Travels of Captaine John Smith Volume II - Pages 26-49



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Then come you to Accomacke an excellent good Harbour, good land, and no 
want of any thing but industrious people: after much kindnesse, wee fought 
also with them, though some were hurt, some slaine, yet within an houre 
after they became friends. Cape Cod is the next presents it selfe, which 
is onely a headland of high hils, over-growne with shrubby Pines, hurts 
and such trash, but an excellent harbour for all weathers. This Cape is 
made by the maine Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in 
forme of a Sickell, on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet, and in the 
bottome of the Bay them of Chawum: towards the South and South-west of 
this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoule of rocks and sand, but so 
farre as I incercled it, I found thirty fathome water and a strong 
currant, which makes mee thinke there is a chanell about this Shoule, 
where is the best and greatest fish to be had winter and summer in all the 
Country; but the Salvages say there is no Chanell, but that the Shoales 
beginne from the maine at Pawmet to the Ile of Nawset, and so extends 
beyond their knowledge into the Sea. The next to this is Capawucke, and 
those abounding Countries of Copper, Corne, People and Mineralls, which I 
went to discover this last yeere, but because I miscarried by the way I 
will leave them till God please I have better acquaintance with them.

The Massachusets they report sometimes have warres with the Bashabes of 
Pennobscot, & are not alwaies friends with them of Chawum and their 
alliance; but now they are all friends, and have each trade with other so 
farre as they have society on each others frontiers, for they make no such 
voyages as from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, seldome to Massachuset. In the 
North as I have said they have begun to plant Corne, whereof the south 
part hath such plenty as they have what they will from them of the North, 
and in the Winter much more plenty of fish and fowle, but both Winter & 
Summer hath it in one part or other all the yeere, being the meane, and 
most indifferent temper betwixt heat and cold, of all the Regions betwixt 
the Line

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and the Pole, but the Furs Northward are much better, and in much more 
plenty then Southward.

The land Markes.

The remarkablest Iles and Mountaines for land Markes are these: the 
highest lie is Sorico in the Bay of Pennobscot, but the three Iles, and 
the Iles of Matinack are much further in the Sea: Metynacus is also three 
plaine Iles, but many great Rocks: Monahigan is a round high Ile, and 
close by it Monanis, betwixt which is a small Harbour where we rid; in 
Damerils Iles is such another, Sagadahocke is knowne by Satquin, and foure 
or five Iles in their mouth. Smiths Iles are a heape together, none neere 
them against Accomintycus: the three Turkes heads, are three Iles, seene 
farre to Sea-ward in regard of the Headland. The chiefe Head-lands, are 
onely Cape Tragabigzanda, and Cape Cod, now called Cape James, and Cape 
Anne.

Herbs and Fruits.

The chiefe Mountaines, them of Pennobscot, the twinkling Mountaine of 
Acocisco, the great Mountaine of Sassanow, and the high Mountaine of 
Massachuset. Each of which you shall finde in the Map, their places, 
forme, and altitudes. The waters are most pure, proceeding from the 
intrailes of rocky Mountaines: the Herbs and Fruits are of many sorts and 
kinds, as Alkermes, Currans, Mulberies, Vines, Respises, Gooseberies, 
Plums, Wall-nuts, Chesse-nuts, Small-nuts, Pumpions, Gourds, Strawberies, 
Beanes, Pease, and Maize; a kinde or two of Flax, wherewith they make 
Nets, Lines, and Ropes, both small and great, very strong for their 
quantities.

Woods.

Oake is the chiefe wood, of which there is great difference, in regard of 
the soyle where it groweth, Firre, Pine, Wall-nut, Chesse-nut, Birtch, 
Ash, Elme, Cipris, Cedar, Mulbery, Plum tree, Hazell, Saxefras, and many 
other sorts.

Birds.

Eagles, Grips, divers sorts of Hawkes, Craines, Geese, Brants, Cormorants, 
Ducks, Cranes, Swannes, Sheldrakes, Teale, Meawes, Gulls, Turkies, 
Divedoppers, and many other sorts whose names I know not.

Fishes.

Whales, Grompus, Porkpisces, Turbut, Sturgion, Cod,

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Hake, Haddocke, Cole, Cuske or small Ling, Sharke, Mackarell, Herring, 
Mullit, Base, Pinnacks, Cunners, Pearch, Eeles, Crabs, Lobsters, Mustels, 
Wilks, Oisters, Clamps, Periwinkels, and divers others, &c.

Beasts.

Moos, a beast bigger than a Stag, Deare red and fallow, Bevers, Wolves, 
Foxes both blacke and other, Aroughcunds, wilde Cats, Beares, Otters, 
Martins, Fitches, Musquassus, and divers other sorts of Vermin whose names 
I know not: all these and divers other good things doe here for want of 
use still increase and decrease with little diminution, whereby they grow 
to that abundance, you shall scarce finde any bay, shallow shore or Cove 
of sand, where you may not take many clamps or Lobsters, or both at your 
pleasure, and in many places load your Boat if you please, nor Iles where 
you finde not Fruits, Birds, Crabs and Mustels, or all of them; for taking 
at a low water Cod, Cuske, Hollibut, Scate, Turbut, Mackarell, or such 
like are taken plentifully in divers sandy Bayes, store of Mullit, Bases, 
and divers other sorts of such excellent fish as many as their Net can 
hold: no River where there is not plenty of Sturgion, or Salmon, or both, 
all which are to be had in abundance observing but their seasons: but if a 
man will goe at Christmas to gather Cherries in Kent, though there be 
plenty in Summer, he may be deceived; so here these plenties have each 
their seasons, as I have expressed; we for the most part had little but 
bread and Vinegar, and though the most part of July when the fishing 
decayed, they wrought all day, lay abroad in the Iles all night, and lived 
on what they found, yet were not sicke: But I would wish none long put 
himselfe to such plunges, except necessity constraine it: yet worthy is 
that person to starve that here cannot live if he have sense, strength and 
health, for there is no such penury of these blessings in any place but 
that one hundred men may in two or three houres make their provisions for 
a day, and he that hath experience to manage these affaires, with forty or 
thirty honest industrious men, might well undertake (if they dwell in

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these parts) to subject the Salvages, and feed daily two or three hundred 
men, with as good Corne, Fish, and Flesh as the earth hath of those kinds, 
and yet make that labour but their pleasure: provided that they have 
Engines that be proper for their purposes. Who can desire more content 
that hath small meanes, or but onely his merit to advance his fortunes, 
then to tread and plant that ground he hath purchased by the hazard of his 
life; if hee have but the taste of vertue and magnanimity, what to such a 
minde can bee more pleasant then planting and building a foundation for 
his posterity, got from the rude earth by Gods blessing and his owne 
industry without prejudice to any, if hee have any graine of faith or 
zeale in Religion, what can he doe lesse hurtfull to any, or more 
agreeable to God, then to seeke to convert those poore Salvages to know 
Christ and humanity, whose labours with discretion will triple requite thy 
charge and paine; what so truly sutes with honour and honesty, as the 
discovering things unknowne, erecting Townes, peopling Countries, 
informing the ignorant, reforming things unjust, teaching vertue and gaine 
to our native mother Country; a Kingdome to attend her, finde imploiment 
for those that are idle, because they know not what to doe: so farre from 
wronging any, as to cause posterity to remember thee, and remembring thee, 
ever honour that remembrance with praise. Consider what were the 
beginnings and endings of the Monarchies of the Chaldeans, the Syrians, 
the Grecians and Romans, but this one rule; what was it they would not doe 
for the good of their common weale, or their mother City? For example: 
Rome, what made her such a Monarchesse, but onely the adventures of her 
youth, not in riots at home, but in dangers abroad, and the justice and 
judgement out of their experiences when they grew aged; what was their 
ruine and hurt but this, the excesse of idlenesse, the fondnesse of 
parents, the want of experience in Majestrates, the admiration of their 
undeserved honours, the contempt of true merit, their unjust jealousies, 
their

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politike incredulities, their hypocriticall seeming goodnesse and their 
deeds of secret lewdnesse; finally in fine, growing onely formall 
temporists, all that their Predecessors got in many yeeres they lost in a 
few daies: those by their paines and vertues became Lords of the world, 
they by their ease and vices became slaves to their servants; this is the 
difference betwixt the use of armes in the field, and on the monuments of 
stones, the golden age and the leaden age, prosperity and misery, justice 
and corruption, substance and shadowes, words and deeds, experience and 
imagination, making common weales, and marring common weales, the fruits 
of vertue, and the conclusions of vice.

Then who would live at home idly, or thinke in himselfe any worth to live, 
onely to eat, drinke and sleepe, and so die; or by consuming that 
carelesly, his friends got worthily, or by using that miserably that 
maintained vertue honestly, or for being descended nobly, and pine with 
the value vaunt of great kindred in penury, or to maintaine a silly shew 
of bravery, toile out thy heart, soule and time basely; by shifts, tricks, 
Cards and Dice, or by relating newes of other mens actions, sharke here 
and there for a dinner or supper, deceive thy friends by faire promises 
and dissimulation, in borrowing where thou never meanest to pay, offend 
the Lawes, surfet with excesse, burthen thy Countrie, abuse thy selfe, 
despaire in want, and then cousen thy Kindred, yea even thy owne brother, 
and wish thy Parents death (I will not say damnation) to have their 
estates, though thou seest what honours and rewards the world yet hath for 
them, that will seeke them and worthily deserve them.

I would bee sorry to offend, or that any should mistake my honest meaning; 
for I wish good to all, hurt to none: but rich men for the most part are 
growne to that dotage through their pride in their wealth, as though there 
were no accident could end it or their life.

And what hellish care doe such take to make it their owne misery and their 
Countries spoile, especially when there is most need of their imploiment, 
drawing by all

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manner of inventions from the Prince and his honest Subjects, even the 
vitall spirits of their powers and estates: as if their baggs or brags 
were so powerfull a defence, the malicious could not assault them, when 
they are the onely bait to cause us not onely to bee assaulted, but 
betrayed and murthered in our owne security ere wee will perceive it.

An example of secure covetousnesse.

May not the miserable ruine of Constantinople, their impregnable walls, 
riches and pleasures last taken by the Turke, which were then but a bit in 
comparison of their mightinesse now, remember us of the effects of private 
covetousnesse, at which time the good Emperour held himselfe rich enough, 
to have such rich subjects, so formall in all excesse of vanity, all kinde 
of delicacy and prodigality: his poverty when the Turke besieged the 
Citizens (whose merchandizing thoughts were onely to get wealth) little 
conceiving the desperat resolution of a valiant expert enemy, left the 
Emperour so long to his conclusions, having spent all he had to pay his 
young raw discontented Souldiers, that suddenly he, they, and their City 
were all a prey to the devouring Turke, and what they would not spare for 
the maintenance of them who adventured their lives to defend them, did 
serve onely their enemies to torment them, their friends and Country, and 
all Christendome to this present day. Let this lamentable example remember 
you that are rich (seeing there are such great theeves in the world to rob 
you) not grudge to lend some proportion to breed them that have little, 
yet willing to learne how to defend you, for it is too late when the deed 
is doing.

The Romans estate hath beene worse then this, for the meere covetousnesse 
and extortion of a few of them so moved the rest, that not having any 
imploiment but contemplation, their great judgements grew to so great 
malice, as themselves were sufficient to destroy themselves by faction; 
let this move you to imbrace imployment, for those whose educations, 
spirits and judgements want but your purses, not only to prevent such 
accustomed

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dangers, but also to gaine more thereby then you have; and you fathers 
that are either so foolishly fond, or so miserably covetous, or so 
wilfully ignorant, or so negligently carelesse, as that you will rather 
maintaine your children in idle wantonnesse till they grow your masters, 
or become so basely unkinde that they wish nothing but your deaths, so 
that both sorts grow dissolute, and although you would wish them any where 
to escape the Gallowes and case your cares, though they spend you here 
one, two or three hundred pound a yeere, you would grudge to give halfe so 
much in adventure with them to obtaine an estate, which in a small time, 
but with a little assistance of your providence, might bee better then 
your owne; but if an Angell should tell you any place yet unknowne can 
affoord such fortunes, you would not beleeve it, no more then Columbus was 
beleeved there was any such land, as is now the well knowne abounding 
America, much lesse such large Regions as are yet unknowne, as well in 
America, as in Africa and Asia, and Terra incognita.

The Authors conditions.

I have not beene so ill bred but I have tasted of plenty and pleasure, as 
well as want and misery; nor doth necessity yet, or occasion of discontent 
force me to these endevours, nor am I ignorant what small thankes I shall 
have for my paines, or that many would have the world imagine them to bee 
of great judgement, that can but blemish these my designes, by their witty 
objections and detractions, yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds will so 
prevaile with some, that I shall not want imploiment in these affaires, to 
make the most blinde see his owne senselesnesse and incredulity, hoping 
that gaine will make them affect that which Religion, Charity and the 
common good cannot. It were but a poore device in mee to deceive my selfe, 
much more the King and State, my Friends and Country with these 
inducements, which seeing his Majesty hath given permission, I wish all 
sorts of worthy honest industrious spirits would understand, and if they 
desire any further satisfaction, I will doe my best to give it, not

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to perswade them to goe onely, but goe with them; not leave them there, 
but live with them there: I will not say but by ill providing and undue 
managing, such courses may bee taken may make us miserable enough: but if 
I may have the execution of what I have projected, if they want to eat, 
let them eat or never digest mee; If I performe what I say, I desire but 
that reward out of the gaines may sute my paines, quality and condition, 
and if I abuse you with my tongue, take my head for satisfaction. If any 
dislike at the yeeres end, defraying their charge, by my consent they 
should freely returne; I feare not want company sufficient, were it but 
knowne what I know of these Countries, and by the proofe of that wealth I 
hope yeerely to returne, if God please to blesse me from such accidents as 
are beyond my power in reason to prevent; for I am not so simple to thinke 
that ever any other motive then wealth will ever erect there a common 
wealth, or draw company from their case and humors at home, to stay in New-
England to effect my purposes.

The Planters pleasures and profit.

And lest any should thinke the toile might be insupportable, though these 
things may bee had by labour and diligence; I assure my selfe there are 
who delight extremely in vaine pleasure, that take much more paines in 
England to enjoy it, then I should doe here to gaine wealth sufficient, 
and yet I thinke they should not have halfe such sweet content: for our 
pleasure here is still gaines, in England charges and losse; here nature 
and liberty affoords us that freely which in England we want, or it 
costeth us deerely. What pleasure can bee more then being tired with any 
occasion a shore, in planting Vines, Fruits, or Herbes, in contriving 
their owne grounds to the pleasure of their owne minds, their Fields, 
Gardens, Orchards, Buildings, Ships, and other workes, &c. to recreate 
themselves before their owne doores in their owne Boats upon the Sea, 
where man, woman and childe, with a small hooke and line, by angling may 
take divers sorts of excellent Fish at their pleasures; and is it not 
pretty sport to pull up two pence, six pence, and twelve pence,

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as fast as you can hale and vere a line; hee is a very bad Fisher cannot 
kill in one day with his hooke and line one, two, or three hundred Cods, 
which dressed and dryed, if they bee sold there for ten shillings a 
hundred, though in England they will give more then twenty, may not both 
servant, master and Merchant be well content with this gaine? if a man 
worke but three daies in seven, hee may get more then hee can spend 
unlesse hee will bee exceedingly excessive. Now that Carpenter, Mason, 
Gardiner, Tailer, Smith, Sailer, Forger, or what other, may they not make 
this a pretty recreation, though they fish but an houre in a day, to take 
more then they can eat in a weeke, or if they will not eat it, because 
there is so much better choise, yet sell it or change it with the Fisher-
men or Merchants for any thing you want, and what sport doth yeeld a more 
pleasing content, and lesse hurt and charge then angling with a hooke, and 
crossing the sweet aire from Ile to Ile, over the silent streames of a 
calme Sea, wherein the most curious may finde profit, pleasure and content.

Thus though all men be not fishers, yet all men whatsoever may in other 
matters doe as well, for necessity doth in these cases so rule a common 
wealth, and each in their severall functions, as their labours in their 
qualities may be as profitable because there is a necessary mutuall use of 
all.

Imploiments for Gentlemen.

For Gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them then ranging daily 
these unknowne parts, using fowling and fishing for hunting and hawking, 
and yet you shall see the wilde Hawkes give you some pleasure in seeing 
them stoupe six or seven times after one another an houre or two together, 
at the skults of Fish in the faire Harbours, as those a shore at a fowle, 
and never trouble nor torment your selves with watching, mewing, feeding, 
and attending them, nor kill horse and man with running and crying, See 
you not a Hawke; for hunting also, the Woods, Lakes and Rivers affoord not 
onely chase sufficient for any that delights in that kinde of toile or 
pleasure, but such

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beasts to hunt, that besides the delicacie of their bodies for food, their 
skinnes are so rich, as they will recompence thy daily labour with a 
Captaines pay.

Imploiments for Labourers.

For Labourers, if those that sow Hempe, Rape, Turnups, Parsnips, Carrats, 
Cabidge, and such like; give twentie, thirtie, fortie, fiftie shillings 
yeerely for an Acre of Land, and meat, drinke, and wages to use it, and 
yet grow rich: when better, or at least as good ground may bee had and 
cost nothing but labour; it seemes strange to me any such should grow 
poore.

My purpose is not to perswade children from their parents, men from their 
wives, nor servants from their masters; onely such as with free consent 
may bee spared: but that each Parish, or Village, in Citie, or Countrey, 
that will but apparell their fatherlesse children of thirteene or 
foureteene yeeres of age, or young maried people that have small wealth to 
live on, here by their labour may live exceeding well. Provided alwaies, 
that first there be a sufficient power to command them, houses to receive 
them, meanes to defend them, and meet provisions for them, for any place 
may be over-laine: and it is most necessary to have a fortresse (ere this 
grow to practise) and sufficient masters, of all necessarie, mecanicall 
qualities, to take ten or twelve of them for Apprentises; the Master by 
this may quickly grow rich, these may learne their trades themselves to 
doe the like, to a generall and an incredible benefit for King and 
Countrey, Master and Servant.

Examples of the Spaniards.

It would be a History of a large volume, to recite the adventures of the 
Spaniards and Portugals, their affronts and defeats, their dangers and 
miseries; which with such incomparable honor, and constant resolution, so 
farre beyond beleefe, they have attempted and indured in their discoveries 
and plantations, as may well condemne us of too much imbecillitie, sloth, 
and negligence; yet the Authors of these new inventions were held as 
ridiculous for a long time, as now are others that doe but seeke to 
imitate their unparalleld vertues, and though we see daily their 
mountaines of wealth (sprung from the Plants of

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their generous indevours) yet is our sensualitie and untowardnesse such,
& so great, that we either ignorantly beleeve nothing, or so curiously 
contest, to prevent we know not what future events; that we either so 
neglect, or oppresse and discourage the present, as wee spoile all in the 
making, crop all in the blooming; and building upon faire Sand rather then 
upon rough Rocks, judge that we know not, governe that wee have not, feare 
that which is not; and for feare some should doe too well, force such 
against their wils to be idle, or as ill. And who is hee hath judgement, 
courage, and any industry or quality with understanding, will leave his 
Country, his hopes at home, his certaine estate, his friends, pleasures, 
libertie, and the preferment sweet England doth affoord to all degrees, 
were it not to advance his fortunes by enjoying his deserts, whose 
prosperitie once appearing, will encourage others: but it must be 
cherished as a childe, till it be able to goe and understand it selfe, and 
not corrected nor oppressed above its strength, ere it know wherefore. A 
childe can neither performe the office nor deeds of a man of strength, nor 
endure that affliction he is able: nor can an Apprentise at the first 
performe the part of a Master, and if twentie yeeres be required to make a 
childe a man, seven yeeres limited an Apprentise for his trade: if scarce 
an age be sufficient to make a wise man a States-man, and commonly a man 
dies ere he hath learned to be discreet; if perfection be so hard to be 
obtained, as of necessitie there must be Practice as well as Theoricke: 
Let no man then condemne this paradox opinion, to say that halfe seven 
yeres is scarce sufficient for a good capacitie to learne in these 
affaires how to carrie himselfe. And who ever shall try in these remote 
places the erecting of a Colony, shall finde at the end of seven yeeres 
occasion enough to use all his discretion: and in the Interim, all the 
content, rewards, gaines, and hopes, will be necessarily required, to be 
given to the beginning, till it be able to creepe, to stand, and goe, and 
to encourage desert by all possible meanes; yet time enough to keepe it 
from running, for there is no feare it

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will grow too fast, or ever to any thing, except libertie, profit, honor, 
and prosperitie there found, more binde the Planters of those affaires in 
devotion to effect it; then bondage, violence, tyrannie, ingratitude, and 
such double dealing, as bindes free men to become slaves, and honest men 
turne knaves; which hath ever beene the ruine of the most popular Common-
weales, and is very unlikely ever well to begin anew.

The blisse of Spaine.

Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spaniard, but these new 
conclusions in searching those unknowne parts of this unknowne world; by 
which meanes he dives even into the very secrets of all his neighbours, 
and the most part of the world; and when the Portugals and Spaniards had 
found the East and West-Indies, how many did condemne themselves, that did 
not accept of that honest offer of Noble Columbus, who upon our neglect 
brought them to it, perswading our selves the world had no such places as 
they had found: and yet ever since we finde, they still (from time to 
time) have found new Lands, new Nations, and Trades, and still daily doe 
finde, both in Asia, Affrica, Terra incognita, and America, so that there 
is neither Souldier nor Mechanicke, from the Lord to the Begger, but those 
parts affoords them all imploiment, & discharges their native soile of so 
many thousands of all sorts, that else by their sloth, pride, and 
imperfections, would long ere this have troubled their neighbours, or have 
eaten the pride of Spaine it selfe.

Now hee knowes little that knowes not England may well spare many more 
people then Spaine, and is as well able to furnish them with all manner of 
necessaries; and seeing for all they have, they cease not still to search 
for that they have not, and know not; it is strange we should be so dull, 
as not maintaine that which we have, and pursue that we know: Surely, I am 
sure many would take it ill, to be abridged of the titles and honors of 
their predecessors; when if but truly they would judge themselves, looke 
how inferior they are to their Noble Vertues, so much they are unworthy of 
their honors and livings,

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which never were ordained for shewes and shadowes, to maintaine idlenesse 
and vice, but to make them more able to abound in honor, by Heroicall 
deeds of action, judgement, pietie, and vertue. What was it both in their 
purse and person they would not doe, for the good of their Common-wealth, 
which might move them presently to set out their spare children in these 
generous designes; Religion above all things should move us, especially 
the Clergie, if we are religious, to shew our faith by our works, in 
converting those poore Salvages to the knowledge of God, seeing what 
paines the Spaniards take to bring them to their adultered faith. Honor 
might move the Gentry, the valiant, and industrious, and the hope and 
assurance of wealth, all, if we were that we would seeme, and be 
accounted; or be we so farre inferior to other Nations, or our spirits so 
farre dejected from our ancient predecessors, or our mindes so upon 
spoile, piracy, and such villany, as to serve the Portugall, Spaniard, 
Dutch, French, or Turke, (as to the cost of Europe too many doe) rather 
then our God, our King, our Country, and our selves; excusing our 
idlenesse and our base complaints by want of imploiment, when here is such 
choice of all sorts, and for all degrees, in the planting and discovering 
these North parts of America.

My second Voiage to New England. 1615.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1615. I was imploied by many my friends of 
London, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, a noble Knight, and a great favourer of 
those actions, who perswaded the reverend Deane of Exeter Doctor Sutliffe, 
and divers Merchants of the West, to entertaine this Plantation. Much 
labour I had taken to bring the Londoners and them to joyne together, 
because the Londoners have most Money, and the Westerne men are most 
proper for fishing; and it is neere as much trouble, but much more danger, 
to saile from London to Plimoth, then from Plimoth to New England, so that 
halfe the voiage would thus be saved, yet by no meanes I could

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prevaile, so desirous they were both to be Lords of this fishing. Now to 
make my words more apparant by my deeds, to begin a Plantation for a more 
ample triall of those conclusions, I was to have staied there but with 
sixteene men, whose names were;

Gent. 
Tho. Dirmer. 
Edw. Stallings. 
Daniel Cage. 
Francis Abbot.

Sould. 
John Gosling. 
William Ingram. 
David Cooper. 
John Partridge.

Were to learne to be Sailers. 
Thomas Digby. 
Daniel Baker. 
Walter Chisell. 
Adam Smith. 
Tho. Watson. 
Robert Miller. 
And two Boyes.

The ground and plot for our plantation.

I confesse I could have wished them as many thousands, had all other 
provisions beene in like proportion; nor would I have had so few, could I 
have had means for more: yet would God have pleased we had safely arrived, 
I doubted not but to have performed more then I promised, and that many 
thousands ere this would have bin there ere now. The maine assistance next 
God I had to this small number, was my acquaintance amongst the Salvages, 
especially with Dohoday, one of their greatest Lords, who had lived long 
in England, and another called Tantum, I caried with mee from England, and 
set on shore at Cape Cod; by the meanes of this proud Salvage, I did not 
doubt but quickly to have got that credit amongst the rest of the Salvages 
and their alliance, to have had as many of them as I desired in any 
designe I intended, and that trade also they had by such a kinde of 
exchange of their Countrey Commodities, which both with case and securitie 
might then have beene used with him and divers others: I had concluded to 
inhabit and defend them against the Tarentines, with a better power then 
the

Page 40 

French did them; whose tyrannie did inforce them to embrace my offer with 
no small devotion: and though many may think me more bold then wise, in 
regard of their power, dexteritie, treachery, and inconstancy, having so 
desperately assaulted, and betraied many others; I say but this (because 
with so many, I have many times done much more in Virginia then I intended 
here, when I wanted that experience Virginia taught mee) that to me it 
seemes no more danger then ordinary: and though I know my selfe the 
meanest of many thousands, whose apprehensive inspection can pierce beyond 
the bounds of my abilities, into the hidden things of Nature, Art, and 
Reason: yet I intreat such, give mee leave to excuse my selfe of so much 
imbecillitie, as to say, that in these eighteene yeeres which I have beene 
conversant with these affaires, I have not learned, there is a great 
difference betwixt the directions and judgement of experimentall 
knowledge, and the superficiall conjecture of variable relation: wherein 
rumour, humour, or misprision have such power, that oft times one is 
enough to beguile twentie, but twentie not sufficient to keepe one from 
being deceived. Therefore I know no reason but to beleeve my owne eies 
before any mans imagination, that is but wrested from the conceits of my 
owne projects and endevours, but I honor with all affection, the counsell 
and instructions of judiciall directions, or any other honest 
advertisement, so farre to observe, as they tie me, not to the crueltie of 
unknowne events. These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect 
all other imploiments, and spend my time and best abilities, in these 
adventures, wherein though I have had many discouragements, by the 
ingratitude of some, the malicious slanders of others, the falsenesse of 
friends, the treachery of cowards, and slownesse of Adventurers.

The meanes used to prevent it and me. How I set saile and returned.

Now you are to remember, as I returned first from New England at Plimoth, 
I was promised foure good ships ready prepared to my hand the next 
Christmas, and what conditions and content I would desire, to put this 
businesse in practise, and arriving at London, foure more were

Page 41 

offered me with the like courtesie. But to joyne the Londoners & them in 
one, was most impossible; so that in January with two hundred pound in 
Chash for adventure, and six Gentlemen well furnished, I went from London 
to the foure ships were promised me at Plimoth, but I found no such 
matter: and the most of those that had made such great promises, by the 
bad returne of the ship went for Gold, and their private emulations, were 
extinct and qualified. Notwithstanding at last, with a labyrinth of 
trouble, though the greatest of the burden lay on me, and a few of my 
particular friends, I was furnished with a ship of two hundred tunnes, and 
another of fiftie: But ere I had sailed one hundred and twentie leagues, 
she brake all her Masts, pumping each watch five or six thousand strokes; 
onely her spret-saile remained to spoone before the winde, till we had re-
accommodated a Jury-mast to returne for Plimoth, or founder in the Seas.

My reimbarkement, encounter with Pirats, and imprisonment by the French.

My Vice-Admirall being lost, not knowing of this, proceeded her voyage; 
now with the remainder of those provisions, I got out againe in a small 
Barke of sixtie tuns with thirty men: for this of two hundred, and 
provision for seventie, which were the sixteene before named, and 
foureteene other Sailers for the ship; with those I set saile againe the 
foure and twentieth of June, where what befell me (because my actions and 
writings are so publike to the world) envy still seeking to scandalize my 
endevours, and seeing no power but death can stop the chat of ill tongues, 
nor imagination of mens minds, lest my owne relations of those hard events 
might by some constructors bee made doubtfull, I have thought it best to 
insert the examinations of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lewis Stukeley, 
a worthy Knight, and Vice-Admirall of Devonshire, which was as followeth.

Page 42 

The Examination of Daniel Baker, late Steward to Captaine John Smith, in 
the returne of Plimoth, taken before Sir Lewis Stukeley Knight, the eighth 
of December, 1615.

THe effect in briefe was this: being chased by one Fry an English Pirat, 
Edward Chambers the Master, John Minter his Mate, Thomas Digby the Pylot, 
and divers others importuned him to yeeld; much swaggering wee had with 
them, more then the Pirats, who agreed upon such faire conditions as we 
desired, which if they broke, he vowed to sinke rather then be abused. 
Strange they thought it, that a Barke of threescore tuns with foure guns 
should stand upon such termes, they being eightie expert Sea-men, in an 
excellent ship of one hundred and fortie tuns, and thirty six cast Peeces 
and Murderers: But when they knew our Captaine, so many of them had beene 
his Souldiers, and they but lately runne from Tunis, where they had stolne 
this ship, wanted victuall, and in combustion amongst themselves, would 
have yeelded all to his protection, or wafted us any whither: but those 
mutinies occasioned us to reject their offer, which afterward we all 
repented. For at Fiall we met two French Pirats, the one of two hundred 
tuns, the other thirty: no disgrace would cause our mutiners fight, till 
the Captaine offered to blow up the ship rather then yeeld, till hee had 
spent all his powder: so that together by the eares we went, and at last 
got cleere of them for all their shot. At Flowers we were againe chased 
with foure French men of warre, the Admirall one hundred and fortie tuns, 
and ninety men well armed; the rest good ships, and as well provided: much 
parly we had, but vowing they were Rochilers, and had a Commission from 
the King onely to secure true men, and take Portugals, Spaniards, and 
Pirats, and as they requested, our Captaine went to shew his Commission, 
which was under the broad Seale, but neither it nor their vowes they so 
much respected, but they kept him, rifled our ship, manned

Page 43 

her with French men, and dispersed us amongst their Fleet: within five or 
six daies they were increased to eight or nine saile. At last they 
surrendred us our ship, and most of our provisions, the defects they 
promised the next day to supply, and did. Notwithstanding, there was no 
way but our mutiners would for England, though we were as neere New 
England, till the major part resolved with our Captaine to proceed. But 
the Admirall sending his Boat for our Captaine, they espying a Saile, 
presently gave chase, whereby our mutiners finding an opportunitie in the 
night ran away, and thus left our Captaine in his Cap, Bretches, and Wast-
coat, alone among the French men: his clothes, armes, and what he had, our 
mutiners shared among them, and with a false excuse, faining for feare 
lest he should turne man of warre, they returned for Plimoth: fifteene of 
us being Land-men, not knowing what they did. Daniel Cage, Edward 
Stalings, Walter Chisell, David Cooper, Robert Miller, and John Partridge, 
upon oath affirmes this for truth before the Vice-Admirall.

A double treachery.

Now the cause why the French detained mee againe, was the suspition this 
Chambers and Minter gave them, that I would revenge my selfe upon the 
Banke, or in New found land, of all the French I could there encounter, 
and how I would have fired the ship, had they not over-perswaded me: and 
that if I had but againe my Armes, I would rather sinke by them, then they 
should have from me but the value of a Bisket; and many other such like 
tales to catch but opportunitie in this manner to leave me, and thus they 
returned to Plimoth, and perforce with the French men I thus proceeded. 
Being a fleet of eight or nine saile, we watched for the West-Indies 
fleet, till ill weather separated us from the other eight: still wee spent 
our time about the Iles of the Assores, where to keepe my perplexed 
thoughts from too much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ this 
Discourse, thinking to have sent it to you of his Majesties Councell by 
some ship or other, for I saw their purpose was to take all they could. At 
last we were chased by one Captaine Barra,

Page 44 

an English Pirat in a small ship, with some twelve Peece of Ordnance, 
about thirty men, and neere all starved. They sought by courtesie releefe 
of us, who gave them such faire promises, as at last they betraied 
Captaine Wollistone his Lieutenant, and foure or five of his men aboord 
us, and then provided to take the rest perforce. Now my part was to be 
prisoner in the Gun-roome, and not to speake to any of them upon my life, 
yet had Barra knowledge what I was. Then Barra perceiving well those 
French intents, made ready to fight, and Wollistone as resolutely regarded 
not their threats, which caused us demurre upon the matter longer some 
sixteene houres, and then returned them againe Captaine Wollistone and all 
their Prisoners, and some victuall also upon a small composition: But 
whilest we were bartering thus with them; a Carvill before our faces got 
under the Castle of Gratiosa, from whence they beat us with their Ordnance.

A prise of Fish.

The next wee tooke was a small English man of Poole from New found land: 
the great Cabben at this present was my prison, from whence I could see 
them pillage these poore men of all that they had, and halfe their fish: 
when hee was gone, they sold his poore clothes at the maine Mast by an out-
cry, which scarce gave each man seven pence a peece.

A Scotch prise.

Not long after we tooke a Scot fraught from Saint Michaels to Bristow, he 
had better fortune then the other; for having but taken a Boats loading of 
Sugar, Marmelade, Suckets, and such like, we descried foure saile, after 
whom we stood, who forling their maine Sailes attended us to fight, but 
our French spirits were content onely to perceive they were English red 
Crosses. Within a very small time after wee chased 4. Spanish ships that 
came from the Indies, we fought with them foure or five houres, tore their 
sailes and sides with many a shot betwixt wind and weather, yet not daring 
to boord them, lost them, for which all the Sailers ever after hated the 
Captaine as a professed coward.

A prise worth 36000 crownes.

A poore Carvill of Brasile was the next wee chased;

Page 45 

and after a small fight, thirteene or foureteene of her men being wounded, 
which was the better halfe, we tooke her with three hundred and seventy 
chests of Sugar, one hundred hides, and thirty thousand Rialls of eight.

The next was a ship of Holland, which had lost her Consorts in the 
Streights of Magilans, going for the South sea, she was put roomy, she 
also these French men with faire promises, cunningly betraied to come 
aboord them to shew their Commission, and so made prise of all: the most 
of the Dutch-men we tooke aboord the Admirall, and manned her with French-
men, that within two or three nights after ran away with her for France, 
the wounded Spaniards we set on shore on the Ile of Tercera, the rest we 
kept to saile the Carvill.

A prise worth 200000 crownes.

Within a day or two after, we met a West-Indies man of warre, of one 
hundred and sixtie tuns, a fore noone wee fought with her, and then tooke 
her with one thousand one hundred Hides, fiftie Chests of Cutchanele, 
foureteene Coffers of wedges of Silver, eight thousand Rialls of eight, 
and six Coffers of the King of Spaines Treasure, besides the good pillage 
and rich Coffers of many rich Passengers.

Two moneths they kept me in this manner to manage their fights against the 
Spaniards, and bee a Prisoner when they tooke any English. Now though the 
Captaine had oft broke his promise, which was to put me on shore the Iles, 
or the next ship he tooke; yet at the last he was contented I should goe 
in the Carvill of Sugar for France, himselfe seeming as resolved to keepe 
the Seas, but the next morning we all set saile for France, and that night 
we were separated from the Admirall and the rich prise by a storme. Within 
two daies after wee were hailed by two West-Indies men: but when they saw 
us waife them for the King of France, they gave us their broad sides, shot 
thorow our maine Mast, and so left us. Having lived now this Summer 
amongst those French men of warre, with much adoe we arrived at the 
Gulion, not farre from Rotchell: where in stead of the great

Page 46 

promises they alwaies fed me with, of double satisfaction and full 
content, and tenne thousand Crownes was generally concluded I should have; 
they kept me five or six daies Prisoner in the Carvill, accusing me to be 
he that burnt their Colony in New France, to force me to give them a 
discharge before the Judge of the Admiraltie, and stand to their 
courtesies for satisfiction, or lie in prison, or a worse mischiefe: 
Indeed this was in the time of combustion, that the Prince of Cundy was 
with his Army in the field, and every poore Lord, or men in authoritie, as 
little Kings of themselves: For this injury was done me by them that set 
out this voyage (not by the Sailers) for they were cheated of all as well 
as I, by a few Officers aboord, and the owners on shore.

My escape from the French men.

But to prevent this choise, in the end of such a storme that beat them all 
under hatches, I watched my opportunitie to get a shore in their Boat, 
whereinto in the darke night I secretly got, and with a halfe Pike that 
lay by me, put a drift for Rat Ile: but the currant was so strong, and the 
Sea so great, I went a drift to Sea, till it pleased God the wind so 
turned with the tide, that although I was all this fearefull night of 
gusts and raine in the Sea the space of twelve houres, when many ships 
were driven ashore, and divers split: (and being with skulling and bayling 
the water tired, I expected each minute would sinke me) at last I arrived 
in an Oazy Ile by Charowne, where certaine Fowlers found me neere drowned, 
and halfe dead, with water, cold, and hunger. My Boat I pawned to finde 
meanes to get to Rotchell; where I understood our man of war & the rich 
prize, wherein was the Cap. called Mounsieur Poyrune, and the thirtie 
thousand Rialls of eight we tooke in the Carvill, was split, the Captaine 
drowned and halfe his Company the same night, within six or seven leagues 
of that place; from whence I escaped in the little Boat by the mercy of 
God, fir beyond all mens reason or my expectation, arriving at Rotchell: 
upon my complaint to the Judge of the Admiraltie, I found many good words 
and faire promises, and ere long

Page 47 

many of them that escaped drowning, told me the newes they heard of my 
owne death: These I arresting, their severall examinations did so confirme 
my complaint, it was held proofe sufficient. All which being performed 
according to their order of justice, from under the Judges hand, I 
presented it to Sir Thomas Edmonds, then Ambassadour at Burdeaux, where it 
was my chance to see the arrivall of the Kings great mariage brought from 
Spaine.

Here it was my good fortune to meet my old friend Master Crampton, that no 
lesse grieved at my losse, then willingly to his power did supply my 
wants, and I must confesse, I was more beholden to the French men that 
escaped drowning in the man of warre, Madam Chanoyes at Rotchell, and the 
Lawyers of Burdeaux, then all the rest of my Country-men I met in France. 
Of the wracke of the rich prise, some three thousand six hundred crownes 
worth of goods came ashore, and was saved with the Carvill, which I did my 
best to arrest: the Judge promised I should have Justice, what will be the 
conclusion as yet I know not. But under the couler to take Pirats and the 
West-Indie men (because the Spaniards will not suffer the French to trade 
in the West-Indies) any goods from thence, though they take them upon the 
Coast of Spaine are lawfull prize, or from any of his Teritories out of 
the limits of Europe: and as they betraied me, though I had the broad-
seale, so did they rob and pillage twentie saile of English men more, 
besides them I knew not of the same yeere.

My returne for England.

Leaving thus my businesse in France I returned to Plimoth, to finde them 
had thus buried me amongst the French; and not onely buried me, but with 
so much infamy as such treacherous cowards could suggest to excuse their 
villanies. The Chiefetaines of this mutiny that I could finde, I laid by 
the heeles, the rest like themselves confessed the truth, as you have 
heard. Now how I have or could prevent these accidents, having no more 
meanes, I rest at your censures; but to proceed to the

Page 48 

matter; yet must I sigh and say, How oft hath Fortune in the world (thinke 
I) brought slavery, freedome, and turned all diversly. Newfoundland I have 
heard at the first, was held as desperate a fishing as this I project for 
New England, Placentia, and the Banke neare also as doubtfull to the 
French: But for all the disasters hapned me, the businesse is the same it 
was, and the five ships went from London, whereof one was reported more 
then three hundred tunnes, found fish so much, that neither Izeland man, 
nor Newfoundland man I could heare of hath bin there, will go any more to 
either place, if they may go thither. So that upon the good returne of my 
Vice-Admirall, this yeere are gone 4 or 5 saile from Plimoth, and from 
London as many, only to make voyages of profit: whereas if all the English 
had bin there till my returne, put all their returnes together, they would 
scarce make one a savour of neere a dozen I could nominate, except one 
sent by Sir Francis Popam; though there be fish sufficient, as I am 
perswaded, to fraught yeerely foure or five hundred Saile, or as many as 
will goe. For this fishing stretcheth along the Sea Coast from Cape James 
to Newfoundland, which is seven or eight hundred miles at the least, and 
hath his course in the deepes, and by the shore, all the yere long, 
keeping their hants and feedings, as the beasts of the field, and the 
birds of the aire. But all men are not such as they should be, that have 
undertaken those voyages: All the Romans were not Scipioes, nor 
Carthagenians Hanibals, nor all the Genweses Columbusses, nor all the 
Spaniards Courteses: had they dived no deeper in the secrets of their 
discoveries then we, or stopped at such doubts and poore accidentall 
chances, they had never beene remembred as they are, yet had they no such 
certainties to begin as we.

But to conclude, Adam and Eve did first begin this innocent worke to plant 
the earth to remaine to posterity, but not without labour, trouble, and 
industry. Noe and his family began againe the second Plantation; and their 
seed as it still increased, hath still planted new Countries,

Page 49 

and one Countrey another, and so the world to that estate it is: but not 
without much hazard, travell, mortalities, discontents, and many 
disasters. Had those worthy Fathers, and their memorable off-spring, not 
beene more diligent for us now in these ages, then we are to plant that 
yet is unplanted for the after livers. Had the seed of Abraham, our 
Saviour Christ, and his Apostles, exposed themselves to no more dangers to 
teach the Gospell then we, even wee our selves had at this present beene 
as salvage, and as miserable as the most barbarous Salvage, yet 
uncivilized. The Hebrewes and Lacedemonians, the Gothes, the Grecians, the 
Romanes, and the rest, what was it they would not undertake to inlarge 
their Teritories, enrich their subjects, resist their enemies. Those that 
were the founders of those great Monarchies and their vertues, were no 
silvered idle golden Pharises, but industrious Iron steeled Publicans: 
They regarded more provisions and necessaries for their people, then 
Jewels, riches, ease, or delight for themselves; Riches were their 
Servants, not their Masters. They ruled (as Fathers, not as Tirants) their 
people as Children, not as Slaves; there was no disaster could discourage 
them; and let none thinke they incountred not with all manner of 
incumbrances. And what hath ever beene the worke of the greatest Princes 
of the Earth, but planting of Countries, and civilizing barbarous and 
inhumane Nations to civilitie and humanitie, whose eternall actions fills 
our Histories.

Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards, whose ever-living actions before our 
eies will testifie with them our idlenesse, and ingratitude to all 
posterities, and the neglect of our duties, in our pietie and religion. We 
owe our God, our King and Countrey, and want of Charitie to those poore 
Salvages, whose Countrey wee challenge, use and possesse; except wee be 
but made to use, and marre what our forefathers made, or but onely tell 
what they did, or esteeme our selves too good to take the like paines. Was 
it vertue in them to provide that doth maintaine us, and basenesse in us 
to doe the like for others? Surely no.