Travels of Captaine John Smith Volume I - Pages 1-31



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THE FIRST VOLUME CONTAINING THE First Five Bookes of the Generall Historie 
of Virginia, New England and The Summer Isles

How Ancient Authors Report, the New-World, Now called America, was 
discovered: and part thereof, first Planted by the English, called 
Virginia, with the Accidents and Proceedings of the same.

THE FIRST BOOKE.

For the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand yeares 
agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by his 
blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them 
not, let this suffice.

1170.

The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Quineth, Prince 
of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared 
certaine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke 
adventures by Sea: leaving Ireland North he sayled west till he came to a 
Land unknowne. Returning home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull 
Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his 
brethren and kindred did murther one another, he provided a number of 
Ships, and got with him such men

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and women as were desirous to live in quietnesse, that arrived with him in 
this new Land in the yeare 1170: Left many of his people there and 
returned for more. But where this place was no History can show.

The Spanyards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the next 
Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesiar, whom they sent to discover those 
unknowne parts, 1492.

1492. 1497.

But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the yeare 1488. 
to King Henry the seaventh; and by accident undertooke it for the 
Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gave a Commission to John Cabot, and 
his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. John and Sebastian well 
provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this unknowne world, in 
the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498. 
ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came 
a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called 
America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then them 
all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to 
sixty-seaven towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted 
him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the 
sixt gave him a Pention of 1661. 13S. 4d. yearely. By his directions Sir 
Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next 
yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.

1576.

Mr. Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious 
Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Meta incognita: 
for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded.

1583.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of 
those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this 
Proviso, He should maintaine possession in some of those vast Countries 
within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he was

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provided with a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home 
they fell in divisions, and so into confusion, that they gave over the 
Designe ere it was begun, notwithstanding all this losse, his undanted 
spirit began againe, but his Fleet fell with New-foundland, and he 
perished in his returne, as at large you may read in the third Volume of 
the English Voyages, written by Mr. Hackluit.

Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble 
Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, undertooke to send to discover to 
the Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he 
could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Majesties Letters Pattents, 
and perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to 
finde a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.

1584.

The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory, for her courage, 
learning, judgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters 
Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands & 
Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty got to 
be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Mr. William Sanderson 
a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other 
Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede provided two small Barkes 
well furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captaine Philip 
Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill they set sayle from the 
Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of June the 
West Indies: which unneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was 
knowne) occasioned them in that season much sicknesse.

Their arrivall.

The second of July they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water, 
where they felt a most dilicate sweete smell, though they saw no land, 
which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and 
twenty myles they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared, 
with much difficulty they entred, and

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anchored, and after thankes to God they went to view the next Land 
adjoyning to take possession of it for the Queenes most excellent 
Majestie: which done, they found their first landing place very sandy and 
low, but so full of grapes that the very surge of the Sea sometimes over-
flowed them: of which they found such plenty in all places, both on the 
sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines as well on every little 
shrub, as also climbing towardes the tops of high Cedars, that they did 
thinke in the world were not the like abundance.

The Ile Wokokon. In Lybanus are not many.

We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not 
high: from whence we might see of the Sea on both sides, and found it an 
Ile of twentie myles in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes 
replenished with goodly tall Cedars, Discharging our Muskets, such a 
flocke of Cranes, the most white, arose by us, with such a cry as if an 
Army of men had shouted altogether. This Ile hath many goodly Woods, and 
Deere, Conies, and Foule in incredible abundance, and using the Authors 
owne phrase, the Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or 
Hercinia, barren and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the 
world, bettering them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, 
Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent 
smell and qualitie. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then 
in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to 
whom wee rowed, and he attended us without any signe of feare; after he 
had spoke much though we understood not a word, of his owne accord he came 
boldly aboord us, we gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and meate, which he 
liked well, and after he had well viewed the barkes and us, he went away 
in his owne Boat, and within a quarter of a myle of us in halfe an houre, 
had loaden his Boat with fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of 
land, and there derided it in two parts, poynting one part to the Ship, 
the other to the Pinnace, and so departed.

Conference with a salvage.

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The Arrivall of the Kings brother.

The next day came divers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother, with 
forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behaviour very civill; his 
name was Granganamen, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa. 
Leaving his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to the 
poynt: where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him well 
armed, he made signes to us to sit downe without any shew of feare, 
stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his love. After he 
had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers toyes, which 
he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of 
them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed presents 
also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things did belong to 
him.

Trade with the Salvages.

The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall 
enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet 
recovered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes journey from 
thence.

A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo taking most 
liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his necke for a 
brest-plate: for which he gave us twenty Deere skins, worth twenty 
Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes. 
Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate 
and drinke with us very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and 
children, they were but of meane stature, but well favoured and very 
bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece 
of the same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her 
husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to her 
middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants 
of Copper, and the Noblemen five or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his 
wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men 
but on one; they are of colour

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yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had very fayre 
Chesnut coloured hayre.

After that these women had beene here with us, there came downe from all 
parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and divers kinde of 
dyes, but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, and 
them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When ever he came, he 
would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might 
know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt 
in the forme of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would have 
it. For an armour he would have ingaged us a bagge of pearle, but we 
refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it 
grew. He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he 
would come within his day to keepe his word. He sent us commonly every day 
a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, 
Cucumbers, Pease, and divers rootes. This Author sayth, their corne 
groweth three times in five moneths; in May they sow, in July reape; in 
June they sow, in August reape; in July sow, in August reape. We put some 
of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high.

Note.

The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of all 
other, there are about 14. severall sorts of sweete swelling tymber trees: 
the most parts of the underwood, Bayes and such like: such Okes as we, but 
far greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seaven more 
went twenty myle into the River Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie 
Skicoack, and the evening following we came to an Ile called Roanoak, from 
the harbour where we entred 7. leagues; at the North end was 9 houses, 
builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the entrance 
like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, the wife of Granganameo came 
running out to meete us, (her husband was absent) commanding her people to 
draw our Boat ashore for The Ile Roanoak. The great courtesie of a Woman

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beating on the billowes, other she appoynted to carry us on their backes 
aland, others to bring our Ores into the house for stealing. When we came 
into the other roome, (for there was five in the house) she caused us to 
sit downe by a great fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of 
some our stockings, and some our feete in warme water, and she her selfe 
tooke much paines to see all things well ordered, and to provide us 
victuall.

A banquet.

After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into an Inner roome, 
where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like 
frumentie, sodden venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw, 
boyled rootes and fruites of divers kindes. There drinke is commonly water 
boyled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but 
whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine. More love she could not 
expresse to entertaine us; they care but onely to defend themselves from 
the short winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this 
feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould us uncredible things. 
When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst us with their 
Bowes and Arrowes, which caused us to take our armes in hand. She 
perceiving our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and 
they beaten out of the gate: but the evening approaching we returned to 
our boate, where at she much grieving brought our supper halfe boyled, 
pots and all, but when she saw us, but put our boat a little off from the 
shoar and lye at Anchor, perceiving our Jelousie, she sent divers men & 
30. women to sit al night on the shoare side against us, and sent us five 
Mats to cover us from the raine, doing all she could to perswade us to her 
house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure: for on 
our safety depended the voyage: but a more kinde loving people cannot be. 
Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great river Occam, on which 
standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, and six dayes higher, their City

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Skicoak: those people never saw it, but say there fathers affirme it to be 
above two houres journey about. Into this river falleth an other called 
Cipo, where is found many Mustells wherein are Pearles: likewise another 
River called Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne 
called Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subject to Wingandacoa. 
Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in league each 
with other. Towards the south. 4. dayes journey is Sequotan, the 
southermost part of Wingandacoa.

Pomovik.

Adjoyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomovik, belonging to the King 
called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok upon the great river Neus. These 
have mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piemacum 
and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a 
mortall malice in the Secotans, because this Piemacum invited divers men, 
and 30. women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their 
Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Devill, they sudainly slew all 
the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their use. Beyond Roanoak are 
many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many Townes a 
long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye 200. myles in length, and 
betweene them and the mayne, a great long sea, in some places, 20. 40. or 
50. myles broad, in other more, somewhere lesse. And in this sea are 100. 
Iles of divers bignesses, but to get into it, you have but 3. passages and 
they very dangerous. Though this you see for most part be but the 
relations of Salvages, because it is the first, I thought it not a misse 
to remember them as they are written by them that returned & arived in 
England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discovery was 
so welcome into England that it pleased her Majestie to call this Country 
of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to understand how it 
was planted, disolved, reuned, and enlarged,

How the Country was called Virginia.

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The Performers of this voyage were these following.

Captaines 
Philip Amadas. 
Arthur Barlow.

Of the Companie. 
William Grenvill. 
John Wood. 
James Browewich. 
Henry Greene. 
Benjamen Wood. 
Simon Ferdinando. 
Nicholas Peryman. 
John Hewes.

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Sir Richard Grenvills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter Raleigh. 1585.

THe 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men 
with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish, 
Master John Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, 
Master Heryot and Master John Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the 
Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at 
Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, 
passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and 
were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon, 
where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to 
Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundell went to the mayne, with Manteo a 
salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualled for 8. 
dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the 
Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. 
At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne 
and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we 
wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganimeo, King Wingina's 
brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for 
Weapomeiok, & Master John Arundell for England. Our Generall in his way 
home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arived at 
Plimouth the 18. of September, 1585.

These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the 
Country, but they returned within a yeare.

Philip Amidas Admirall. 
Master Thomas Heryot. 
Master Acton. 
Master Stafford.

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Master Thomas Luddington. 
Master Marvyn. 
Cap. Vaghan. 
Master Kendall. 
Master Gardiner. 
Master Predeox. 
Master Rogers. 
Master Harvy. 
Master Snelling. 
Master Antony Russe. 
Master Allen. 
Master Michael Pollison. 
Master Thomas Bockner. 
Master James Mason. 
Master David Salter. 
Master James Skinner.
With divers others to the number of 108.

Their first Plantation.

Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding 
from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we made Roanoack 
our habitation. The utmost of our discovery Southward was Secotan as we 
esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoacke. The passage from thence was thought a 
broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of 
flats and shoulds that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one boat 
with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7. 
dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries 
till a stronger supply. To the Northward our farthest was to a Towne of 
the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and 
dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for 
a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for 
pleasantnest of seate, for temporature of climate, fertility of soyle and 
comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is 
not to be excelled by any other whatsoever.

There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks, 
Trypaniks, and Opposians, which came to visit us.

Chawonoack.

To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles our 
passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell 
Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.

The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock

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the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the 
river and jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and 
at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is 
goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, 
where is a great corne field, it is subject to Chawonock, which is the 
greatest Province upon the river, and the Towne it selfe can put seven 
hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is 
lame, but hath more understanding then all the rest.

Chawonock. 700. men. Menatonon his Relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a 
rich Mine, & the Sea by it.

The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into 
the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in 
Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted 
how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this 
river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, & is thirtie or 
fortie dayes Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. When 
I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a Canow 
up the river Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Journey 
Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best 
place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with deepe water, where 
he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his 
nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king 
was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst 
sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth 
hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he 
reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong, 
for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country 
is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to 
have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with 
small Boates and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river 
Chawonock, with sufficient guides

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by land, inskonsing my selfe every two dayes, where I would leave 
Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this Bay.

Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the 
head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the 
Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of 
it selfe at the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries 
and fortie persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this 
presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but 
hoping of getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped 
starving in that Discovery as ever men did.

Pemissapan his trechery. The discovery of the river Moratoc.

For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his 
brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of 
my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three 
thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily to goe against them, and 
them against us; a great assembly I found at my comming thether, which 
suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of them: & 
this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe 
friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I 
came to invade them, that they all fled up into the high Country, so that 
where I assured my selfe both of succour and provision, I found all 
abandoned. But being thus farre on my journey 160. myles from home, and 
but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse winds, 
stormes, and the Salvages trechery, though we intended no hurt to any: I 
gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these vaine 
hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: a Councell we held, to goe 
forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolved but three, that 
whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would not leave the 
search of that river; for they had two Mastive Dogs, which boyled with 
Saxefras leaves

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(if the worst fell out) upon them and the pottage they would live two 
dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they should finde fish 
for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather 
fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as 
friends or foes.

The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan.

Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the 
Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan, 
frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine 
of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a river that 
falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered 
with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the 
change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly 
chop downe, and have the Bowle full, which they cast into the fire, it 
presently melteth, and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two 
parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they 
beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages 
report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonnocks sonne my prisoner, that 
had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for 
he sayd that was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks.

Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this mettall 
Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but seaven by 
water, which, made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this 
metall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see 
where had beene their fires. After our two dayes journey, and our victuals 
spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was 
with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer, 
which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us 
they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the 
boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring

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The great currant of the river Moratoc.the shore we landed: but they all 
were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we 
returned to the mouth of the river, that cost us foure dayes rowing up, 
and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we had nothing els: 
the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not passe the sound, but 
the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but 
their wires afforded us fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God 
brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make 
this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable 
with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. 
Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be 
Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse 
of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the river Moratocks head, either 
riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part 
that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as 
from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes journey to the 
Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c.

The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our returne for 
England with Sir Francis Drake.

Ensenore a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the 
death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevaile 
any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had 
preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us. 
Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last journey we were slaine 
and starved, began

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to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend us, so that old 
Ensenore, had no more credit for us: for he began by all the devises he 
could to invade us. But in the beginning of this brute, when they saw us 
all returne, the report false, and had Manteo, and three Salvages more 
with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither 
hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings sonne 
prisoner with us to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his devises, and 
brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their 
friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being 
dead, then living, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and 
strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, 
then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them 
was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my returne, 
Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of 
Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the Queene of England. Okisco 
with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge 
this dutie and subjection, and would performe it. All which so changed the 
heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of Ensenore, when we were ready 
to famish they came and made us wires, and planted their fields they 
intended to abandon (we not having one corne till the next harvest to 
sustaine us). This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of 
Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise 
his devises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by 
us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet they got Okisco our 
tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with the 
Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to 
solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut 
off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest come out of the 
mayne upon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of

Page 17

Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the 
Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, 
they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Mr. 
Heriots, and the rest: for all should have beene fired at an instant. In 
the meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night spoyle our 
wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten together, a 
hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine increased, I was 
forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed 
himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Mr. Predeox 
with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: and other small parties to 
the Mayne to live upon rootes and Oysters.

Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall, 
and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he 
expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our 
friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his 
projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as 
well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send 
to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to 
Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and 
that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come 
himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were 
there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day 
to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an 
instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke 
the Alarum before I ment it. For when I sent to take the Canows, he met 
one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; 
whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they kept as 
good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes, and we 
to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest

Page 18

fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent 
Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to 
complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did abide 
my comming, & being among eight of the principallest, I gave the watchword 
to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us. Himselfe 
being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start 
up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the 
buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.

Pemissapan slaine and 8. others. A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis 
Drake.

Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed twentie-
three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this, 
from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or 
sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service committed to 
him.) He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous mind 
offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, 
clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good consultation and 
deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and 
foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two 
sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for 
me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to have 
driven the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, 
whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision and 
Company appoynted.

Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of 
170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the 
next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit. 
Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into the harbour, but she must 
ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to 
consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne 
him answer.

Page 19

Virginia abandoned.

Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the 
Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all 
those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard
Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we 
might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in 
that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his 
honorable actions against his enemies. So with prayses to God we set sayle 
in June 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of July the same yeare: 
Leaving this remembrance to posteritie.

To reason lend me thine attentive eares, Exempt thy selfe from mind-
distracting cares:
Least that's here thus projected for thy good; By thee rejected be, ere 
understood.

Written by Mr. Ralph Layne, Governour.

The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.

For Merchandize and Victualls.

Comodities.

What before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr. 
Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all 
the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may 
be usefull; because I have writ it before for the most part in the 
Discourse of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, 
Worme silke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar, 
Rosen, & Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver, 
Coprose and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble 
you with one thing twice.

Dyes.

For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor, and 
the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are 
for divers sorts of Reds.

Page 20

A strange Salt.

What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described 
like an Orange, growing foure foote high; the seede will make good broth, 
and the stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt they know 
not, and we used of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, 
which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.

Rootes.

Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring 
forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which will climbe up to 
the top of the highest tree: the use knowne is to cut it in small peeces, 
then stampe & straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to 
eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft use for bread and 
broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: 
and their Leekes like those in England.

Fruits thats strange.

Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries 
like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.

Beasts extraordinary.

Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and 
very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres, 
that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I have the names of 
28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kindes 
we have discovered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes kill a 
Lyon and eate him.

Fish.

There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all 
Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18. 20. or 
24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wives, 
Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, 
Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more, 
but their names we know not.

Foules.

Turkyes, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots, 
Faulcons, Merlins. I have the names in their language of 86. severall 
sorts. Their

Page 21

woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock, a 
great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of 
tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.

Their Natures and Manners.

Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and 
educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite: 
which at large you may reade in the Description thereof. But the relation 
of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.

Their Religion.

Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the truth, yet 
being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeve 
there are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and 
degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all 
eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, made 
first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be used in 
the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and 
Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more 
principall. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods 
were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible.

How the world was made. How man was made.

For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one 
of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had their 
beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no 
Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne.

How they use their gods.

They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent 
them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone 
is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they worship, 
pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also gods.

Whether they goe after death.

They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the 
body, according to the good or bad

Page 22

workes it hath done, it is carried up to the Tabernacles of the gods, to 
perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso, a great pit: which they thinke to 
be at the furthest parts of the world, where the Sunne sets, and there 
burne continually.

Two men risen from death.

To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and 
revived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the 
country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth 
over him being seene to move, was taken up, who told them his soule was 
very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him and 
gave him leave to returne againe, to teach his friends what they should 
doe to avoyd such torment. The other hapned the same yeare we were there, 
but sixtie myles from us, which they told me for news, that one being 
dead, buried, & taken up as the first, shewed, that although his body had 
layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and had travailed far in a 
long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate 
trees and fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most 
brave and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long 
agoe, who gave him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good 
there was to doe, to injoy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had 
done hee should come againe.

The subtiltie of their Priests.

What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion 
worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their 
Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enjoy 
blisse. Yet they have divers sorts of punishments according to the 
offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of 
their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their 
Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but 
through conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their 
owne, and no small admiration of ours: of which

Page 23

many desired to learne more then we had meanes for want of utterance in 
their Language to expresse.

Their simplicitie.

Most things they saw with us as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea-Compasses; 
the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks 
to goe of themselves; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far 
exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes 
of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught us how to make them, 
which loved us so much better then them; & caused many of them give credit 
to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my 
best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the 
Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any 
such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many would be 
glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts, 
and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.

Their desire of salvation.

The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with us at Prayer. Twice he 
was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his 
Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our God, sent 
for some of us to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might live with him 
after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange 
Accident (leaving others) will I mention before I end, which mooved the 
whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull 
admiration.

A wonderfull Accident.

There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against us (we 
leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne 
them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began 
to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an 
hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And 
this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where they 
had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so strange, they 
neither knew what it was,

Page 24

nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like time out of minde; a 
thing specially observed by us, as also by themselves, in so much that 
some of them who were our friends, especially Wingina, had observed such 
effects in foure or five Townes, that they were perswaded it was the worke 
of God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill and slay whom we 
would, without weapons, and not come neare them. And thereupon, when they 
had any understanding, that any of their enemies abused us in our 
Journeyes, they would intreat us, we would be a meanes to our God, that 
they, as the others that had dealt ill with us, might dye in like sort: 
although we shewed them their requests were ungodly; and that our God 
would not subject himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things as 
he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew our selves his true 
servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect 
fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it 
came to passe by our meanes, and would come give us thankes in their 
manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had 
fulfilled their desires.

Their strange opinions.

This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of 
us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men. And the 
rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours 
knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared 
for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and 
therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many 
yeares past, & risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there 
were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their 
places. Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre, 
yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for 
love of us, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible 
bullets into them.

To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their

Page 25

Ignorance in curing the disease, would make the simple people beleeve, 
that the strings of bloud they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the 
strings wherein the invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we 
shot them our selves from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people 
that had offended us, as we listed, how farre distant soever. And others 
said it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in 
some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the 
contrary; especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw 
that yeare before our Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a 
few dayes before the sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the 
speciall causes of so speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then 
I thinke fit to present or alledge.

These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is hope to 
imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by good dealing and 
government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we 
came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselves too furious, in slaying 
some of the people in some Townes, upon causes that on our part might have 
bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they justly had deserved 
it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be 
indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken 
with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure 
them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianitie.

Palling.

Thus you may see, How
Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments,
That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments;
Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race,
But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace;
That divers wayes and divers workes, the world might better grace.

Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.

Page 26

How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.

IN the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates 
prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things 
necessary: but before they set sayle from England it was Easter. And 
arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony up 
in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision 
againe to England.

About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three 
ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship 
according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there 
seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing up and downe to seeke 
them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation 
abandoned, unwilling to lose the possession of the Country, after good 
deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully 
furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for 
England.

Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men.

Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him; 
which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.

Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles untaught,
Himselfe shall judged be unwise, and good for naught.

Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Mr. White.

Master White his Voyages. 1587.

WE went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our 
continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we sayled not much to 
have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had 
it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to 
Hatorask the 22. of July, and with fortie of our best men, intending at 
Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found 
nothing but the bones of a man, and where

Page 27

the Plantation had beene, the houses unhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, 
and the Fort defaced, which much perplexed us.

One of the Councell slaine.

By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this 
voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred 
the old houses at Roanock, and Master George How, one of the Councell, 
stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after Master 
Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled 
there: of whom we thought to have some newes of our 50 men. They at first 
made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their 
Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given to be 
knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one 
had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet 
lame.

How the fiftie men were slaine.

The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, 
Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would 
accept friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly 
imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to Roanoak, to 
confirme it. We also understood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of 
Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, that the fiftie men 
left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set upon by three hundred of 
Secotan, Aquascogoc, and men were Dassamonpeack. First they intruded 
themselves among slaine. II of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest 
retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what 
came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one 
of them was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by 
him. On both sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, 
got their boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, 
they tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at 
last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while,

Page 28

but after departed they knew not whether. So taking our leaves of the 
Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.

The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeiok, 
Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no 
newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of 
Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from 
Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about 
midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo 
was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards us as a most 
faithfull English man) he set forward.

An ill misprision.

The next day by breake of day we landed, and got misprision. beyond their 
houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable 
soules amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we 
thought to have beene fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were 
our friends come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they 
understood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left 
all behinde them for the birds. But they had like to have payd too deare 
for it, had we not chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her 
backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling 
him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the 
fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife 
with her childe, and the rest with us to Roanoak. Though this mistake 
grieved Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not 
kept promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of 
August our Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of 
Dassamonpeack, in reward of his faithfulnesse. And the 18th, Ellinor the 
Governours daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter 
in Roanoak; in which being the first Christian there borne, was called 
Virginia.

Page 29

A controversie who to send for Factor to England.

Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was 
forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the 
shore, that made us doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best 
men were on shore. At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our 
Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as 
Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men 
thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they 
would have the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would so 
truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to 
excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he undertooke it, 
and had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity 
and reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England, 
waighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the 
Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some 
never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 
15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and 
Corvos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats 
men grew so weake they were driven to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The 
Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last 
arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.

The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,

John White, Governour. 
Roger Bayley. 
Ananias Dare. 
Simon Ferdinando. 
Christopher Couper. 
Thomas Stevens. 
John Samson. 
Thomas Smith. 
Dionis Harvie. 
Roger Prat. 
George How. 
Antony Cage.
With divers others to the number of about 115.

Page 30

The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by Mr. John White. 1589.

1589. Master White his returne to Virginia.

THe 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, passed betwixt Barbary 
and Mogadoro to his returne to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had 
done some Virginia. exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell 
with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather 
it was the II. ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to 
Croatan, where is a great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the 
Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a 
terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues from shore: where we might perceive a smoake 
at the place where I left the Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine 
Cooke, Captaine Spicer, & their companies, with two boats left our ships, 
and discharged some Ordnance to give them notice of our comming, but when 
we came there, we found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there 
lately: and so returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe 
for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so 
it was ten of the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles 
from the shore. The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she 
passed the bar, a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of 
water: but by Gods good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, 
though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at 
Northeast, which caused so great a current and a breach upon the barre; 
Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph 
Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about 
her, the next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to 
wade to shore, but the sea beat Captaine them downe. The boat thus tossed 
up and downe Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were but 4. that 
could swim a little, kept themselves drowned. in deeper water, were saved 
by the meanes of Captaine

Page 31

Cook, that presently upon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe 
to save what he could. Thus of eleven, seven of the chiefest were drowned. 
[Captaine Spicer and seaven others drowned.]

This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any 
more to seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes 
at last they fitted themselves againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 
persons. It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, 
we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we heare. The next morning we 
went to it, but could see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees 
burning. We went up and downe the Ile, and at last found three faire 
Romane Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently we knew to signifie the 
place where I should find them, according to a secret note betweene them & 
me: which was to write the name of the place they would be in, upon some 
tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any distresse, to signifie 
it by making a crosse over it. For at my departure they intended to goe 
fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of distresse; then we 
went to a place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found them 
all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a high Palizado, 
very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carved in fayre capitall 
Letters CROATAN, without any signe of distresse, and many barres of Iron, 
two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such their like heavie 
things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went 
by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of the 
Ordnance I left them. At last some of the Sailers found divers Chists had 
beene hidden and digged up againe, and much of the goods spoyled, and 
scattered up and downe, which when I saw, I knew three of them to be my 
owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though it 
much grieved me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at 
Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to have bin cast away 
by a great storme that continued all that night.