Travels of Captaine John Smith Volume II - Pages 50-70



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Then seeing we are not borne for our selves, but each to help other, and 
our abilities are much alike at the houre of our birth, and the minute of 
our death: seeing our good deeds or our bad by faith in Christs merits, is 
all we have, to carie our soules to heaven or hell. Seeing honor is our 
lives ambition, and our ambition after death to have an honorable memory 
of our life: and seeing by no meanes we would be abated of the dignities 
and glories of our predecessors, let us imitate their vertues to be 
worthily their successors: to conclude with Lucretius,

Its want of reason, or its reasons want
Which doubts the minde and judgement, so doth dant,
That those beginnings makes men not to grant.

John Smith writ this with his owne hand.

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Here followeth a briefe Discourse of the trials of New England, with 
certaine Observations of the Hollanders use and gaine by fishing, and the 
present estate of that happy Plantation, begun but by sixtie weake men, in 
the yeere of our Lord 1620. and how to build a fleet of good ships to make 
a little Navy Royall, by the former Author.

M. Dee his report.

HE saith, that it is more then foure and forty yeeres agoe, and it is more 
then fortie yeeres agoe since he writ it; that the Herring Busses out of 
the Low Countries under the King of Spaine, were five hundred, besides one 
hundred French men, and three or foure hundred saile of Flemings. The 
Coast of Wales and Lancashire was used by 300 Saile of Strangers. Ireland 
at Beltamore, fraughted yeerely three hundred saile of Spaniards, where 
King Edward the sixt intended to have made a strong Castle, because of the 
straight to have tribute for fishing. Black Rocke was yerely fished by 
three or foure hundred saile of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners.

The benefit of fishing, as Mr. Gentleman and others report.

The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring, Cod, and Ling, thirty thousand 
pounds: English and French, by Salt-fish, Poore-John, Salmons, and 
Pilchards, three hundred thousand pounds: Hambrough and the Sound, for 
Sturgion, Lobsters and Eeles, one hundred thousand pounds: Cape Blanke for 
Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and Spaniards, thirty thousand pounds.

The Records of Holland and other learned observers.

That the Duke of Medina receiveth yeerely tribute of the Fishers, for 
Tunny, Mullit, and Porgos, more then ten thousand pounds. Lubecke hath 
seven hundred ships; Hambrough six hundred; Emden lately a Fisher towne, 
one thousand foure hundred, whose customes by fishing hath made them so 
powerfull as they be. Holland and Zeland not much greater then Yorkeshire, 
hath thirty walled Townes, foure hundred Villages, and twenty

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thousand saile of Ships and Hoies; three thousand six hundred are Fisher-
men, whereof one hundred are Doggers, seven hundred Pinkes and Well-Boats, 
seven hundred Fraud-boats, Britters, and Tode-boats, with thirteene 
hundred Busses, besides three hundred that yeerely fish about Yarmouth, 
where they sell their fish for Gold: and fifteene yeeres agoe they had 
more then an hundred and sixteene thousand Sea-faring men.

These fishing ships doe take yeerely two hundred thousand last of fish, 
twelve barrels to a last, which amounts to 300000. pounds by the fisher 
mens price, that 14. yeeres agoe did pay for their tenths three hundred 
thousand pound, which venting in Pumerland, Sprustia, Denmarke, Lefeland, 
Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or else where, &c. makes 
their returnes in a yeere about threescore and ten hundred thousand 
pounds, which is seven millions; and yet in Holland there is neither 
matter to build ships nor merchandize to set them forth, yet by their 
industry they as much increase as other nations decay; but leaving these 
uncertainties as they are, of this I am certaine.

That the coast of England, Scotland and Ireland, the North Sea with Island 
and the Sound, Newfound-land and Cape Blanke, doe serve all Europe, as 
well the land townes as ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these 
sorts of staple fish, which is transported from whence it is taken many a 
thousand mile, viz. Herring, salt Fish, Poore-John, Sturgion, Mullit, 
Tunny, Porgos, Caviare, Buttargo.

Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them may be had in 
a land more fertill, temperate and plentifull of all necessaries, for the 
building of ships, boats and houses, and the nourishment of man, the 
seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neere the habitations we may 
there make, that New-England hath much advantage of the most of those 
parts, to serve all Europe farre cheaper then they can, who at home have 
neither wood, salt, nor food, but at great rates, at Sea nothing but what

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they carry in their ships, an hundred or two hundred leagues from the 
habitation. But New-Englands fishings is neere land, where is helpe of 
Wood, Water, Fruits, Fowles, Corne or other refreshings needfull, and the 
Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugall, Prouaves, Savoy, Sicillia, 
and all Italy, as convenient markets for our dry fish, greene fish, 
Sturgion, Mullit, Caviare and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland, Littuania or 
Germany for their Herring, which is heare also in abundance for taking; 
they returning but Wood, Pitch, Tar, Sopeashes, Cordage, Flax, Wax, and 
such like commodities; wee Wines, Oiles, Sugars, Silkes, and such 
merchandize as the Straits affoord, whereby our profit may equalize 
theirs, besides the increase of shipping and Marriners: and for proofe 
hereof,

1614. 1615. 1616. 1617.

In the yeere of our Lord. 1614. you have read how I went from London: also 
the next yeere 1615. how foure good ships went from London, and I with two 
more from Plimoth, with all our accidents, successes and returnes: in the 
yeere 1616. ere I returned from France, the Londoners for all their losse 
by the Turkes, sent foure ships more; foure more also went from Plimoth; 
after I returned from France, I was perswaded againe to goe to Plimoth 
with divers of my friends with one hundred pound for our adventures 
besides our charges, but wee found all things as untoward as before, and 
all their great promises nothing but aire: yet to prepare the voyage 
against the next yeere, having acquainted a great part of the Nobility 
with it, and ashamed to see the Prince his Highnesse till I had done some 
what worthy his Princely view; I spent that Summer in visiting the Cities 
and Townes of Bristoll, Exeter, Bastable, Bodnam, Perin, Foy, Milborow, 
Saltash, Dartmouth, Absom, Tattnesse, and the most of the Gentry in 
Cornewall and Devonshire, giving them Bookes and Maps, shewing how in six 
moneths the most of those ships had made their voyages, and some in lesse, 
and with what good successe; by which incitation they seemed so well 
contented, as they promised

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twenty saile of ships should goe with mee next yeere, and in regard of my 
paines, charge, and former losses, the westerne Commissioners in behalfe 
of themselves and the rest of the Company, and them hereafter that should 
be joyned to them, contracted with me by articles indented under our 
hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and in the renewing 
of their Letters-Patents so to be nominated. Halfe the fruits of our 
endevours to be theirs, the rest our owne; being thus ingaged, now the 
businesse is made plaine and likely to prosper, some of them would not 
onely forget me and their promises, but also obscure me, as if I had never 
beene acquainted in the businesse, but I am not the first they have 
deceived.

1618.

There was foure good ships prepared at Plimoth, but by reason of their 
disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely two went forward, the one 
being of two hundred tunnes, returned well fraught to Plimoth, and her men 
in health, within five moneths; the other of fourescore tunnes went for 
Bilbow with drie fish and made a good returne. In this voyage Edward 
Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant Souldier, that had beene with me in 
Virginia, and was with me also when I was betrayed by the French, was sent 
againe in those ships, and having some wrong offered him there by a French 
man, he tooke him, and as he writ to me, went with him to Virginia with 
fish, to trade with them for such commodities as they might spare: he had 
not past ten or twelve men, and knew both those countries well, yet he 
promised me the next spring to meet me in New-England, but the ship and he 
both perished in Virginia.

1619.

This yeere againe, divers ships intending to goe from Plimoth, so 
disagreed, there went but one or two hundred tunnes, who stayed in the 
Country about six weeks, which with eight and thirty men and boies had her 
fraught, which she sold at the first penny for 2100 besides the Furres: so 
that every poore Sailer that had but a single share had his charges and 
sixteene pound ten shillings for his seven moneths worke. Master Thomas 
Dirmire an understanding

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and industrious Gentleman, that was also with me amongst the French men, 
having lived about a yeere in Newfoundland, returning to Plimoth, went for 
New-England in this ship, so much approved of this Country, that he staied 
there with five or six men in a little Boat, finding two or three French 
men amongst the Salvages who had lost their ship, augmented his company, 
with whom he ranged the Coast to Virginia, where he was kindly welcommed 
and well refreshed, thence returned to New-England againe, where having 
beene a yeere, in his backe returne to Virginia he was so wounded by the 
Salvages, he died upon it; let not men attribute these their great 
adventures, and untimely deaths to unfortunatenesse, but rather wonder how 
God did so long preserve them with so small meanes to doe so much, leaving 
the fruits of their labours to be an incouragement to those our poore 
undertakings, and as warnings for us not to undertake such great workes 
with such small meanes, and this for advantage as they writ unto me, that 
God had laid this Country open for us, and slaine the most part of the 
inhabitants by civill warres and a mortall disease, for where I had seene 
one hundred or two hundred Salvages, there is scarce ten to be found, and 
yet not any one of them touched with shy sicknesse but one poore French 
man that died;

They say this plague upon them thus sore fell,
It was because they pleas'd not Tantum well.

1620.

From the West Country to make triall this yeere onely to fish, is gone six 
or seven saile, three of which I am certainly informed made so good a 
voyage, that every Sailer that had a single share had twenty pound for his 
seven moneths work, which is more then in twenty moneths he should have 
gotten, had he gone for wages any where. Now although these former ships 
have not made such good voiages as they expected, by sending opinionated 
unskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence to save that they 
tooke, nor take that there

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was, which now patience and practice hath brought to a reasonable kinde of 
perfection; in despight of all detractors and calumniations the Country 
yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath beene in their using or abusing 
it, not in it selfe nor me: But,
Adue desert, for fortune makes provision
For Knaves and Fooles, and men of base condition.

My sute to the Citie.

Now all these proofes and this relation I now called New-Englands triall. 
I caused two or three thousand of them to be printed, one thousand with a 
great many Maps both of Virginia and New-England. I presented to thirty of 
the chiefe Companies in London at their Halls, desiring either generally 
or particularly (them that would) to imbrace it, and by the use of a 
stocke of five thousand pound, to case them of the superfluity of the most 
of their companies that had but strength and health to labour; neere a 
yeere I spent to understand their resolutions, which was to me a greater 
toile and torment, then to have beene in New-England about my businesse 
but with bread and water, and what I could get there by my labour; but in 
conclusion, seeing nothing would be effected, I was contented as well with 
this losse of time and charge as all the rest.

A Plantation in New-England.

1620.

UPon these inducements some few well disposed Gentlemen, and Merchants of 
London and other places, provided two ships, the one of a hundred and 
threescore tunnes, the other of threescore and ten, they left the Coast of 
England the two and thirtieth of August, with about a hundred and twenty 
persons, but the next day the lesser ship sprung a leake, that forced 
their returne to Plimoth, where discharging her and twenty passengers; 
with the greater ship and one hundred passengers beside Sailers, they set 
saile againe the sixt of September, and the ninth of November fell with 
Cape James, but being pestred nine weekes in this leaking unwholsome ship,

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lying wet in their Cabins, most of them grew very weake and weary of the 
Sea; then for want of experience, ranging two and againe six weekes before 
they found a place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare 
ground without coverture, forty of them died, and threescore were left in 
very weake estate at the ships comming away, about the fifth of Aprill 
following, and arrived in England the sixth of May. Though the Harbour be 
good, the shore is so shallow, they were forced to wade a great way up to 
the knees in water, & used that that did them much hurt; & little fish 
they found but Whailes, and a great kinde of Mustell so fat, that few did 
eat of them that were not sicke: these miseries occasioned some discord, 
and gave some appearance of faction, but all was so reconciled, that they 
united themselves by common consent under their hands, to a kinde of 
combination of a body politike, by vertue whereof to inact and constitute 
lawes and ordinances, and Officers from time to time, as should bee 
thought most convenient for their generall good.

Their first journy by land.

Sixteene or seventeene daies they could doe little for want of their 
Shallop which was amending, yet Captaine Miles Standish, unto whom was 
joyned in Councell, William Bradfor, Stephen Hopkins and Edward Tilly, 
went well armed a shore, and by that time they had gone a mile, met five 
or six Indians that fled into the Woods: we traced them by the footing 
eight or ten miles, then the night approaching we made a fire, by which we 
lay that night, and the next morning followed the Salvages by their tract, 
thinking to finde their habitations, but by the way we found a Deere 
amongst many faire springs of water, where we refreshed our selves; then 
we went a shore and made a fire, that they at the ship might perceive 
where we were, and so marched to a place where we supposed was a River; by 
the way we saw many Vines, Saxefras, haunts of Deere & Fowle, and some 
fifty Acres of plaine ground had beene planted by the Indians, where were 
some of their graves; from thence we followed a

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path that brought us through three or foure fields that had bin planted 
that yeere; in one grave we digged, we found a basket or two of Indian 
Corne, so much as we could carry we tooke with us, the rest we buried as 
we found it, and so proceeded to the place we intended, but we found it 
not such a Harbour as we expected; and so we returned, till the night 
caused us take up our lodging under a tree, where it rained six or seven 
houres: the next morning as we wandred, we passed by a tree, where a young 
sprig was bowed downe over a bough, and some Acornes strewed under it, 
which was one of their Gins to catch a Deere, and as we were looking at 
it, Bradford was suddenly caught by the leg in a noosed Rope, made as 
artificially as ours; as we passed we see a lease of Bucks, sprung some 
Partriges, and great flocks of wilde Geese and Ducks, and so we returned 
well wearied to our ship.

Their first journy by Shallop.

Master Jones our Master with foure and thirty men, also went up and downe 
in the frost and snow, two or three daies in the extremity of the cold, 
but could finde no harbour; only among the old graves we got some ten 
bushels of Corne, some Beanes, and a bottle of Oile; and had we not thus 
haply found it, we had had no Corne for seede, so that place we ever 
called Corne-hill; the next day Master Jones with the Corne and our 
weakest men returned to the Ship, but eighteene of us quartered there that 
night, and in the morning following the paths, wee found in the Snow in a 
field a greater bill or grave then the rest, digging it wee found first a 
Mat, under that a boord three quarters long, painted and carved with three 
Tyns at the top like a Cronet, betweene the Mats also were Bowles, Traies 
and Dishes and such trash, at length we found a faire new Mat, and under 
that two bundles, the one biggar the other lesse; in the greater wee found 
a great quantity of fine red powder like a kinde of imbalmement, and 
yeelded a strong but no offensive smell, with the bones and skull of a man 
that had fine yellow haire still on it, and some of the flesh

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unconsumed, a Knife, a Pack-needle, and two or three old Iron things was 
bound up in a Sailers canvase Cassocke, also a paire of cloth Breeches; in 
the lesse bundle we found likewise of the same powder, and the bones and 
head of a little childe; about the legs and other parts of it was bound 
strings and braslets of white beades, there was also a little Bow, and 
some other odde knacks, the prettiest we tooke, and covered againe the 
corps as they were: not farre from thence were two of their houses, where 
were a great deale of their miserable houshold stuffe, which we left as 
wee found, and so returned to our Boat, and lay aboord that night.

Accidents.

Many arguments we had to make here our Plantation or not; in the Intrim, 
Mistris White was brought to bed of a young sonne, which was called 
Perigrine: and a Sailer shooting at a Whale, his peece flew in peeces 
stocke and all, yet he had no hurt. A foolish boy discharging his fathers 
peece hard by halfe a barrell of Powder, and many people by it, it pleased 
God it escaped firing, so that no hurt was done.

Their second journey by water to finde a place to plant in.

But to make a more certaine discovery where to seat our selves, Captaine 
Standish, Master Carver, William Branford, Edward Winsloe, John Tilly, 
Edward Tilly, with divers others to the number of seventeene, upon the 
sixt of December set saile, and having sailed six or seven leagues, we 
espied eight or ten Salvages about a dead Grampus: still following the 
shore we found two or three more cast up by the ill weather, many we see 
in the water, therefore we called it Grampus Bay: Ships may ride well in 
it, but all the shore is very shallow flats of sand; at last seven or 
eight of us went a shore, many fields we saw where the Salvages had 
inhabited, and a buriall place incompassed with a Palizado, so we returned 
to our Shallop, in the night we heard a hideous cry and howling of Wolves 
and Foxes; in the morning as we were ready to goe into our Shallop, one of 
our men being in the woods, came running crying, Indians, Indians, and 
with all their Arrowes flying amongst us, some of our

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men being in the boat, and their Armes a shore, so well it chanced, 
Captaine Standish with two or three more discharged their peeces till the 
rest were ready, one Salvage more stout then the rest kept under a tree, 
till he had shot three or foure Arrowes, and endured three or foure Musket 
shot, but at last they all fled, this was about breake of day in the 
morning when they saw us, and we not them.

The description of their place to plant in.

Having the wind faire, we sailed along the coast 8. or 10. leagues, 
thinking to have got to a Harbour where one of our company had beene, 
within 8. leagues of Cape Cod, for neither cricke nor Harbour in this bay 
we could finde; and the wind so increased, our Rudder broke, and our Mast 
flew over-boord, that we were in danger to be cast away, but at last it 
pleased God we were in a harbor we knew not, thinking it one we were 
acquainted with, this we found to be an Ile where we rid that night, and 
having well viewed the land about it, and sounded the Bay to be a good 
Harbour for our ship, compassed with good land, and in it two faire Iles, 
where there is in their seasons innumerable store of all sorts of fish and 
fowle, good water, much plaine land, which hath beene planted; with this 
newes we returned to our ship, and with the next faire wind brought her 
thither, being but within the sight of Cape Cod; in the meane time 
Goodwife Alderton was delivered of a sonne, but dead borne. Upon the 28. 
of December, so many as could went to worke upon the hill, where we 
purposed to build our Platforme for our ordnance, which doth command all 
the Plaine and the Bay, and from whence wee may see far into the Sea, and 
be easily impailed, so in the afternoone we went to measure out the 
grounds, and divided our company into 19. families, alotting to every 
person halfe a poule in bredth and three in length, and so we cast lots 
where every man should lie, which we staked out, thinking this proportion 
enough at the first to impale for lodgings and gardens.

Francis Billington from the top of a tree seeing a great

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water some three miles from us in the land, went with the Masters Mate, 
and found it two great Lakes of fresh water, the bigger five or six miles 
in circuit, and an Ile in it of a Cables length square; the other three 
miles in compasse, full of fish and fowle, and two brooks issuing from it, 
which will be an excellent helpe in time for us, where they saw seven or 
eight Indian houses, but no people. Foure being sent a mile or two from 
our plantation, two of them stragling into the woods was lost, for comming 
to a Lake of water they found a great Deere, having a mastive Bitch and a 
Spanell with them, they followed so farre they could not finde the way 
backe, that afternoone it rained, and did freeze and snow at night; their 
apparell was very thin, and had no weapons but two sickles, nor any 
victuals, nor could they finde any of the Salvages habitations; when the 
night came they were much perplexed that they had no other bed then the 
earth, nor coverture then the skies, but that they heard, as they thought, 
two Lions roaring a long time together very nigh them, so not knowing what 
to doe, they resolved to climbe up into a tree, though that would be an 
intollerable cold lodging, expecting their coming they stood at the trees 
root, and the bitch they held fast by the necke, for shee would have beene 
gone to the Lions or what they were, that as it chanced came not nigh 
them, so they watched the tree that extreme cold night, and in the morning 
travelling againe, passing by many lakes, brooks and woods, and in one 
place where the Salvages had burnt 4. or 5. miles in length, which is a 
fine champion Country, in the afternoone they discovered the two Iles in 
their Bay, and so that night neere famished they got to their Plantation, 
from whence they had sent out men every way to seeke them; that night the 
house they had built and thatched, where lay their armes, bedding, powder, 
&c. tooke fire and was burnt, the Coast is so shoule, the ship rides more 
then a mile from the Fort, but God be thanked no man was hurt though much 
was burnt.

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Their first conference with a Salvage.

All this time we could not have conference with a Salvage, though we had 
many times seene them and had many alarums, so that we drew a Councell, 
and appointed Captaine Standish to have the command of all martiall 
actions, but even in the time of consultation the Salvages gave an alarum: 
the next day also as wee were agreeing upon his orders, came a tall 
Salvage boldly amongst us, not fearing any thing, and kindly bad us 
welcome in English; he was a Sagamo, towards the North, where the ships 
use to fish, and did know the names of most of the Masters that used 
thither: such victuall as we had we gave him, being the first Salvage we 
yet could speake with, he told us this place where we were was called 
Patuxet, and that all the people three or foure yeeres agoe there died on 
the plague: in a day or two we could not be rid of him, then he returned 
to the Massasoyts from whence he came, where is some sixty people, but the 
Nawsits are 100. strong, which were they encountred our people at the 
first. Two daies after this Samoset, for so was his name, came againe, and 
brought five or six of the Massasoyts with him, with certaine skinnes, and 
certaine tooles they had got that we had left in the woods at their 
alarums: much friendship they promised, and so departed, but Samoset would 
not leave us, but fained himselfe sicke, yet at last he went to entreat 
the Salvages come againe to confirme a peace: now the third time, as we 
were consulting of our Marshall orders, two Salvages appeared, but when we 
went to them they vanished: not long after came Samoset, & Squanto, a 
native of Patuxet where we dwell, and one of them carried into Spaine by 
Hunt, thence brought into England, where a good time he lived; and now 
here signified unto us, their great Sachem of Massasoyt, with Quadaquina 
his brother, and all their men, was there by to see us: not willing to 
send our Governour, we sent Edward Wollislo with presents to them both, to 
know their minds, making him to understand by his Interpreters how King 
James did salute him and was his friend; after a little conference

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with twenty of his men, he came over the brooke to our Plantation, where 
we set him upon a rug, and then brought our Governour to him with Drums 
and Trumpets; where after some circumstances, for they use few 
complements, we treated of peace with them to this effect.

Their conditions of peace.

That neither he nor any of his should injury or doe hurt to any of us; if 
they did, he should send us the offender, that we might punish him, and 
wee would doe the like to him: if any did unjustly warre against him, we 
would aid him, as he should us against our enemies, and to send to his 
neighbour confederats to certifie them of this, that they might likewise 
be comprised in these conditions, that when any of them came to us, they 
should leave their Bow and Arrowes behinde them, as we would our peeces 
when we came to them, all which the King seemed to like well of, and was 
applauded of his followers, in his person hee is a very lusty man, in his 
best yeeres, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech: in 
his attire little differing from the rest; after all was done, the 
Governour conducted him to the brooke, but kept our hostage till our 
messengers returned: in like manner we used Quaddaquina, so all departed 
good friends.

Two of his people would have staied with us, but wee would not permit 
them, onely Samoset and Squanto wee entertained kindly; as yet wee have 
found they intend to keepe promise, for they have not hurt our men they 
have found stragling in the Woods, and are afraid of their powerfull 
Adversaries the Narrohiggansets, against whom hee hopes to make use of our 
helpe. The next day Squanto went a fishing for Eeles, and in an houre he 
did tread as many out of the Ose with his feet as he could lift with his 
hand, not having any other instrument.

But that we might know their habitations so well as they ours, Stephen 
Hopkins and Edward Winslo had Squantum for their guide and Interpreter; to 
Packanoki, the habitation of the King of Massasoyt, with a red horsemans 
coat for a present, to entreat him by reason

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we had not victuall to entertaine them as we would, he would defend his 
people so much from visiting us; and if hee did send, he should alwaies 
send with the Messenger a copper Chaine they gave him, that they might 
know he came from him, and also give them some of his Corne for seede: 
that night they lodged at Namascet, some fifteene miles off: by the way we 
found ten or twelve women and children that still would pester us till we 
were weary of them, perceiving it is the manner of them, where victuall is 
to bee gotten with most ease, there they will live; but on that River of 
Namaschet have beene many habitations of the Salvages that are dead, and 
the land lies waste, and the River abounding with great plenty of fish, 
and hath beene much frequented by the French.

A great courage of two old Salvages. How the King used them.

The next day travelling with six or seven Indians, where we were to wade 
over the River, did dwell onely two old men of that Nation then living, 
that thinking us enemies, sought the best advantage they could to fight 
with us, with a wonderfull shew of courage, but when they knew us their 
friends they kindly welcommed us; after we came to a towne of the 
Massasoits, but at Pakanoki the King was not: towards night he arrived and 
was very proud, both of our message and presents, making a great oration 
to all his people, Was not he Massasoit, Commander of the country about 
him, was not such a towne his, and the people of it, and 20. townes more 
he named was his? and should they not bring their skins to us? to which 
they answered, they were his and they would; victual they had none, nor 
any lodging, but a poore planke or two, a foot high from the ground, 
wheron his wife and he lay at the one end, we at the other, but a thin Mat 
upon them, two more of his chiefe men pressed by and upon us, so that we 
were worse weary of our lodging then of our journey. Although there is 
such plenty of fish and fowle and wild beasts, yet are they so lasie they 
will not take paines to catch it till meere hunger constraine them, for in 
two or three daies we had scarce a meales

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meat, whereby we were so faint, we were glad to be at home: besides what 
for the fleas, and their howling and singing in the night in their houses, 
and the Musketas without doores, our heads were as light for want of 
sleepe, as our bellies empty for want of meat. The next voiage we made was 
in a Shallop with ten men to Nawsit, sixteene miles from us, to fetch a 
Boy was lost in the Woods we heard was there, whom Aspinet their King had 
bedecked like a salvage, but very kindly he brought him to us, and so 
returned well to Patuyet.

1621.

Immediatly after the arrival of the last ship, they sent another of five 
and fifty tuns to supply them; with seven and thirty persons they set 
saile in the beginning of July, but being crossed by westernly winds, it 
was the end of August ere they could passe Plimoth, and arrived in New-
England at New-Plimoth, now so called the 11. of November, where they 
found all the people they left so ill, lusty and well for all their 
poverties, except six that died: a moneth they stayed ere they returned to 
England, loaded with Clap-boord, Wainscot and Wallnut, with about three 
hogs-heads of Bever skinnes the 13. of December: and drawing neere our 
coast was set on by a French man set out by the Marquesse of Cera, 
Governour of Ile Deu, where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and 
company, tooke from them to the value of 500 pound, and after 14. daies 
sent them home with a poore supply of victuall, their owne being devoured 
by the Marquesse and his hungry servants.

Now you are to understand this 37. brought nothing, but relied wholly on 
us to make us more miserable then before, which the Sachem Covanacus no 
sooner understood, but sent to Tusquantum our Interpreter, a bundle of new 
arrowes in a Snakes skinne; Tusquantum being absent, the Messenger 
departed, but when we understood it was a direct challenge, we returned 
the skin full of powder and shot, with an absolute defiance, which caused 
us finish our fortification with all expedition. Now betwixt our two 
Salvages, Tusquantum and Hobbamock,

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grew such great emulation, we had much adoe to know which best to trust. 
In a journey we undertooke, in our way we met a Salvage of Tusquantums, 
that had cut his face fresh bleeding, to assure us Massasoyt our supposed 
friend, had drawne his forces to Packanokick to assault us. Hobomak as 
confidently assured us it was false, and sent his wife as an espy to see; 
but when she perceived all was well, shee told the King Massasoyt how 
Tusquantum had abused him, divers Salvages also hee had caused to beleeve 
we would destroy them, but he would doe his best to appease us; this he 
did onely to make his Countrymen beleeve what great power hee had with us 
to get bribes on both sides, to make peace or warre when he would, and the 
more to possesse them with feare, he perswaded many we had buried the 
plague in our store house, which wee could send when we listed whither wee 
would, but at last all his knavery being discovered, Massasowat sent his 
knife with Messengers for his head or him, being his subject; with much 
adoe we appeased the angry King and the rest of the Salvages, and freely 
forgave Tusquantum, because he speaking our language we could not well be 
without him.

A journey to the Towne of Namaschet, in defence of the King of Massasoyt, 
against the Narrohigganses, and the supposed death of Squantum.

A Great difference there was betwixt the Narrohigganses and the 
Massasoytes, that had alwaies a jealousie; Coubatant one of their petty 
Sachems was too conversant with the Narrohigganses, this Coubatant lived 
much at Namaschet, and much stormed at our peace with his King and others; 
also at Squantum, and Tokamahamon, and Hobomak our friends, and chiefe 
occasioners of our peace, for which he sought to murther Hobomak; yet 
Tokamahamon went to him upon a rumour he had taken Masasoyt prisoner, or 
forced him from his Country, but the other two would not, but in privat to 
see if they could heare what was become of their King; lodging

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at Namaschet they were discovered to Coubatant, who surprized the house 
and tooke Squantum, saying, if hee were dead the English had lost their 
tongue; Hobomak seeing that, and Coubatant held a knife at his brest, 
being a strong lusty fellow, brake from them and came to New-Plimoth, full 
of sorrow for Squantum, whom he thought was slaine.

They surprise the Salvages.

The next day we sent ten men with him armed to be revenged of Coubatant, 
who conducted us neere Namaschet, where we rested and refreshed our selves 
til midnight, and then we beset the house as we had resolved; those that 
entred the house demanded for Coubatant, but the Salvages were halfe dead 
with feare, we charged them not to stirre, for we came to hurt none but 
Coubatant, for killing Squantum, some of them seeking to escape was 
wounded, but at last perceiving our ends, they told us Coubatant was gone 
and all his men, and Squantum was yet living, & in the towne; in this 
hurly burly we discharged two peeces at randome, which much terrified all 
the inhabitants except Squantum and Tokamahamon, who though they knew not 
the end of our comming, yet assured themselves of our honesties, that we 
would not hurt them; the women and children hung about Hobomak, calling 
him friend, and when they saw we would hurt no women, the young youths 
cryed we are women; to be short, we kept them all, and whilest we were 
searching the house for Coubatant, Hobomak had got to the top, and called 
Squantum & Tokamahamon, which came unto us accompanied with others, some 
armed, others naked, those that had bowes we tooke them from them, 
promising them againe when it was day: the house wee tooke for our quarter 
that night and discharged the prisoners, and the next morning went to 
breakfast to Squantums house; thither came all them that loved us to 
welcome us, but all Coubatants faction was fled, then we made them plainly 
know the cause of our comming, & if their King Massasoyt were not well, we 
would be revenged upon the Narrohiggansets, or any that should doe injury 
to Hobomak,

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Squantum, or any of their friends; as for those were wounded we were sorry 
for it, and offered our Surgion should heale them, of this offer a man and 
a woman accepted, that went home with us, accompanied with Squantum, and 
many other knowne friends, that offered us all the kindnesse they could.

From the West of England there is gone ten or twelve ships to fish, which 
were all well fraughted: those that came first at Bilbow, made seventeene 
pound a single share, besides Bevers, Otters, and Martins skinnes; but 
some of the rest that came to the same ports, that were all ready 
furnished, so glutted the market, that the price was abated, yet all 
returned so well contented, that they are a preparing to goe againe.

1622.

There is gone from the West Countrey onely to fish, five and thirtie 
ships, and about the last of Aprill two more from London; the one of one 
hundred tunnes, the other of thirtie, with some sixtie Passengers to 
supply the Plantation. Now though the Turke and French hath beene somewhat 
too busie in taking our ships, would all the Christian Princes be truly at 
unitie, as his Royall Majestie our Soveraigne King James desireth, 
seventie Saile of good ships were sufficient to fire the most of his 
Coasts in the Levant, and make such a guard in the Straights of 
Hellespont, as would make the great Turke himselfe more affraid in 
Constantinople, then the smallest Red-Crosse that crosses the Seas would 
be, either of any French Pickaroun, or the Pirats of Algere.

An abstract of divers Relations sent from the Colony in New England, July 
16. 1622.

Notes and observations.

SInce the massacre in Virginia, though the Indians continue their wonted 
friendship, yet wee are more wary of them then before; for their hands 
hath beene imbrued in much English bloud, onely by too much confidence, 
but not by force, and we have had small supplies of any thing but men. 
Here I must intreat a little your favours to digresse, they did not kill 
the

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English in Virginia, because they were Christians: but for their weapons 
and Copper, which were rare novelties; but now they feare we may beat them 
out of their dens, which Lions and Tigers will not admit but by force. But 
must this be an argument for an English man, and discourage any in 
Virginia or New England: No, for I have tried them both, as you may reade 
at large in the Historie of Virginia; notwithstanding since I came from 
thence, the Honourable Company hath beene humble suiters to his Majestie, 
to get vagabonds and condemned men to goe thither; nay, so the businesse 
hath beene so abused, that so much scorned was the name of Virginia, some 
did chuse to be hanged ere they would goe thither, and were: Yet for all 
the worst of spight, detraction, and discouragement, and this lamentable 
massacre, there is more honest men now suiters to goe, then ever hath 
beene constrained knaves. And it is not unknowne to most men of 
understanding, how happy many of those Collumners hath thought themselves 
that they might be admitted; and yet pay for their passage to goe now to 
Virginia, and I feare mee there goeth too many of those, that hath shifted 
heere till they could no longer; and they will use that qualitie there 
till they hazard all.

To range this Countrey of New England in like manner, I had but eight, as 
is said, and amongst their bruit conditions, I met many of their silly 
encounters, and I give God thankes, without any hurt at all to me, or any 
with mee. When your West-Countrey men were so wounded and tormented with 
the Salvages, though they had all the Politicke directions that had beene 
gathered from all the secret informations could be heard of, yet they 
found little, and returned with nothing. I speak not this out of vaine-
glory, as it may be some gleaners, or some who were never there may 
censure me; but to let all men be assured by those examples, what those 
Salvages are, that thus strangely doe murder and betray our Countrymen: 
but to the purpose;

The Paragon with thirtie seven men sent to releeve

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them, miscaried twice upon our English Coast, whereby they failed of their 
supplies. It is true, there hath beene taken one thousand Bases at a 
draught; and in one night twelve Hogsheads of Herrings: but when they 
wanted all necessaries both for fishing and sustinance, but what they 
could get with their naked industry, they indured most extreme wants, 
having beene now neere two yeeres without any supply to any purpose, it is 
a wonder how they should subsist, much lesse so to resist the Salvages, 
fortifie themselves, plant sixtie acres of Corne, besides their Gardens 
that were well replenished with many usuall fruits. But in the beginning 
of July came in two ships of Master Westons, though we much wanted our 
selves, yet we releeved them what we could: and to requite us, they 
destroied our Corne and Fruits then planted, and did what they could to 
have done the like to us. At last they were transported to Wichaguscusset 
at the Massachusets, where they abused the Salvages worse then us. We 
having neither Trade, nor scarce any thing remaining, God sent in one 
Master Jones, and a ship of Westons had beene at Monahigan amongst the 
Fisher-men, that for Bever skinnes and such Merchandize as wee had, very 
well refreshed us, though at deere rates. Weston left also his men a small 
Barke, and much good provision, and so set saile for England. Then wee 
joyned with them to trade to the Southward of Cape Cod, twice or thrice 
wee were forced to returne; first by the death of their Governor; then the 
sicknesse of Captaine Standish. At last our Governor Master Bradford 
undertooke it himselfe to have found the passage betwixt the Shoules and 
the Maine, then Tusquantum our Pilot died, so that we returned to the 
Massachusets, where we found the trade spoiled, and nothing but complaints 
betwixt the Salvages and the English. At Nawset we were kindly used and 
had good trade, though we lost our Barge, the Salvages carefully kept both 
her wracke, and some ten Hogsheads of Corne three moneths, and so we 
returned some by land, some in the ship.