against Braddock..James
McQueen sent him with a party of Creeks to war with the English.
In the revolution there never was a Tallassee or a Netches known to take
up arms against the colonies; that was the influence of McQueen and Dick
Moniac, the Hollander. Nat Collins and myself located this old Indian upon
his land; I forget his Indian name, but be was called Billy by the whites.
He died in 1836.
Col. Pickett speaks of knowing Menauway, the leader at Horse Shoe. The
Colonel or myself one is mistaken. I have known Menauway since 1809; the
first time that I ever saw him was at Booth's Indian store, on the
Ocmulga, in 1809; he was there in company with Sam Dale and Harrison
Young, the brother of Simon Suggs. I recollect that Young and Menauway
were just getting over the small pox; they had both had the disease at
Menauway's house at Ocfuskce. It was at that time that Dale and Webb laid
the foundation for the fist fight at Clinton, which I was telling you
about.
Meanuway told me the way he escaped at Horse Shoe. He was badly wounded,
and discovered that the whites and friendly Indians paid but little
attention to dead women; he got some women's clothes, put them on, dragged
two or three dead women together, and lay between them until night, and
then escaped. I reckon the cow story was like the hog-skin at Talladega --
all a hoax.
The Colonel says hundreds of Indians used to visit his father's store. He
is mistaken; there were some Indians, but many of them were white men from
Col. Rose's neighborhood, Matthew Duncan, and others. I knew the place
long before the Colonel's father settled it, and long after; he sold it to
that miser, John Crayon; but he could not help being a miser.
I will send you some Georgia and S. Carolina sketches before long, and you
can then account for Crayon's being a miser.
Respectfully,
T.S.W.
WHEELING, WINN PARISH, LA.
November 27th, 1858.
To J.J. HOOPER, Esq:
Dear Sir: My health has been bad of late -- so much so, that I have been
unable to write. I sent you a few days back a little document containing
some corrections of errors in my printed letters. You will find that in
the hand-writing of my son, Thomas, and I believe without date.
Your paper makes its appearance occasionally, and I find many good things
in it, besides much useful information. But I am truly sorry to find it
the messenger of so much sad intelligence. I learn from it, that my old
acquaintances, (and I think they were my friends,) Col. A.J. Pickett, Ex-
Governor Bagby, and Col. Charles McLemore are no more.
Col. Pickett I knew when a small boy, at the time when his father
emigrated to Alabama, I think in 1818. I was then in the prime of manhood.
Col. Wm. R. Pickett settled in Autauga county, near Hayne's Bluff -- the
bluff taking its name from its original owner, Col. Arthur P. Hayne. That
portion of country between Autauga creek and the mouth of Coosa river,
just before, and at the time, and a little while after Col. Win. R.
Pickett settled in Alabama, was occupied by more intelligent, sensible,
practical, and I may say talented men, (not to be professional men,) than
any portion of South Alabama which I was acquainted with. Among them was
Dr. Bibb, the first man I ever heard make a political speech. I think it
was in 1804, at Elbert Court House, Ga. I was too young to understand
anything of politics at that time; but I remember hearing the speech and
recollect the man, and knew him from then until his death.
I also recollect that at the same time Bibb's step-father, William
Barnett, made a short speech. They were both Senators in Congress after
that, and I think at the same time.
Boling Hall was one among many other intelligent men who settled in
Autauga county at an early day.
There was also Phillips Fitzpatrick, one of the earliest settlers of
Autauga; and if being raised on the frontiers of Georgia at an early day
had deprived him of an education, he was certainly under as many
obligations to his maker for native intellect as any man I have known,
living or dead.
You will discover from what I have written, that I differ from Col. A.J.
Pickett in some things relative to the early history of Alabama, and more
particularly that of the Creek Indians. Notwithstanding I have differed
from him as to history, I agree with all who knew him, that he was a high-
toned gentleman, and his loss is much to be lamented. Col. Pickett
possessed to a great degree a trait that is seldom, if ever, possessed by
any but the best of men -- that is, too great confidence in the honesty of
mankind. That no doubt has been the cause of some things appearing in his
history which a few of us old ones know to be incorrect. He has lived to
inform himself, and to instruct his fellow man, and never (as I have
heard) engaged in the political broils and troubles that have agitated the
country in his time. That of itself is enough to make his memory revered
by all who knew him.
My acquaintance with Governor Bagby commenced, I think, in 1819. In that
year and the year after, I had business that called me to Claiborne
frequently, and on one of my stays at that place, I was introduced to Mr.
Bagby by a lady acquaintance of mine, a Miss Emily Steel. She afterwards
married Mr. Bagby. In June, 1820, I, in company with an Englishman by the
name of William N. Thompson, visited Claiborne. Thompson was going to
Mobile on horse-back, and I remained at Claiborne until he returned; I
spent much of that time in company with Governor Bagby. About the time
Thompson returned to Claiborne, a steamboat called the Cotton Plant, I
think, made its appearance at the lower landing. The Captain gave a
general invitation to the citizens of Claiborne to attend a party on board
the boat. I, with many others, both male and female, attended the party.
We danced on the hurricane deck. The fiddler was one Tom Paxton, who
played for me when I taught the first dancing school that was ever taught
in Montgomery county. It was at the house of one Isaac Lansdale, near the
mouth of Catoma Creek. Capt. John Martin was one of my pupils. The party
closed on the boat, and all hands returned to town. I put up at a house
kept by John M. Flynn. Gert. Sam Dale was my room-mate. The Englishman,
Thompson, also boarded with Flynn. Bagby boarded at a house kept by three
brothers, all gamblers -- John, Henry, and Robert Carter. Bagby invited
Dale, Thompson, and myself to supper at the Carter house one night. After
supper, it was proposed to have some speaking or debating on the propriety
of Congress calling Gen. Jackson's conduct in question for his march into
Florida a year or two before that. One Laurence Wood was called to the
Chair, and Bagby made the first speech, one of the finest I think I ever
heard from so young a man, or I may say boy -- for he was not grown, and
wore a very boyish appearance. There was one James Pickens who made the
next speech, He took the same ground that Bagby had taken pretty much;
justifying Jackson's course, under the circumstances; and also contended
that our relations with Spain made it necessary for Congress to do
something, or at least say something, in order to appease Spain. Bagby
seemed well pleased with Pickens' speech, which was delivered in fine
style, and showed much good sense on the part of the speaker.
The next thing in order was to drink some liquor, and while drinking, a
man by the name of Burwell Brewer made some uncalled for, as well as
unbecoming remarks about Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and Tom Cobb, of Ga.
Brewer's remarks offended Bagby, he [Bagby] being a great admirer of Mr.
Clay. He swore the speaking should stop, and mounted upon the speaker's,
or chairman's table with decanter in one hand and a tumbler in the other;
he was ordered down, but he threw the decanter at one man and the tumbler
at another, and a fight ensued in which Bagby seemed to have but few
friends. I, with the leg of a small table, succeeded in warding off
several severe blows that Bagby would have received, as well as cuts from
knives, which were made at him. Dale, who was out when the fight
commenced, hearing the noise, ran in, in company with three others, Flynn,
Reading and Hailstock. With their assistance we got Bagby out of the
house, and carried him to Flynn's.
By some means, or from some cause, angry words passed between Flynn and
Reading, and not long after that, Reading killed Flynn. But for the very
determined resolution of Dale, I think Bagby would have been killed that
night; for there were some very determined men among those who were
opposed to him -- among them, I understood, was the man Pickens above
alluded to. He was a stranger to me; but I learned he would not give an
insult, nor was he ever known to receive one and let it go unpunished.
Ever after that, when I met with Arthur P. Bagby, he would express great
friendship for me. While the seat of government was kept at Cahawba, I
resided near Selma; and during one session of the Legislature, the
Englishman, Thompson, called at my house and I accompanied him to Cahawba.
While there, we met with Bagby; he invited us to his room, which was at
Davy White's hotel. On our entering the room, we met with Sam Dale, Nick
Davis from Limestone, James Jackson, from Lauderdale, Matt Clay, I think
from Madison, Phil. Fitzpatrick, from Autauga, Jew Davis, from Mobile,
better known as "the original George." Liquor, anecdotes, songs and loud
laughter went round until late at night -- all hands as happy as they
would have been at a camp-meeting. The show was about closing, and all in
fine spirits and the best of humors, when Phil. Fitzpatrick unfortunately
wanted a little more fun, and whispered to Dale that he did not understand
some remarks which had been made by some of the gentlemen present, and
that he [Dale] ought to have the matter explained; and for all Dale had
known Phil. from his childhood, and had witnessed many of his tricks,
there was too much liquor aboard for good judgment to have its sway. Dale
rose up, closed the door, and swore no man should leave the room until an
explanation was made, and that it should be made very promptly, or he
would frail the last man in the room. The rest being pretty much in Dale's
fix, did not know what to say. Clay said that he would quit the room; Dale
stood at the door and demanded an explanation; from that their coats were
thrown off, and we were about to have another Claiborne affair of it, when
Phil. spoke to Dale and told him that he had fallen on a plan to have the
matter settled and that he [Dale] had more courage than any one of the
crowd, and was obliged to quit winner. That satisfied Dale, and the show
closed. The next morning it was like an Indian quarrel -- all charged to
whiskey.
For the last eight or ten years of my stay in Alabama, I do not recollect
to have seen Gov. Bagby but once. In June, 1840, I had a son at school in
Tuscaloosa, and there was to be a Whig convention there. I concluded to
visit both; and on my route to Tuscaloosa, at a place in Autauga county, I
fell in with the Englishman, Thompson, -- and here let me remark, that he
was a man of fine intelligence. I had then known him twenty years; our
first acquaintance was near a place then known as Dardenoil, now called by
many Dardanell; it is in Arkansas. He and myself traveled together to
Tuscaloosa. My health was not good, and on my arrival at Tuscaloosa I
found my son sick; so, I could not hear all the speaking. But on the day
that Judge Hopkins was to speak, I, with my friend Thompson, went to the
log cabin. Hopkins spoke. I heard many speeches in 1840, made by good
speakers; I heard Mr. Hilliard in his best days; I heard Dixon H. Lewis,
at Clayton, in Barbour county; I heard Judge Berrien and Mr. Preston, at
Macon, Ga., besides hundreds of the little short stock, who deal alone on
borrowed capital, and are often very profuse with it; but none did I hear
that surpassed Judge Hopkins, if, indeed, any equalled him. If there could
have been the smallest particle of modesty squeezed into the most noisy
demagogue, and he forced to have heard that speech, he would have hung his
head at hearing so many truths, and they uttered in a manner that the most
common capacity could understand them and know their importance.
After the Judge closed, and Mr. Morrisett, from Monroe county, -- who had
been a soldier under Gen. Harrison -- made a few remarks, Thompson and
myself left for our rooms. On our way, in front of Duffie's hotel, some
one called me; I turned, and found it was Gov. Bagby. He seemed glad to
see me, and remarked -- "You and the Englishman still travel together;
now, if you had Dale, the crowd would be complete." He then asked me if I
was a Whig. I answered him, "if there was a better one on earth than
myself, it was only because he had more sense." He then made the same
inquiry of Thompson, if he was a Whig. Thompson said he was. The Governor
then asked us if we were not wrong. I replied to him, "Governor, you
perhaps can judge better of that yourself, as you have been on all sides."
He reddened a little in the face, and remarked to Thompson: "You know,
Thompson, that Tom Woodward and Sam Dale are privileged men with me."
That was the last time I ever saw Governor Bagby. He was a man of fine
sense and good heart. It was often said of him, that he was a bad manager
in money matters, and did not accumulate wealth. But he could have done
so, no doubt, had he wished it at any time; though, like a man of sense,
he chose to live well on what he made, and never, like many others, cared
to have large sums lying by him, merely to hear fools say that he had it.
Vacancies which occur by the death of such men as Arthur P. Bagby, are not
so easily filled in Alabama or elsewhere, in the present day; and the
people of Alabama, as well as many other States, seem to have foreknown
this for some time back, and have accustomed themselves to putting men of
much less calibre in the highest places. Like the Atlantic Cable, such
will make a show, and do to talk about; but, when thoroughly tried, the
system will not be found to work well.
Now for my friend, Col. Chas. McLemore. The Chambers Tribune speaks
nothing but the truth, when it says, "he was no ordinary man;" and if
Chambers has not been left an orphan, the orphan's friend has left
Chambers. I knew him when he was a little boy; his father died when he
[Charles] was very young, leaving him and another, Frank, to make their
way through the world as best they could.
Charles McLemore was most emphatically what the world terms a self-made
man. He was endowed by nature with a fine intellect, and with that great
share of moral honesty which has marked all of his family whom I have
known, (and I have known many of them.) He raised himself to what you have
seen and know of him. I am unable to say anything that could raise Charley
McLemore any higher in the estimation of those who knew him, than the
position he occupied at his death. When I left Georgia, and made Alabama
my home, Charley was a little boy; I think he then lived in Jones county.
Some twelve years afterwards, I met an intelligent young man at an Indian
Council at Oweatumpka-chee, or Falls of Little Uchee Creek, (where my old
friend and camp-mate, Col. Henry Moffett, afterwards erected some mills.)
This young man was Charles McLemore. I there renewed my acquaintance with
him. What I am now going to relate will be remembered by many now living.
The Council was in the fall of 1832. Some Cherokees had been invited or
requested by the whites to attend the Council, in order to encourage the
Creeks to emigrate. Among the Cherokees were old Ridge, and his son, John
Ridge, (who has been killed since by the Ross family in Arkansas,) Davy
Van, and others. The Creeks were soured, and I knew it -- for I lived
within two miles of the head chief, and knew his feelings, and
communicated them to Col. Crowell. He soon discovered the great
disinclination the chiefs had to going into Council, and used every
exertion to prevent liquor being brought into camp. But by some means,
some negroes belonging to a half breed, Joe Marshall, got some whiskey
into camp. There was an order for it to be destroyed, and the whiskey was
poured out on the ground, which seemed not to suit the tastes of some
whites as well as Indians. It appeared that a white man had hired the
negroes to carry the whiskey to camp, and it was proposed to flog the
negroes; but Marshall objected, stating that the white men were to blame.
A general fight commenced with the Indians themselves, and a great many
whites left the camp, not knowing but that a general massacre was to take
place. Marshall's party was the weakest, and seemed to be giving way. I
remarked to McLemore, who was standing by me, that Marshall was a good
man, and had been a great friend to the whites in the Creek war, and that
I disliked to see him backed out; that was enough -- Charley walked into
the thickest of it, among knives, clubs, and everything else. Wherever he
went, he opened their ranks, and Marshall soon quit winner. That was
Charles McLemore. I have seen some trouble, and think I know something of
men; but there is not one in a hundred who would have risked so much and
showed the daring that McLemore did that night, and under such
circumstances. Peace to the good and brave.
Yours, &c.,
T.S.W.
Woodward's Reminiscenses - End of Part 4
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