History of the Town of Hampton, NH - Chapter 13



CHAPTER XIII. INDIAN WARS, 1675-1763

KING PHILIP'S WAR, 1675-6

When the settlement was made at Winnacunnet, the war with the Pequots
having recently closed, all New England was enjoying a respite from open
hostility with the natives. There was some friendly intercourse between
the races, and this continued many years. Still there was a feeling of
insecurity on the part of the settlers, arising from their want of
confidence in the sincerity of the Indians in their professions of
friendship. Sufficient evidence of this is found in the legislation of the
times. A careful perusal of the documents in the archives of Massachusetts
will give an insight into the condition of the country, which we fail to
get from any history of that period. Provision was early made for
organizing military companies and for the frequent drilling of soldiers.
Even boys from ten to sixteen years of age were to be exercised with small
guns, half-pikes, bow and arrows. Powder was distributed in all the town,
and every man was obliged by law to have one pound in his house at all
times. Watches and wards were constantly required; houses provided in all
the town, as places of retreat for the women and children, and for the
safe-keeping of ammunition. In 1644 it was ordered that all inhabitants,
as well as others, should "have armes ready in their houses always ready
fixed for service." Provision was made for calling out companies in case
of an alarm, and every trained soldier was required to turn out
immediately under penalty of £5 for neglect. Military officers were
impowered to "appoint what armes to be brought to the meeting houses on
the Lord's days & other times of meeting."

The foregoing are only a few of the many regulations made for the security
of the people; but they are enough to give us some conception of the
dangers to which they felt themselves exposed. Still, there was
comparative safety throughout New England til 1675. In that year was
commenced the disastrous Indian war which, at the time, being thought to
be occasioned by the jealousies and intrigues of Philip of Pokanoket, has
usually been called King Philip's War. The first attack made by the
Indians was on the town of Swanzey, in the Colony of Plymouth, in June of
that year. Not long after, there was an uprising of some of the Eastern
Indians in the Province of Maine.

Their first acts of hostility were in places more remote, but in the month
of September they came into New Hampshire and attacked the settlement at
Oyster River (Durham), where they burned two houses, killed two men and
took captive two others, who, however, soon after escaped.

The next month as Goodman Robinson, of Exeter, and his son were coming
from that town to Hampton, they were waylaid by three Indians, who shot
the old man and left him dead on the spot. His son, who was a little
distance from him, hearing the report of the guns, ran into a neighboring
swamp, and, although at first pursued by the Indians, succeeded in
reaching Hampton, where he arrived about midnight. The next day, Lieut.
Benjamin Swett, with about a dozen soldiers of the town, went and searched
the woods and found the body of the murdered man. He had been shot in his
back, the bullet having passed nearly through his body.

Before the close of the year small parties of Indians committed
depredations in several places near the Piscataqua. The inhabitants of
Hampton suffered less than those in the river town, though they lived in
constant dread, and sometimes the enemy was known to be lurking among
them. One instance (a matter of record) may be given:

There appears to have been a plot to burn the house of Thomas Sleeper -- a
frontier-house in the easterly part of the town. About nine o'clock in the
evening of the first Saturday of November, 1675, an Indian was discovered
passing from the barn, about eight rods distant, towards the house, with
fire in his right hand -- "in appearance about the bigness of an egg" --
and straw under his left arm. When about midway between the two buildings,
he was fired upon from the house and immediately fell. The straw took fire
and blazed up, and by the light of it another Indian was seen running away
between the fire and the barn. Thus their design was frustrated. The fire
soon went out, having done no injury. The people of the house, fearing
that others might be lying in ambush, dared not go out in the night to the
place where the Indian fell. In the morning, no dead Indian was to be
found, but pieces of birch-bark lay scattered around where the fire had
been kindled.

In the early part of the following week scouts were out in Hampton,
Exeter, Salisbury and Haverhill, searching the woods to track the Indians
on the snow which had already fallen, but they appear to have returned
without success.

Just before the year closed, it was ordered that the majors of the several
regiments in this part of Massachusetts should raise three hundred men to
reduce the enemy by attacking them at their headquarters at Ossipee and
Pequacket. Of this number, Hampton was required to furnish twenty-eight
men. But the winter was very severe. We have already stated that snow had
fallen early in November. By the tenth of December it was four feet deep
in the woods. The soldiers not being provided with snow-shoes, it was
impossible to carry out the plan proposed. But the depth of the snow and
the severity of the winter were equally unfavorable to the Indians. They
were also suffering from famine, and having from this cause and by the war
lost a large number of their men, they were glad to make peace, which was
obtained through the mediation of Major Waldron, of Dover, to whom they
had applied for this purpose. The captives they had taken were restored,
thus bringing joy to many families, though the peace was of short
duration.

Hostilities were renewed the next summer, partly, perhaps, through fault
of the Indians; but partly also through that of the English, or some of
them, whose dealings with the red-men had not been such as were likely to
secure a permanent peace. The occurrences of this year, though not
unimportant, will be passed over, as not coming within the scope of this
work.

On the 16th of April, 1677, the house of John Kenniston was burned, and
himself killed within the limits of the present town of Greenland, which
borders North Hampton, then a part of Hampton.

About two months later the enemy appeared in Hampton and killed four men
in that part of the town called North Hill (now North Hampton). These
were: Edward Colcord, Jr., Abraham Perkins, Jr., Benjamin Hilliard and
Caleb Towle. Perkins had a wife and three daughters. The others were
unmarried. Colcord's age was 25; Perkins', 37; Hilliard's, 24; Towle's,
16.

The eastern settlements in the Province of Maine, being very much exposed,
and needing assistance, the government of Massachusetts determined to send
a force of two hundred friendly Indians and forty English soldiers against
the enemy in those parts. Lieut. Benjamin Swett, of Hampton, who received
a captain's commission, June 21, was made "the conductor and chief
commander of the English and Indian forces now raised to go forth on the
service of the country against the Eastern Indian Enemy, as also to order
and dispose of the masters and mariners and vessels now going on said
service, for the better management of that affairs."

Dr. Belknap and some other writers state that Captain Swett was sent to
Taconic falls on the Kennebec, one of the strongholds of the enemy, but
nothing to corroborate this is found in the instructions of the
government, dated on the next day after he received his commission. The
instructions are as follows:

Capt. Swett,

You are ordered with the forces now raysed & by your comission put under
your command, to repayr to Black-poynt, & there use all possible
dilligence, by scouting & otherwise, to understand the state & Motion of
the enemy, & with your force to assayle & annoy them as much as in you
lyeth. If any other small quarter of the enemy lye near & your force be in
any manner capable in a short time to visit & fall upon them, you are
accordingly ordered with all yr force, Indians & English, to make your
March thither & assalt them. If otherwise no service against the enemy
offer, advising with Maj. Clark to whom the Council doth refer you for
advice, you shall with your whole force March down toward Pascataway or
the backside of Winter-Harbour . . . . . if possible to discovere the
lurking places of the enemy & fall upon them: after which you shall supply
out of your company the places of ye old garrison-soldiers which went out
under Capt. Swayn or other, dismissing them home, & lodge ye remaynder in
most convenient & necissary places for the Countrys service, & in such
companyes that upon . . . exigence or order you may call ym again for
further execution or expedition, keeping your corespondence with giving
account to ye governr & Councill, of all occurrences.

Dated at Charlestown ye 22d of June, 1677.

"The forces were embarked in vessels which came to anchor off Black Point
in Scarborough, on the 28th of June, where Captain Swett being informed
that some Indians had been seen, went on shore with a party, confident in
his strength, and began to test the valor and courage of his company
before he had disciplined th;em, or had any experience of their ability to
fight." This was undoubtedly an error; but the government had committed a
greater error in sending a force so inadequate to the work to be done. Not
only was the number of men sent far too small, but many, even of that
small number, were young, raw and inexperienced soldiers, not able to look
danger, much less death, calmly in the face.

"The forces landed at Black Point, were joined by some of the inhabitants,
so as to make ninety in all, besides the 200 friendly Indians. The next
morning the enemy showed themselves on a plain, in three parties. A large
decoy, supposed to be the main body of the Indians, feigned a retreat, and
were pursued a distance of about two miles from the fort, when the English
soldiers found themselves in a most exposed situation, between a thicket
and a swamp, upon the declivity of a hill; and instantly from an ambush on
each side, great numbers of Indians, rising with a war-whoop, fired at
once upon the two division, and turning so violently and so suddenly upon
them, three the young and undisciplined soldiers into confusion. Capt.
Swett with a few of the more resolute, fought bravely on the retreat, till
he came near the fort, when he was killed. Sixty more, among them Lieut.
Richardson, were left dead or wounded, and the rest got into the fort."

Such is the account of this fatal engagement, derived from a manuscript
letter of Rev. Nathaniel Gookin, of Hampton, and drawn up by one of his
descendants, the late John Wingate Thornton, of Boston.

Williamson, in his History of Maine, gives the following account, which is
substantially that of Hubbard:

"Though the ranks were broken, the engagement was sharp and protracted.
Richardson was presently slain, and many on both sides soon shared the
same fate. Swett fought the enemy hand to hand; displaying upon the spot
and in a retreat of two miles, great presence of mind, as well as personal
courage, in repeated rallies of his men, in his exertions to bring off the
dead and wounded, and in defense of his rear, upon which the savages hung
with destructive fury. At last, wounded in twenty places, and exhausted by
loss of blood and by fatigue, he was grappled, thrown to the ground, and
barbarously cut in pieces at the gates of the garrison. With this intrepid
officer, fell sixty of his men -- forty English and twenty Indians. Seldom
is the merit of a military officer more genuine; seldom is the death of
one more deeply lamented."

Nowhere was the death of Captain Swett more deeply lamented than in
Hampton, by the people among whom he had many years lived, and by whom he
was well known and highly esteemed. The loss of him was more severely felt
in consequence of the imminent danger which they then conceived the town
to be in, of an attack by the enemy. This is abundantly evident from a
petition of the militia and inhabitants of the town, to Major General
Denison, stating that they had eighteen impressed men in daily service,
besides the ordinary ward; and urging that, owing to threats of the
Indians upon "our Towne in particular," about thirty able and stout men
might be impressed and sent to their aid. This petition was signed by Rev.
Seaborn Cotton, Samuel Dalton and the military officers, Capt. Christopher
Hussey, Ensign John Sanborn and Deputy Thomas Marston.

So urgent appeared the necessity for immediate relief, that another
petition was the same day prepared and sent to General Denison, begging
him to send them, if it were possible, about thirty men from Newbury, or
some place near, with a suitable commander, sos that, if practicable, they
might be at Hampton as soon as the next Thursday morning, as an attack had
been threatened for that day.

Whether any relief was afforded in answer to these petitions, does not
appear; but the anticipated attack was not made; and soon afterwards the
Indians ceased their depredations,s and in the following spring concluded
a peace at Casco, and restored their captives.

A considerable number of Hampton men performed military service in this
war. How many were with Captain Swett in his unfortunate expedition, is
not known. In March, 1676, some forces were sent for the defense of
Marlborough, Mass., and among them were at least eight men from this town,
viz.:

Mr. John Stanyan
Thomas Cram
Caleb Perkins
John Huggins
Jacob Garland
Abraham Chase
John Philbrick
John Palmer

The following persons are known to have been in the service of the country
sometime during the two years, 1675 and 1676.

Israel Blake
John Brown
Thomas Brown
Joseph Cass
John Chapman
Samuel Chapman
Israel Clifford
Edward Colcord
Henry Dow
Abraham Drake
Joseph Griffin
James Hobbs
Morris Hobbs
Thomas Hobbs
Francis Jenness
Samuel Johnson
Israel Leavitt
John Leavitt
Ephraim Marston
John Marston
Benjamin Moulton
John Palmer
------ Palmer
Ebenezer Perkins
Thomas Robie
William Samborne
John Sleeper
Joseph Smith
Benjamin Swett
Michael Towsley


KING WILLIAM'S WAR, 1689-1698

The Eastern Indians generally appear to have observed the treaty made at
Casco, in 1678, conducting themselves for several years peaceably towards
the English settlers, who, in the meantime, had been gradually recovering
from their losses in the late disastrous war; but, partly through fault of
the English themselves, the peace was at length broken and ravages
committed, beginning with several places in the province of Maine.

The first sufferers in New Hampshire were in Dover, on the 28th of June,
1689, when the aged Major Waldron and more than a score of others were
killed, and nearly thirty were taken captive. About a month later the
savages feel upon the settlement at Oyster River also, and killed or
carried off nearly twenty persons.

On the 8th of July the town of Hampton voted "that all those who were
willing to make a fortification about the Meeting House, to secure
themselves and their families from the violence of the heathen, should
have free liberty to do it." A fortification was accordingly built, which,
about three years afterward, the town voted to enlarge so as to afford
room "to build houses in it according to custom in other forts." How many
houses were built is not known, but it was voted that a small house (14 by
16 feet) should be built there for the use of the minister, and when not
occupied by him to serve as a schoolhouse.

From information derived from one who had been in captivity among the
enemy, fears were entertained that an attempt would be made in the latter
part of September to destroy the towns of Hampton, Exeter, Salisbury and
Amesbury, and it was said that four hundred Indians were to be sent for
this purpose. In confirmation of the report in circulation, Indians
("skulking rogues," as they were termed) were seen in these towns almost
every day, sent, it was thought, to reconnoiter. Whether they found that
their design had been discovered, and that the people were too much on
their guard to be easily overcome, or whether the rumor of their intended
attack was unfounded, is uncertain; but the month of September wore away,
and the four towns still remained.

In March, 1690, the military officers in commission before Cranfield's
administration, were restored to office. Those for Hampton were: Samuel
Sherburne, Captain; Edward Gove, Lieutenant; John Moulton, Ensign.

During the month of July more than thirty persons were killed by the
savages, in Exeter.

Thus far no attack had been made upon any part of Hampton, but the people
were living in constant dread. So secret and so sudden had been the
movements of the enemy, that none knew where to expect their next assault.
The men dared not go abroad to their ordinary labors without being armed.
Their families were collected in the forts and in garrisoned houses, which
were carefully guarded. On the Sabbath, indeed, they ventured to attend
public worship, but, as we have seen, the meeting house was surrounded
with a fortification, the men went armed, and sentinels were stationed to
give an alarm, if the enemy should appear during the services.

At a town meeting held the next winter, Mr. Henry Green, Capt. Samuel
Sherburne and Henry Dow were chosen a committee to agree with and send out
two men, as scouts, to see what they could discover, so long as they could
go upon the snow, or so long as the neighboring towns sent out; and so
much of their wages as should not be paid by contribution, was to be paid
out of the next town rate. The committee was also directed to keep an
exact account of what the town or any of the inhabitants would expend in
carrying on the war.

This vote suggests what was then considered the most effectual method of
preventing the Indians from committing depredations, viz.: the employment
of scouts to be constantly scouring the woods, to discover them, if
possible, in their lurking places. Still, besides scouts, a large number
of soldiers were employed on different occasions, and sometimes for
several months in succession, under officers of skill and experience.

But, notwithstanding the vigilance of the scouts, the Indians sometimes
succeeded in finding hiding places, even in the immediate vicinity of a
garrison, where they lay concealed, watching the movements of those
belonging to the garrison, ready to seize the first opportunity to kill or
capture anyone who might happen to venture a little too far away. An
instance of this kind occurred in Salisbury, adjoining Hampton, on the 23d
of June, 1691. About half an hour after sunset, one John Ring went out of
Jacob Morrill's garrison, to drive in a cow, and was captured within a
little more than twenty rods of the garrison. The next day a great many
men of Salisbury and Hampton went into the woods to search for him, but,
as some one wrote at the time, "with very little hope of recovering him."
Justly did the same writer add: "The truth is, we are a distressed
people."

At the very time of this occurrence, a company of men, about thirty-four
in number, under Capt. Stephen Greenleaf, of Newbury, was out in that
vicinity searching for Indians. Ring was captured on Monday; Captain
Greenleaf's company went to Haverhill on the Saturday previous, came to
Hampton on Sunday, and went to Exeter on Monday, in the morning.

A little past midsummer a small army was sent out under the command of
four captains, one of whom was Samuel Sherburne, of Hampton. The forces
landed at Maquoit, near Casco, and marched up to Pechypscot (now
Brunswick, Me.), but finding no signs of the enemy, returned to Maquoit,
where they had left their vessels. While the commanders were on the shore,
waiting for the soldiers to get aboard, a great number of Indians suddenly
poured in upon them, and they were obliged to retreat to their vessels;
but this was a difficult matter, as, the tide being down, the vessels were
aground; and before it could be accomplished Captain Sherburne was slain.
He had been a resident of Hampton ten or twelve years, and was well known
as the keeper of the ordinary, or tavern. He was a captain in the militia;
three years a selectman of the town; was once chosen to represent the town
in the General Court; and in January next preceding his death, as has been
stated, he was on the committee to employ and send out scouts, and to keep
an account of the expenses incurred in the war. The vacancy made by his
death was afterwards filled by the choice of Lieut. John Smith, the
cooper.

On the last Tuesday of September, 1691, a party of Indians, variously
estimated from twenty to forty, came from the eastward in canoes and
landed at Sandy Beach (now Rye) a little after noon. The garrison there
they left unmolested and fell upon a few defenceless families living about
half a miles from the garrison; killed some of the members and took
captive some others, and burned one or two houses. The severest blow fell
upon "ould goodman Brackett's and goodman Rand's families."

Two messengers brought the sad intelligence to Hampton the same afternoon.
On their return in the evening, about the time of the moon's rising, on
reaching Ragged Neck, about half a mile south of Sandy Beach garrison,
they saw, "as they adjudged, about forty Indians coming towards Hampton,
with five or six canoes on their heads."

Having made this discovery the messengers quickly retraced their steps and
gave the alarm at Hampton. Henry Dow, one of the town committee,
immediately wrote and dispatched a letter to Salisbury, conveying the
intelligence to Maj. Robert Pike, who commanded the militia of the county
of Norfolk. Major Pike, having added a hasty note, forwarded the letter to
Mr. Saltonstall, one of the magistrates, who was then at Ipswich "on court
service," and by him it was sent to the governor.

The next morning, September 30, a company of men from Hampton hastened to
the scene of carnage, where they met Capt. John Pickering with a company
from Portsmouth. The enemy had gone. They were probably preparing to
embark at the time they were discovered at Ragged Neck, the evening
before. Their tracks were distinctly traced in the sand, as were also "the
tracks of two women and one child," whom, with others, as is supposed,
they carried into captivity. The companies found the dead bodies of ten
persons, and thought from what they found in the ashes, that three had
been burned with the house. Seven others were missing. The whole loss was
twenty persons, two of whom were very aged men; the others, women and
children. "We are in a sad condition," wrote one of our citizens; "the
enemy so violent; the Lord give us all wisdom to teach us what we ought to
do."

Soon after this occurrence it was proposed that delegates from the four
New Hampshire towns should meet in Portsmouth, to consider what measures
should be taken for defense against the common.

The proposition having been brought before this people in town meeting
assembled, October 26, it was agreed to, and Nathaniel Weare, Henry Dow
and Joseph Smith were chosen to represent the town in the proposed
meeting. The town engaged to furnish their due proposition of men and
money for the defense of the Province by such methods as should be agreed
upon at the meeting, provided the plan adopted should be consented to, and
subscribed by at least two of their committee, or delegates.

No documents have been found to show what was done or agreed upon by the
convention in Portsmouth. Even the time of holding the convention has not
been ascertained. But some transactions of our town, about to be related,
may have been in accordance with a plan adopted, or with suggestions made
at the convention. The record of these transactions is on a detached
paper, and the year is torn off; but there are some considerations which
render it probable that it was in 1691. If so, it was five days after the
town meeting, when delegates to the convention were chosen, as the record
itself shows that this was on the 31st day of October. Assuming this to be
the true date, we shall now proceed to give an account of those
transactions.

They chose a Committee of Militia and clothed them with extraordinary
powers. They were to have the charge of all the military affairs of the
town; to order all watches and wards and garrisons; and were authorized to
appoint, if they should see fit, some one garrison in the town to be
regarded as the principal garrison. In fine, whatever a majority of the
committee might agree to, the inhabitants obligated themselves to "yield
all ready obedience thereto according to their order." They also
authorized the committee to impose such fines for neglect of duty as they
might think proper, with this restriction: That no fine should exceed
three shillings for the neglect of a day's warding; nor two shillings, of
a night's watching, to be paid in, or as, money.

The committee was to consist of five men, and to be constituted in this
manner: Two members were to be from the south side of Taylor's river, and
three from the north side; three of the men were to rank as FIRST, SECOND
and THIRD; and were to have command of the soldiers in opposing the common
enemy in any emergency or case of assault. Henry Dow, John Smith (the
cooper), Ensign Jonathan Moulton, Sergt Benjamin Fifield and Joseph Swett
were chosen as the committee; the first three to command the soldiers in
the order in which they are named.

The committee was given full power to call out the soldiers whenever they
might think it necessary, and to see that they were properly armed and
equipped; and supplied with ammunition. Any soldier who should fail to be
thus armed, equipped and supplied was fined five shillings a month so long
as the deficiency should continue.

The town was induced to give such power to the committee on account of the
exigency of the situation. At the seizure and imprisonment of Governor
Andros, the province had been left without any regularly constituted
government, and the people were virtually thrown upon their own resources,
and no instructions as to their future government had since been received
from England. Exposed as they now were, to the tomahawk and the scalping
knife, their only safety seemed to be in confiding in the ability and
integrity of a few men whose word should be their law; and happy was it
for them that there were in the town men, on whom they could unite in
bestowing such a mark of confidence.

Nearly two years later a treaty of peace, or rather a truce, was formed,
articles of "submission and agreement" being signed by a considerable
number of chiefs and other Indians at Pemaquid, August 11, 1693. From that
time the people had a respite from hostilities for nearly a year. But the
next blow inflicted in New Hampshire was one of great severity. On a
summer morning, about daybreak, a large number of Indians fell suddenly
and unexpectedly upon the settlement at Oyster river; took three
garrisons, burned thirteen houses, and killed or carried into captivity
ninety-four persons. Other outrages followed.

Less than two years after the treaty, a body of Indians made an attack at
Portsmouth Plains, about two miles from the town. They had come from York
to Sandy Beach in canoes, which they secreted among the bushes near the
shore. Early in the morning of June 26, 1696, they simultaneously made an
onset upon five houses. Fourteen persons were killed, one other was
scalped and left for dead, but recovered, and four were taken prisoners.
The Indians, having plundered the houses, set them on fire, retreated
through the "Great Swamp" about four or five miles, and then stopped to
prepare a breakfast on the declivity of a hill, near the line, as it then
was, between Portsmouth and Hampton. In this situation, they were found by
a company of militia sent from Portsmouth, and the four prisoners were
rescued, but the Indians escaped into a neighboring swamp and succeeded in
reaching their canoes, in which they put to sea and saved themselves from
merited punishment. The hill where the prisoners were rescued from the
enemy, receiving its name from the circumstances related, has ever since
been called BREAKFAST HILL.

Just two months later Indians surprised and killed Lieut. John Locke,
while at work in his field. His residence was at Jocelyn's Neck, which
sometime after his death took the name of Locke's Neck; then a part of
Hampton, but thirty-four years afterwards annexed to Rye.

Hostilities were continued a year or two long. Depredations were made and
persons killed, wounded, or taken captive, in Dover and in several places
in Massachusetts and Maine; but as the enemy did not again appear in this
immediate neighborhood, it is not necessary that any further details
should be given.

The war in Europe was terminated by the treaty of Ryswick, in 1697, and
after it was known here, the French no longer gave aid to the Indians, and
the governor of Canada advised them to make peace with the English. To
this they at length agreed, and another treaty was made at Casco near the
beginning of the year 1699. A few of the captives were restored
immediately, and assurance was given that the others should be returned in
the spring. Some, however, had died in captivity, and some of those who
were still alive -- especially such as had been taken in childhood, --
having adopted the manners and customs of the Indians, intermarried, and
spent their lives with them.

During this war, and in succeeding years till his death, in 1724,
Bomaseen, a sachem of the Kennebecks, bore a prominent part. Mr. Drake, in
his History of the Indians, says of him: "Whether Bomaseen were the leader
in the attacks upon Oyster River, in New Hampshire, Groton, in
Massachusetts, and many other places, about the year 1694, we cannot
determine; but Hutchinson says he was 'a principal actor in the carnage
upon the English,' after the treaty which he had made with Governor Phips
in 1693 . . . . . . . He is mentioned as a 'notorious fellow,' and yet but
few of his acts are upon record." Traditions have been handed down, of
Bomaseen's frequent appearance in Hampton, both in peace and in war.

It is said that one dark night, during hostilities, an Indian was
discovered gazing in at a window of Thomas Lane's house (near the house of
the late Moses A. Dow). Lane seized his gun and sprang toward the door,
but stumbled over a kettle on the hearth and fell, thus giving the savage
time to slink into the darkness and escape. Afterward, Bomaseen, for it
was he, openly boasted that, if Goodman Lane had shown himself outside the
door, he was ready to shoot him.

We hear of Bomaseen on the war path in this vicinity in 1706, and at other
times. His name and mark are affixed to a treaty with the Indians,
concluded at Portsmouth, July 13, 1713. He was killed in war at Taconnet
Falls (near Winslow, Me.), while attempting to make his escape by
swimming.

In closing the narrative of some of the events of King William's war, it
is gratifying to be able to present so full a list of Hampton men, who
were employed as soldiers, scouts or messengers. Many of them served on
several occasions, particularly in the years 1694-5-6. This list is
gathered from various reliable sources, but it cannot be claimed that no
names are omitted. Probably some who suffered the hardships and braved the
dangers of the war, and perhaps some who were slain are lost from record.
The account of the committee of expenditure, mentioned on a previous page,
were it not mutilated, would, perhaps, furnish a list nearly complete, but
evidently more than forty names have been torn from the paper, while a
partial statement of the sums paid for their services remains. This
account show the sum of £211 19s. 3d. expended in paying men at a low
rate, for their services as scouts and soldiers in different places and
under different commanders, and for their rations, and for going post to
Portsmouth, Exeter, Salisbury and other places. Many of the soldiers here
named did garrison duty at Oyster River, Exeter and Hampton, and some at
Fort William and Mary. "Daniel Tilton's Garrison in Hampton" is specified.


HAMPTON MEN KNOWN TO HAVE SERVED IN KING WILLIAM'S WAR

Jacob Basford
Benjamin Batchelder
Stephen Batchelder
John Berry
Philemon Blake
Timothy Blake
Jacob Brown
Thomas Brown
Samuel Cass
John Chase
Jacob Clifford
Samuel Colcord
Abraham Cole, jr.
James Crafford
John Cram
Jonathan Cram
Joseph Cram
Thomas Crosby
Ebenezer Dearborn
Samuel Dearborn
Samuel, son of Henry
Thomas Dearborn
Thomas Dearborn, jr.
Capt. Henry Dow
Jabez Dow
John Dow
Joseph Dow, sr.
Joseph Dow, his son
Joseph Dow, jr.
Abraham Drake, sr.
Abraham Drake, jr.
Robert Drake
Jonathan Elkins
Moses Elkins
Joseph Fanning
Edward Fifield
Joseph Fifield
James Fogg
Samuel Fogg
Ebenezer Foulsham
John French
Joseph French
Nathaniel Francis
John Garland
Peter Garland
Isaac Godfrey
John Godfrey
Lieut. Edward Gove
Ebenezer Gove
Isaac Green
Nathaniel Griffin
Paul Healey
Samuel Healey
Timothy Hilliard
John Hobbs
Morris Hobbs, jr.
Nehemiah Hobbs
John Hussey
Benjamin James
Edmund Johnson
James Johnson
Samuel Johnson
David Kincaid
John Knowles
Simon Knowles
Benjamin Lamprey
Daniel Lamprey
Thomas Lancaster
William Lane
Aretas Leavitt
John Leavitt, jr.
Moses Leavitt
Thomas Leavitt
Nathaniel Locke
Caleb Marston
Ephraim Marston
Isaac Marston
John Marston
Jonathan Marston
John Mason
Samuel Melcher
Benjamin Moulton
Daniel Moulton
James Moulton
Ens. John Moulton
Joseph Moulton
Christopher Noble
John Nay
Samuel Nudd
Thomas Nudd
Francis Page
Christopher Palmer
Samuel Palmer
Benjamin Perkins
Caleb Perkins
Humphrey Perkins
James Perkins
James Philbrick
Sergt. Jonathan Philbrick
Thomas Philbrick
Christopher Pottle
Jonathan Prescott
Joshua Purington
John Redman
Ichabod Robie
Samuel Robie
Thomas Robie
Charles Rundlett
Lieut. John Sanborn
Mephibosheth Sanborn
Richard Sanborn
Stephen Sanborn
William Sanborn
Benjamin Shaw
Caleb Shaw
Josiah Shaw
Roger Shaw
Samuel Shaw
Capt. Samuel Sherburne
Christopher Smith
Israel Smith
Jacob Smith
Sergt. John Smith
John Smith, his son
Samuel Smith
William Smith
James Souther
James Stanyan
Thomas Stevens
John Stockbridge
William Swaine
John Swett
Capt. Joseph Swett
Moses Swett
Stephen Swett
Benjamin Taylor
John Taylor
Joseph Taylor
Benjamin Thomas
Daniel Tilton
Samuel Tilton
Benjamin Towle
Caleb Towle
Francis Towle
Joseph Towle
Philip Towle, jr.
John Tuck and man.
Thomas Ward
Peter Weare
Sergt. Ebenezer Webster
Isaac Webster
John Webster
Thomas Webster
David Wedgwood
Jonathan Wedgwood


QUEEN ANNE'S WAR, 1702-1713

Important events occurring in Europe brought on a war between France and
England, in 1702, known as Queen Anne's war. The same year, Joseph Dudley
was appointed governor Massachusetts and New Hampshire.

The Indians were then tolerably peaceable; but, incited by the French,
they soon became insolent. The governor, therefore, convened their chiefs
at Casco, June 20, 1703, when they were loud in their protestations of
friendship. Nevertheless, within a few weeks, they desolated the whole
eastern country, from Casco to Wells.

On the 17th of August, the enemy appeared in New Hampshire. A party of
about thirty Indians, under Captain Tom, fell upon a small village, or
hamlet, in the south part of Hampton, near the Salisbury line, and killed
five persons and "rifled two houses near the garrison; but fearing a
pursuit, drew off." One of the persons killed was a little son of William
Hinkley; the others were Jonathan Green, Nicholas Bond, Thomas Lancaster,
and a widow Mussey. The last two were Quakers, among whom Mrs. Mussey was
distinguished as a speaker. The story of this tragedy, as handed down by
tradition, is thus related:

"A man by the name of Dow, living near a swamp thickly covered with trees
and shrubs, observed to his brother that he feared the Indians were
lurking near by, being satisfied that they had been prowling about his
house the night previous. He was advised to go into the bushes and watch.
He did so, and soon perceived them making their way from the swamp. He
then ran through the street, crying: "Indians!" A Mr. Gove, who lived on
the Salisbury road, hearing the cry, jumped upon a stump, and counted
thirty-two, as they issued from their place of concealment, crawling upon
their hands and knees. They first killed Widow Mussey [The narrator of the
tradition calls her name Hussey; but the town records and Rev. John Pike's
journal give it as in the text.] who was passing by the swamp, dragging
her into the bushes, and beating out her brains with a tomahawk. She was
greatly lamented by the society of Friends, among whom she had been very
prominent. They next killed Thomas Lancaster, who was on his way home from
mill. His cries were heard by some men building a garrison near by, who
ran to his assistance; but finding the Indians superior in numbers, they
fled. A friend who had been with Lancaster, had stopped on his way at the
house of Edward Gove, "to drink a syllabub," and thus escaped. They next
slew Jonathan Green, beating his head with the butts of their guns, and
mangling him in a horrible manner. A woman, having left her child with two
young girls, had gone into a field to pull flax. When the Indians came,
the girls fled, leaving the child behind, who tried to follow; but while
climbing a fence, an Indian seized it, and cashed its head against a plow
standing near. They killed and scalped Nicholas Bond in his own house.
"The country was now in terror and confusion. The women and children
retired to the garrisons. The men went armed to their work, and posted
sentinels in the fields. Troops of horse were quartered at Portsmouth and
in the province of Maine." Inroads were made into the settlements ins
various parts of Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Maine, during the
following year, and a considerable number of persons killed.

In 1705, the coast being infested by French privateers, a nightly patrol
was established along the seashore from Hampton northward to Rendezvous
Point, to prevent a surprisal by sea. "It being deemed necessary to keep a
watch day and night at the fort, Gov. Dudley, by a letter dated at Boston,
May 29, directed the council to send to Lt. Col. Hilton to impress men for
this purpose, out of his regiment. It was also ordered that the firing of
three Great Guns, at intervals of one minute, should be an alarum, at
which one half of 'Hampton Lower Company' and half Portsmouth should
immediately march for affording relief."

September 5, 1705. "Ordered that for the future tenn able persons onely be
appointed as Scouts to Range the woods till further order, being Exchanged
every tenn dayes, and to be taken out of the several Towns."

"The enemy again appeared in this town and shot Samuel Blake, on the
fourth Sabbath in June, 1706." [Dea Samuel Dow's Diary, in possession of
the author's family.] The circumstances of this case are not known.

On the first of August, as Benjamin Fifield, Sen., of this town, who lived
about half a mile from Dodge's mills, on the south road to Kensington, was
coming out of his pasture on horseback, he was slain by seven or eight
Indians, who were lying in ambush, and a lad, his kinsman, was carried
away. Mr. Fifield was about sixty years of age. Tradition says, the "lad"
was supposed to have had an Indian father.

In 1707, occurred a fruitless expedition against Port Royal. The chief
command was given to an inexperienced officer, jealousies arose, and the
army broke up in disorder. Capt. Samuel Chesley, under whose command were
thirty Hampton men, embarked his company and returned to Portsmouth; but
the whole army was ordered back by Governor Dudley, and it remained in the
East all summer, though nothing of importance was accomplished.

Meanwhile, the frontiers were in continual alarm. Capt. James Davis had
command of a company of fifteen Hampton men in active service, from four
to ten days each. Lieut. Joseph Swett marched a company of thirty-one
soldiers out of Hampton to Saco, for a service of nine days.

Kingston was but lately settled, and had but few inhabitants; and being a
frontier town, was much exposed. Some of the people were discouraged, and
in the summer of 1707, eight men left the place. This loss increasing the
danger of those that remained, complaint was made to government, and the
Captains of Exeter and Hampton were ordered to arrest them as deserters,
and oblige them to return to the defense of their settlement, or do duty
at the fort during the pleasure of the governor.

CAPT. SAMUEL CHESLEY'S COMPANY. -- Jacob Basford, James Basford, Jonathan
Batchelder, Timothy Blake, Samuel Clifford, John Edmonds, Benoni Fuller,
Thomas Haines, Holdredge Kelley, John Knowles, Benjamin Lamprey, William
Lane, Thomas Leavitt, Ens. Samuel Marston, Samuel Marston (Jr.?),
Nathaniel Meade, John Morgan, Samuel Moses, Joseph Moulton, Josiah
Moulton, Christopher Palmer, Joseph Palmer, Ebenezer Philbrick, Sergt.
James Prescott, Robert Rowe, Sr., Robert Rowe, Jr., Enoch Sanborn, John
Sanborn, James Souther, Moses Stockbridge.

CAPT. JAMES DAVIS' COMPANY. -- Philemon Blake, John Blake, Thomas Brown,
Thomas Dearborn, Jonathan Elkins, Benoni Fogg, John Fowler, Ezekiel
Knowles, David Moulton, John Perkins, Jonathan Perkins,John Prescott,
Nathaniel Sanborn, Jonathan Taylor, David Tilton.

LIEUT. JOSEPH SWETT'S COMPANY. -- Benjamin Batchelder, Samuel Batchelder,
Nicholas Bond (son of the one killed in 1703?), Benjamin Brown, Samuel
Brown, Philemon Dalton, Thomas Dearborn Sr., Thomas Dearborn (Jr.?),
Josiah Dow, Jonathan Elkins, Benjamin Fifield, Sergt. James Fogg, Nehemiah
Heath, John Hobbs, Morris Hobbs, Jr., Benjamin Lamprey, Sergt. Thomas
Leavitt, Nathan Longfellow, John Morgan, Daniel Moulton, John Nay, Samuel
Nudd, Benjamin Perkins,s Nathaniel Prescott, John Sanborn, Joseph Sleeper,
Jonathan Taylor, Benjamin Towle, Caleb Towle, Corpl. Thomas Ward, Edward
Williams.

The year 1708 was one of constant fear of French and Indians. Scouting
parties ranged the woods; spy-boats guarded the coast; four hundred
Massachusetts soldiers were posted in the province; and the garrison at
Fort William and Mary was strengthened by large reinforcements from
Portsmouth and Hampton.


The list of Hampton men, with time of service at the fort, follows:

May 18 to June 1
Anthony Crosby
John French
John Hobbs
Christopher Palmer
Jonathan Philbrick
Christopher Pottle
John Wedgwood

June 1 to June 15
Moses Blake
Joseph Brown
Seth Fogg
John Gove
Isaac Green
Daniel Lamprey
William Marston

June 15 to June 29
John Brown
Ebenezer Gove
William Lunt
John Perkins

June 29 to July 13
Jacob Brown
William Brown
Timothy Knowles
Christopher Page
John Sanborn
Richard Taylor

July 13 to July 27
Israel Blake
Benjamin Cram
Daniel Lamprey
Stephen Palmer
Caleb Perkins
Zachariah Philbrick
Jonathan Taylor

July 27 to August 10
Timothy Blake
Abraham Brown
Benjamin Hilliard
Benjamin James
John Lunt
Benjamin Green
John Green
Thomas Marston
Samuel Palmer
Stephen Palmer

August 10 to August 24
Thomas Batchelder
John Garland
Samuel Melcher
David Moulton
Joseph Palmer
Thomas Philbrick

August 24 to September 7
James Carr
James Chapman
Philemon Dalton
Thomas Haines
Abraham Libbey
William Norton
Israel Shepard
Samuel Tilton

September 7 to September 21
Jacob Clifford
Josiah Dow
John Garland
Abraham Libbey
Thomas Marston
Isaiah Philbrick
Caleb Swaine
David Tilton

September 21 to October 5
John Dow
Thomas Leavitt
Stephen Sanborn
Willliam Sanborn

October 5 to October 19
John Berry
Robert Moulton

October 6 to October 19
Thomas Dow
Benjamin Perkins

October 19 to November 1
John Cram
Samuel Dow
Jeremiah Marston
Edward Williams

In the summer of 1710, the Indians killed Col. Winthrop Hilton and others
of his party; and on the 16th of August, a company of ninety-one men, of
whom at least thirty were of Hampton, went in pursuit, under Capt. John
Gilman, and were out five days.

Of the situation in 1712, Dr. Belknap writes: "The frontiers were well
guarded; one half of the militia did duty at the garrisons and were ready
to march at a minute's warning; a scout of forty men kept ranging on the
heads of the towns; and the like care was taken by sea, spy-boats being
employed in coasting from Cape Neddock to the Great Boar's Head."

Of this scout of forty men, eleven were of Hampton, as follows:

Daniel Bean
Joseph Brown
Samuel Clifford
Jonathan Dearborn
Henry Dow
Joseph Dow
Israel Folsom
John Garland
John Prescott
Robert Rowe
David Tilton

News of the Treaty of Utrecht, which terminated the war in Europe, was
brought to this country in the autumn of 1712, and on the 29th of October
the suspension of arms was sproclaimed at Portsmouth. The following
summer, a treaty of peace was concluded with the Indians.


LOVEWELL'S WAR, 1722-1725

A considerable number of Hampton men were employed in the war which bears
the name of the intrepid captain of Dunstable. Capt. John Sherburne's
company of twenty-three men, in 1722, were mostly of Hampton. In June,
1724, Sergt. John Sanborn's company of thirty-one Hampton men made a three
days' march; and about the last of that month, seventeen Hampton men,
under Benjamin Lamprey, were sent out for three days. In July, thirty-nine
men, of Hampton and Hampton Falls "marched out of Capt. Tilton's company
under the command of Daniel Weare, for a three days' march, above the
frontiers, finding themselves provisions." What special service these
soldiers rendered is not recorded; but probably they formed scouting
parties.

Many dastardly acts were committed by the savages and their French
instigators; but no violence seems to have been done within the limits of
our town; and in December, 1725, another treaty closed the three years'
struggle.


KING GEORGE'S WAR, 1744-1749

The Treaty of Utrecht was a military necessity, not a cordial return to
friendly relations between England and France. Each nation was jealous of
the other, and both labored to predominate at home and to strengthen and
extend their possessions in America. In 1739, England made war on Spain.
In the general convulsion that followed, France arrayed herself,
inevitably, against England. In 1744, the war burst upon New England,
plunging the colonies again into distress and disaster. It "took the
frontiers by surprise," although it had been feared. Professor Ridpath
writes: "Of all the New England colonies, New Hampshire suffered most from
the French and Indian wars. Her settlements were feeble and her territory
most exposed to savage invasion. In the last year of King Philip's war,
the suffering along the frontier of the province was very great. Again, in
the wars of William, Anne and George, the villages of the northern colony
were visited with devastation and ruin. But in the intervals of peace, the
spirits of the people revived, and the hardy settlers returned to their
wasted farms, to begin anew the struggle of life." And Mr. Drake says:
"The small belt along the Atlantic shore of English settlers was situated,
as sit were, between two fires. The enemy on their back had every
advantage. They could always approach the English undiscovered, and when
they had committed murders and depredations, could bury themselves in the
wilderness; and pursuit oftentimes only aggravated the mischief already
done, as the pursuers often fell into ambushes and were cut off."

All this is true of Hampton. For more than twenty years, comparative
safety had been enjoyed; though, while the treacherous savages still
roamed the wilds, none knew how soon peace might be broken, nor where the
deadly tomahawk might strike. And so long as wily French Jesuits
controlled Indian tribes, our English ancestors had no certain security.
We cannot know the bitterness of the hour when tidings of war again
reached these homes. It meant separation of families; danger, perhaps
captivity, or torture and death for the soldiers; anxious watching and
suspense and almost equal danger for those who remained.

England and France declared war against each other in March, 1744, and the
war soon extended to the colonies of the two countries in America, where
the chief event was the capture of Louisburg on the island of Cape Breton.
The French then held this stronghold, which afforded them great advantages
for annoying the English in their fisheries on the Grand Bank, and their
trade with the colonies. The commander at Louisburg, soon after the
declaration of war, despatched an armed force against two forts of the
English in Nova Scotia, one of which was captured, and the other would
have met with a like fate, but for the timely aid furnished by Governor
Shirley of Massachusetts. The Indians of Nova Scotia joined the French in
these attacks, and this led to an immediate declaration of war by the
English, against them and all the tribes near them. The danger of the
English colonies imminent, for it was well understood that the French were
making formidable preparations for the vigorous prosecution of the war.

At this juncture, the bold plan was conceived, of wresting Louisburg from
the hands of the French. It was thought feasible to take the city by
surprise, early in the following spring. To whom belongs the merit of
suggesting this daring enterprise is not fully settled. It is claimed for
Governor Shirley and for Mr. William Vaughn of Portsmouth. The plan was
laid before the General Court of Massachusetts, by the governor, and the
expedition was decided upon by a bare majority, on the 26 th of January,
1745. That colony voted to furnish 3250 troops; Rhode Island and New
Hampshire voted 300 each, and Connecticut, 500, but New Hampshire actually
sent 350 at first, and afterward, 120 more. Col. William Pepperrell, of
Kittery, in the Province of Maine, was appointed commander-in-chief of the
expedition.

We cannot enter into any details of the siege and surrender of Louisburg,
any further than may be needful to show the humble part taken in the
enterprise by individuals from this town. We have not been able to
ascertain how many soldiers the town furnished, but have reason to believe
that it was a full quota. During the siege, the New Hampshire troops were
employed in some very laborious and hazardous undertakings, and uniformly
showed themselves energetic and brave. One of the most dangerous attempts
of the besiegers was to capture or destroy the Island Battery. In this
unfortunate attempt by 400 volunteers from several regiments, the New
Hampshire troops were very active. Some of the Hampton soldiers were of
this number. Several of them, in a petition of a later date say: "When it
was thought needful to make an attacks on the Island Battery, we readily
ventured our lives in that dangerous enterprise, where, tho' we escaped
with our lives [we] were in the utmost danger of losing them, and after
the greatest trial of this sort, were obliged to submit to the mercies of
our enemies."

Jeremiah Marston, who enlisted in Captain Sherburne's company, "was killed
a fighting with the French and Indians, in the woods, at some distance
from the walls of the city."

Dr. Nathaniel Sargent, Jr., eldest son of Dr. Nathaniel Sargent, who had,
for more than thirty years, resided in Hampton, accompanied the expedition
to Louisburg, "as a physician and chirurgeon, in the regiment that went
out of this province. He was in the service five months and twenty days,
and had the sole care and charge of said regiment as physician and
chirurgeon for some time. He was obliged to remain out of the city, in the
camps, ten days after the surrender, to look after and take care of
upwards of thirty sick and wounded persons, having no person or persons to
aid and assist him therein." Dr. Anthony Emery also went as a surgeon.

Other men from Hampton are known to have been at the siege, but we have no
knowledge of their personal services or sufferings. The few names, with
residences, that may be gleaned from official reports now available, are
of men accredited indiscriminately to Hampton, whether from the old town,
the Falls or North Hampton. Thus we find Shubael Dearborn, Joseph Redman,
John Sleeper, Moses Leavitt (who died), Josiah Shaw, Nathaniel Moulton.
Benjamin Thomas was allowed twenty pounds instead of a pension, for his
arms being wounded. Capt. Edward Williams took a company down from Hampton
Falls, and he died there. Ebenezer Gove, of Capt. Jonathan Prescott's
company died; so did Abner Sanborn, of Colonel Moore's company.

In the same war, though in a different quarter, Capt. Nathaniel Drake of
Hampton, with his troop of fourteen mounted men, scouted in and about the
woods of Nottingham, where some Indians had been lately seen; but after
ten days' diligent search, none were discovered. H:is men were: Daniel
Marston, Reuben Dearborn, David Marston, Samuel Garland, John Taylor,
Samuel Batchelder, Daniel Sanborn, Jethro Locke, Samuel Libbey, Samuel
Fogg, Joseph Brown, Jonathan Hobbs, Obadiah Marston, Thomas Brown.

Many other familiar names occur in the list of the Adjutant General's
Report and in Provincial Papers, but as their residences are not given, we
cannot say with authority, that they were Hampton men.

"A patched-up peace" was effected by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle,
October 7, 1748, news of which, however, did not reach the colonies for
six months or more, so that hostilities continued into the following year.
A full year elapsed ere a new treaty with the Indians, concluded at
Falmouth, Maine, gave promise of tranquillity.


THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, 1754-1763

A patched-up peace is not likely to continue. The treaty of Aix-la-
Chapelle wantonly, as it seemed, gave back Louisburg to the French, and
with it, the power to harass and threaten. Their Indian allies, always
bloodthirsty, were but lightly restrained. Governor Wentworth, therefore,
continued the defenses. In 1750, only a few months after the treaty of
Falmouth, he felt obliged to order the enlistment of a troop at Kingston
and vicinity. In '52, the Indians renewed their depredations on our
western frontiers; and two years later, commanding officers were required
by a new law, to call out their troops for military exercise at least four
times a year. But the year 1754 saw war again rife. The great struggle for
supremacy on this western continent was now to be enacted. Both French and
English strengthened their fortifications, looked well to their supplies
of arms and ammunition, food and clothing; enlisted soldiers; struck
blows. Following the petty strifes begun in 1749, between the Ohio Company
and the Canadian fur-traders, were more serious outbreaks in north and
west and south; and the astounding revelation of the French purpose to
establish a cordon of forts from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico, and possess
the land.

General Braddock, commander-in-chief of the English forces, planned four
expeditions for the year 1755. The first resulted in the subjugation of
Nova Scotia. The other three all failed -- that against Fort du Quesne, in
defeat and the death of Braddock; the one against Fort Niagara, through
inaction; and, lastly, the Crown Point expedition, the only one with which
our present history has to do, because it was a work of greater magnitude
than had been anticipated.

This expedition was in command of Gen. William Johnson, with 3400
soldiers, including a band of friendly Mohawks. For this army, New
Hampshire furnished a regiment of 500 men, under Col. Joseph Blanchard.
Dr. Anthony Emery of this town was a surgeon of the regiment and
lieutenant of the 7th company. Other Hampton men were enlisted.

Governor Wentworth ordered Colonel Blanchard's regiment to rendezvous at a
place since made memorable as the farm of Daniel Webster, in Franklin,
then called Stevenstown; and while there, to build boats for
transportation through the rivers supposed to lie along their route to
Crown Point. Meanwhile, one company, Captain Rogers and his rangers, were
sent forward to build a fort at Coos Meadows (above Lancaster), for the
occupation of the troops on their way, or for defense. After six weeks
consumed in these absurd measures, the governor was persuaded of his
mistake, and sent the regiment directly across the province to Number Four
(now Charlestown), and thence toward Crown Point by way of Albany. Early
in August, some of the New England troops had built Fort Edward, on the
Hudson, above Albany, only fourteen miles from the head of Lake George.
General Johnson, with the main division of the army, arrived before the
summer was ended and encamped by the lake. When the New Hampshire regiment
arrived, they were quartered at Fort Edward.

This was the situation, when Baron Dieskau, the bold commander of Crown
Point, determined to make a swift movement, pass Johnson's camp secretly
and capture Fort Edward. Fortunately for the English, General Johnson
heard of the design, and prepared to thwart it. Fortunately for the
garrison, Dieskau's guides led him out of his way on the night of
September 7th, and when the 8th dawned, he found himself, with his 1400
men, French and Indians, four miles north of Fort Edward, on the Lake
George road, and Colonel Williams, with 1000 soldiers and 200 Mohawks,
coming into view behind them. Instantly, the French general formed an
ambush, into which the English fell. But Dieskau's Indians recognized
their Mohawk brethren and refused to fire. A sharp contest ensured,
resulting, after the English had been driven back to the lake, in the rout
of the French, with much loss on both sides, including the death of the
two commanders.

On the same morning, a scouting party from Fort Edward saw wagons burning
in the road, and returned to report. Thereupon, eighty New Hampshire and
forty New York men were ordered out. They found dead bodies of drivers and
cattle, but no foe. The sound of battle was ahead of them, towards the
lake. Pressing on, they were in season to harass the retreating French and
capture much of their baggage. Fort Edward was saved, and this and other
New Hampshire towns spared the slaughter of their sons.

After this engagement, General Johnson called for reinforcements, and
built Fort William Henry for the defense of his army at the lake. In
response to the call, New Hampshire sent a second regiment of 300 men,
under Colonel Gilman, of Exeter. The 2nd company was largely from Hampton.
Among them was John Blake, who died at Albany in December. This regiment,
mustered September 19, marched by the route of the first, through Number
Four to Albany, and in December "marched back again," the campaign of 1755
being ended.

The next year told of disaster. Governor Shirley, who had been commander-
in-chief since the death of Braddock, was soon superceded by the
inefficient Earl of Loudoun. He employed the armies in unimportant and
frivolous works, while the French built and occupied Ticonderoga,
strengthened Crown Point, captured the forts on the Oswego river and
burned the town. Not will this year was war formally declared. A second
expedition against Crown Point came to nothing. For this expedition, New
Hampshire sent a regiment of 700. The rolls contain many Hampton names,
but as we cannot certainly identify them, we pass them by.

The next year was even more disastrous. New Hampshire again furnished a
regiment, a part going with Lord Loudoun to Halifax, to act a farce before
Louisburg and return; and the rest joining Colonel Monroe, in the ill-
starred defense of Fort William Henry, to be butchered by savages, through
the perfidy of General Montcalm.

Tidings of the massacre fired the colonies. Governor Wentworth convened
the assembly and by his message and by letters from the seat of war, told
the news, the most horrid details of which had not yet arrived -- and
said, what shall we do? The assembly replied; we have not enough men left
now to defend our own homes -- but no matter -- we will send 500 more; and
if Fort Edward is besieged, let the governor order others at his
discretion, and supply money for their march till they join the king's
forces. Only, when they can be spared, recall them, for we are dangerously
exposed. However, 250 were deemed sufficient, and this battalion of five
companies, under Major Tash was forwarded with all speed and stationed at
Number Four for the defense of the fort. Of the two cavalry companies,
one, as given below, was from Hampton, a few of the men, probably, being
from other towns; the other was commanded by Anthony Towle, born here, but
then residing in Chester. His brother Caleb, at that time or afterwards of
Hawke, was in the ranks. Jeremiah Marston, son of the Jeremiah killed at
Louisburg, was lieutenant of the 3d company, in which were Paul Smith
Marston and other Hampton men.


5TH COMPANY (cavalry)
Abner Fogg, Captain
Abraham Drake, sent Joseph Moulton, Lieutenant
Joshua Pickering, Cornet
Edward Hilton, Qr. Master
Samuel Webster, Corporal, sent Burnham
Thomas Pickering
Thomas Marston
Cotton Ward, Clerk
John Young, Private
Nathaniel Wallace
Pearson Brown
Samuel Sherburn
Moses Blake
Edward Smith
Abraham Dearborn
John Batchelder
John Shepard
Benjamin Norris
Joshua Webster
Samuel Dalton
Obadiah Marston, Trumpeter
Charles Huntoon, Private
Paul Fifield
Burnham Webster
Tristram Sanborn
Isaiah Rowe
Josiah Clough
Benjamin Fuller
Jonathan Locke; [sent Abraham Dearborn]
John Weeks
Walter Wiggin; [sent Piper]
Francis McCoy
Benjamin Busswell
Samuel Winslow
Moses Richardson
Benjamin Seagle
Noah Hobbs
Joseph Moulton
Benjamin Leavitt
James Piper
Jonathan Sanborn, Trumpeter
Caleb Smith, Private
Simon Lamprey; [sent D. Webster]
Samuel Brown
Benjamin Smart
Abraham Kenniston

About a month after the adjournment of the assembly, the governor received
a requisition from Lord Loudoun for a company of fifty rangers, to be in
service all winter; the earl promising, however, to dismiss those already
sent as early as he could do so with safety. The governor replied that
nearly one-third part of the regiment posted at Fort William Henry were
"either killed or captived;" that the men fittest for rangers service were
incapacitated by the terms of the capitulation or now actually abroad;
that he had just sent 250 men to the war; nevertheless he would use his
utmost endeavors to comply with the requisition.

Lord Loudoun did, in fact, in fulfillment of his promise, dismiss a good
men men after a month's service. Of Captain Fogg's company, a few were
soon discharged, but the greater part remained at Number Four till into
November. But the rangers were not sent till the following January.
Whether any Hampton men were in this important branch of the service, we
do not know.

Let us comprehend the situation. "At the close of the year 1757, France
possessed twenty times as much American territory as England; and five
times as much as England and Spain together." Flushed with her two years'
triumphs, she had grown bold and arrogant.The English were correspondingly
depressed, but still resolute.

The period of the war, thus far, had been one of peculiar trial at
Hampton. The fatal ravages of the throat distemper; the terror of the
earthquake; the law-suits; the constant danger of attacks by land and sea,
and men needed for defense gone into peril, some of them to death, in the
army; short crops and scanty subsistence -- ah! we little know at what
cost our homes were purchased! But now, if men had but known it, the
crisis was past. William Pitt had taken the helm and all was changed. With
efficient commanders and a liberal policy, courage revived and success
followed. The next two years saw the power of France broken; and, before
1760 closed, all Canada belonged to Great Britain, and, the western and
southern forts had been reclaimed.

For the campaign of 1758, New Hampshire raised 800 men, a portion of the
regiment participating in the second siege and capture of Louisburg, and
the rest at Ticonderoga and the western frontier. Hampton still bore here
part in the conflict. This was the year that John Lamprey was chosen
constable instead of Eliphalet Sanborn, who was "gone out into the King's
service." On the 4th of June, Rev. Ward Cotton preached from Matt. 26:41,
"Watch and pray that ye enter not into temptation." The sermon was
addressed to the soldiers, who were going away the next day. A time-
stained paper, dated June 6, 1758, still preserved, requires Samuel Dow,
clerk of the 1st company in the 3d regiment of militia, "forthwith to
Impress a Sufficient Gun for the use of Benjamin Sanborn, belonging to
said Company and Going in the Expedition against Canada, and Deliver said
Gun to said Benjamin Sanborn and make Return" &c., signed Meshech Weare.
The Hampton roll for this regiment cannot be given. And for 1759, "No roll
of this regiment [of 1000 men] is to be found. It was made up, as was
usual in all such cases, of draft, from each of the regiments of militia
in the Province." From Col. Meshech Weare's regiment was drafted a company
commanded by Capt. Jeremiah Marston of Hampton. He had been a lieutenant
in the campaign of 1757. He also commanded a company in 1760, and was
present at the surrender of Montreal. In his command were many Hampton
men, among whom, Timothy Dalton is known to have died at Ticonderoga.

"Prior to the arrival of the several companies to the place of rendezvous
[Exeter], they were under the immediate command of the governor, and he
issued special orders to each company. Gov. Wentworth's order to Capt.
Marston has been preserved, and is as follows:

'Province of New Hampshire.

To Capt. Jeremiah Marston:
You are hereby directed to assemble the company of foot, raised for the
Canada expedition and under your command, without loss of time, and march
them to Dunstable, where you will receive orders from Col. Lovewell for
your further proceeding toward Albany. If your whole company can not be
got together at one and the same time, you are to have a prudent and
careful person to collect them and follow you to Dunstable.

Given at Portsmouth the 12th day of May, 1759.
B. Wentworth.'"

During the war, many of the sick, from small pox and other diseases, were
sent into hospital at Albany.

"Jona Elkins came into ye house [of Representatives] and Represented that
he was a solder in the Crown Point Expedition in the year 1755, that he
was discharged in the Muster Roll ye 21st of Octobr which was 21 days
short, [Probably should read 7 days.] he being left to take care of the
sick at Albany, wch place he did not leave till ye 28th of said month, &
prayed further allowance" --- which was granted.

John Elkins died in the army at Albany. He was son of Jonathan, and he had
a brother Jonathan. The above was very probably one of them.

March 13, 1760, was observed as thanksgiving-day, "occasioned by ye
Reducktion of queBack."

May 18, following, Rev. Ward Cotton preached to the soldiers who were
going that week to join the army, from Acts X:7, "A devout soldier."

Hostilities between the opposing nations continued on the ocean til 1763,
when the Treaty of Paris brought peace and quietness after the long
conflict.

The next war that darkened the land, was the fearful struggle for
Independence.


GARRISON HOUSES

For a full century and a quarter from the time when our History opens,
there was never a year when the people could confidently expect immunity
from Indian outrage. Not that they lived always in fear. A threatened
danger, long delayed, gradually loses its terror; and there were
considerable intervals when no outbreaks occurred and the savages affected
great love for the families of their white brothers. But treachery was
characteristic of all the tribes; and, as this record of the wars has
shown, safeguards were constantly demanded, in places of refuge, stores of
ammunition, trained soldiers and danger signals.

Garrison houses were in every town; most of them owned and occupied as
dwellings in times of peace -- crowded with refugees and guarded by armed
men when danger seemed imminent. The annals of these garrison houses, if
any had been kept, would make an exciting chapter in the history of the
times. Very little detail, however, has come down even by tradition, of
the garrisons of Hampton. The houses themselves are mostly gone, though a
few have been demolished within the memory of people now living. One of
these was the Philbrick house in the east part of the town, which stood
where John A. Philbrick's house now stands,s till it was taken down in
1855. It was heavily timbered, the eastern half of the second story
projecting over the first, with openings here and there in the floor of
the projection, through which shot might be fired downward, or waster
poured, if the savages pursued their favorite plan of setting fire to the
house. Other loop-holes guarded the approach. A fragmentary jotting, still
to be seen in a manuscript of the third Dea. Samuel Dow, who lived nearly
opposite, "Remember, Remember how ye Indians came down upon you to destroy
you had you not had help from ye garrison to drive" ------ very likely
referred to an attack frustrated by the soldiers stationed here.

Ordinary houses were sometimes utilized for garrisons. It is said that, in
one of the wars, the old Toppan house premises were enclosed by a
stockade, and many of the inhabitants of the town sheltered within, some
only going for the nights, carrying bundles of straw and sleeping in the
yard, while the appointed watch was kept. In the morning, the gate was
opened to allow the able-bodied men to pass out, armed of course, to their
daily work, while all others remained under ward through the day. The
story is told, that a girl ventured out near nightfall, to drive in a cow;
that she was surprised by an Indian and ran for her life, barely reaching
the gate, when some one within stretched out an arm and pulled her safely
through.

Other garrison houses, at the town, on the Falls side, at North Hill and
wherever there were considerable settlements, gave such security as could
be afforded, slender at best, against savage cunning and malice.

[From Capt. Henry Dow's Diary]: "Simon began his fortnight to find the
watch-wood the 11 March, 1695-6." . . . . . . . "An account of peopells
neglect of watching August 26 Ebenezer Webster refused to watch one night
and ward ye day after when it was his turne & Will: Lane the same day &
night refused & was a delinquent. August 30 Arretas lovitt Refused to ward
a day Joseph Philbrick September 20 Refused to watch in the night and ward
the day after. William ffifield September ye 21:27 refused to watch two
nights & two days."