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Discovery of the Yosemite - Chapters XVI-XVIII
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CHAPTER XVI.
A Trip to Los Angelos--Interview with Col. McKee--A Night at Col.
Fremont's Camp--Management of Cattle by the Colonel's Herdsmen--Back to
Los Angelos--Specimen Bricks of the Angel City--An Addition to our Party--
Mules Versus Bears--Don Vincente--A Silver Mine--Mosquitos--A Dry Bog--
Return to Fresno--Muster out of Battalion--A Proposition.
ON arriving at head-quarters on the Fresno, with the remnant of the once
numerous and defiant band of Yosemite Indians, whose thieving propensities
and murderous attacks had made them a dread to miners and "ranche" men; we
found a general feeling of confidence that the "Indian war" was ended. The
commissioners, with a special escort of U. S. soldiers which had
accompanied them from San Francisco, had gone to King's River to treat
with the bands collected for that purpose; and were then to visit the
region farther South on their way to Los Angelos, where they expected to
meet and co-operate with Gen. Bean, who was stationed with his volunteer
force at the Cahon Pass. Major Savage had learned from his Indians, who
once more seemed to idolize him, that all the bands in the vicinity of the
Kings and Kah-we-ah rivers, had "made peace," and that the commissioners
had started for Te-jon Pass.
Considering the Indian outbreak as completely suppressed, the major at
once reported the condition of affairs to the governor, and recommended
that the "Mariposa Battalion" be mustered out and honorably discharged
from
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further service. He sent Captain Boling to report in person to the
commissioners. I was detailed as one of the Captain's escort, and Mr.
Winchester, a newspaper correspondent, accompanied us. Captain Boling
expected to overtake the commissioners at Te-hon Pass.
This trip was in no way objectionable to me, for I was desirous to visit
that part of the country with a view of selecting a location, if I found
my plans to be practicable. Through the advice of Major Savage, I had in
contemplationa design to establish a trading post in the vicinity of Te-
hon Pass. In this project, I was assured of the Major's friendship and co-
operation as soon as the battalion was mustered out. He designed to extend
his trading operations, and thought that a post in the vicinity of the
pass would control the trade destined to spring up on both sides of the
mountains. I was provided with recommendations to the commissioners, to
use in case I desired a trader's permit on one of the reservations. The
commissioners were while en route prospecting for locations and selections
of public lands for the Indians. The object of these selections, was to
make the experiment of engaging them in agricultural pursuits under the
management of the general government. I had but little confidence that the
latter could be made self-supporting wards of the nation; but I was
willing in political as in religious affairs, that each zealot should
believe that he had discovered a sovereign balm for the wants of humanity.
However, self-interest prompted me to be observant of passing events.
I was aware, even at that early day, that the California Indians had
become objects of speculation to the "rings" that scented them as
legitimate prey. The trip to the Te-jon Pass was made without incident or
accident to delay our movements, but on our arrival it was found that the
Commissioners had been gone several days, and were
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probably then in Los Angelos. This we learned from an Indian styled by his
"christian name" Don Vincente. This chief was a Mission Indian, and spoke
some Spanish. His people, although in appearance hardly equal to the
mountain tribes, provided themselves with fruit and vegetables of their
own raising.
From "Senor Don Vincente" we obtained roasting ears of corn, melons, etc.,
which were an agreeable surprise. While on the trip we had found game in
abundance, and, surfeited with fresh meat, the vegetables seemed better
than any we had ever before eaten. Vincente's system of irrigation was
very complete.
Captain Boling was not anxious to follow the trail of the Commissioners
beyond this camp. I had already informed him of my desire to see the
Commissioners and make some examination of that locality before our
return. He therefore decided to retrace his own steps, but to send me on
as a special messenger to the Commissioners.
He instructed me to make all possible despatch to deliver his report and
messages, but on my return trip I had liberty to make such delays as
suited my convenience. He also wished me to convey a verbal message from
Major Savage to Colonel Fremont, to the effect that the Indians
congregated at the Fresno were anxiously awaiting the arrival of some of
his cattle. Col. Fremont had already made a large contract for supplying
them with beef, and was supposed to be in Los Angelos or vicinity, buying
up animals for the agencies. My arrangements for following the
Commissioners were hardly commenced, before Col. William T. Henderson, and
ranchman from near Quartzberg, rode up to our camp. He was an
acquaintance, and was on his way to Los Angelos with a King's River Indian
guide. I at once saddled my mule, and taking an extra animal furnished for
the occasion, joined Henderson, making the trip a more agreeable and
pleasant one than I had anticipated.
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Col. Henderson afterwards became famous, at least among his friends, as
chief instrument under Captain Harry Love, of causing the death of
"Joaquin Muriata" and "Three fingered Jack," and in capturing two or three
of Muriata's band of robbers. On entering the city of Los Angelos, I found
Col. McKee at his hotel. Neither Col. Barbour nor Col. Fremont were in the
city. Doctor Woozen-croft was in San Francisco. I was cordially received
and hospitably entertained by Col. McKee while I made my report, and
answered his questions. At his request, I stated a few facts relating to
the Yosemite Valley, and he appeared an interested listener; but
distinguishing a look of incredulity, when I gave him my estimates of
heights, I made the interview as brief as possible. Ascertaining that Col.
Fremont was only a few miles from the city, I rode out to his camp,
delivered my message, and gave him a general view of the situation in
Mariposa county, where his famous estate is situated. I staid over night
with him and was hospitably provided for.
The Colonel's whole bearing was that of an accomplished man of the world,
and I felt that I was in the presence of a gentleman of education and
refinement. During the morning I watched his vaqueros or herdsman training
the cattle preparatory to starting north for their destination. This
breaking-in process was accomplished by driving them in a circle over the
plain near the camp, and was done to familiarize them with each other, and
with the commands of the herdsmen, before attempting to drive them from
their native grazing grounds.
On my return to the city I again called on Colonel McKee to see if he had
any return message to Major Savage. On my first visit the subject of
reservations was not presented. Upon this occasion it was naturally
brought up by an allusion to the Colonel's plan of "christianizing" the
poor
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Indians. My doubt of the feasibility of this work was better concealed
than were his doubts of my heights of the Yosemite, and with considerable
fervor the good old gentle man unfolded his plans for the christianizing
of the Indians. His estimate of the number in Mariposa county was simply
fabulous, and when I quietly asked him if he supposed there were really so
many, he, with some choler, answered, "Why, sir, these figures are
official."
During this conversation, I was informed that the Fresno, King's River and
Te-jon Pass selections would be recommended, although it appeared that the
latter was claimed as an old and long disputed Spanish grant. On stating
that I had had some idea of locating in the vicinity of the Te-jon Pass as
soon as that selection was decided upon, I was advised by Colonel McKee to
be in no haste to do so, but was assured of his good will in any
application I might make after their policy was established; for, added
the Colonel, "Major Savage has already spoken of you as an energetic and
efficient person, and one calculated to materially aid us in future work
with these Indians."
Let it suffice here to say, that I never made application for a permit as
a licensed trader on any Indian reservation; and I am not yet aware that
any of these reservations have afforded the Indians means of self-support.
I was somewhat familiar with the management of the Fresno agency, and do
not hesitate to say that it was not wholly commendable. I was not
personally familiar with that of the Te-jon Pass agricultural management.
This was one of the most delightful regions of California; and the region
covered by the Mexican or Spanish grant was, in my opinion, intrinsically
more valuable than the whole of the celebrated Mariposa estate of Col.
Fremont, which had "millions in it." After a vast amount of money had been
expended on this reservation by the general government, I believe it was
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confirmed as a Spanish or Mexican grant, and finally passed into the
possession of General Beal, who was for some years Superintendent of
Indian Affairs in California. I never saw General Beal, and therefore was
only able to judge of him or his management through his official reports
and letters relating to the Indian Affairs of California. These will
receive some special notice further on.
My recollections of the interviews with Colonel McKee, are of a most
agreeable character. The sincerity with which he advised me with regard to
my individual affairs, and the correctness of his representations of the
prospective condition of the Tejon Pass, if it should prove a valid
Mexican grant, was serviceable to me, and subsequent events verified his
judgment. Colonel McKee was a high-minded christian gentleman, but really
unsuited to deal with the political element then existing on the Pacific
coast. The other two commissioners, Colonel Barbour and Dr. Woozencroft, I
never became acquainted with, though upon one occasion I met Colonel
Barbour at head-quarters, and received a very favorable impression of his
character. In leaving Colonel McKee after my second interview, I could not
at once relinquish my design of ultimately establishing myself near the
Tejon. Having completed my business, I reported myself to Henderson as
ready, and found that he also had been able to despatch his affairs, and
had no business to detain him longer. Together we took a stroll through
the principal street, and visited some popular resorts. However angelic
the unseen portion of this city--of then less than two thousand
inhabitants--may have been, it appeared to us as a city of fallen angels
with their attendant satellites. Although our observations were made in a
dull portion of the day, we witnessed on the street one pugilistic
encounter, two shooting affrays, and a reckless disregard of life, and
property rights generally, never allowed in a civilized community.
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We soon discovered that good arms and a firm demeanor were the only
passports to respectful consideration.
The authorities seemed too indifferent or too timid to maintain order, or
punish the offenders against law. Satisfied that the "City of Angels"
could exhibit more unadulterated wickedness than any other town in the
State at that time, we shook the dust from our feet, and in order to get
an early start the next morning, rode out to the vicinity of Col.
Fremont's camp. Our party was increased by the addition of two gentlemen,
who joined us for protection and guidance. The name of one of them has
escaped my memory; the other was Doctor Bigelow, of Detroit, Michigan, a
geologist, who at one time was engaged in a geological survey of a portion
of Lake Superior. We left our camp before sunrise, Henderson and myself
riding in advance; our guests, Indian and pack-mule bringing up the rear.
This order of traveling was maintained as a matter of convenience, for
being well mounted, Henderson and myself were able to secure deer,
antelope and a supply of smaller game, without hardly leaving the trail or
delaying our progress.
Among the foot-hills of the mountain slopes we saw several black bears
cross the trail ahead, but not being out of meat, we did not urgently
solicit their company. We did, however, once have our appetite aroused for
"bar meat," but failed to supply the material for the feast. Halting for a
rest at the foot of a ravine, and being very thirsty, we followed the
indications to water exhibited by our mules. These were secured while we
explored the brushy ravine for the water-hole. As we reached the desired
water, two fat cubs came waddling out of the pool, and ran into a clump of
dwarf willow.
Congratulating each other on the prospect of roast cub for supper, we
tried to get a shot with our revolvers, but a
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rousing demonstration from the parental bear, which suddenly appeared,
alarmed our cautiousness, and we retreated hurriedly, but in good order,
to the place where we had carelessly left our rifles. Hastily mounting, we
returned the compliment by at once charging on the bear and her cubs,
which were now endeavoring to escape.
As we approached near enough for the mules to see and scent the game, they
halted, and commenced marking time. Neither spurs or the butts of our
rifles could persuade them to make a forward movement. Thinking I might
secure a cub that stood temporarily in sight, I raised my rifle, but in so
doing slackened the reins, when with the ease and celerity of a well-
drilled soldier, my mule came to an "about face," and instantly left that
locality. Henderson's mule became unmanageable, and after a lusty "we-haw!
we-haw!" followed me, while the affrighted bear family scram bled off in
search of a place of security. Pulling up as soon as we could control our
frightened animals, Henderson congratulated me on possessing one so active
on a retreat, while I complimented the intelligence of his own, which
would not voluntarily endanger his master.
After a hearty laugh at our comic illustration of a bear hunt, it was
mutually agreed that a mule was not reliable in a charge upon bruin.
A mule may be the equal of a horse in intelligence, but his inferiority of
spirit and courage in times of danger prevents his becoming a favorite,
except as a beast for work or mountain travel.
On arriving at the rancheria of the chief Vincente, I induced Henderson to
stop and explore the country. The luscious watermelons and abundant
supplies of vegetables were strong arguments in favor of a few days' rest
for our animals and recreation for ourselves. In the meantime Doctor
Bigelow had told us of a traditional silver mine that he had
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been informed existed somewhere in the locality of the Tejon. I found the
pompous old chief fond of displaying his knowledge of agriculture, which
was really considerable, and I complimented him upon his success, as was
deserved.
After paying him for the things liberally supplied our party, and which
with a show of Spanish courtesy he intimated he had given us because he
was "a good Christian"--though he frequently crossed himself while
expressing his fear of "witches" or demons--I opened up the subject of the
old silver mine. I designated it as some kind of a mine that had once been
worked by an Englishman. We were told by "Don Vincente" that such a mine
had been discovered many years before, by white men, who, after working it
for awhile, had been driven off or killed; "but for the love of God" he
could not tell which. We expressed a wish to visit the old mine, and asked
permission of the chief. He told us it was not in the territory claimed by
him, and he was thankful that it was not, as the location was haunted.
When asked if he would furnish us a guide, who should be well paid for his
service, he answered, "Go, and God go with you, but none of my people
shall go, for it would bring upon us evil." We were shown the mouth of the
ravine, after some persuasion, but no argument or inducement could procure
a guide to the mine.
"Don Vincente," like all the Mission Indians of California, I found to be
strongly imbued with the superstitions of the wild tribes, and a firm
believer in the power of human departed spirits to harm the living. Many,
like those of the east, believed that the wizards or sorcerers could put a
spell upon a victim, that if not disenchanted would soon carry him to his
grave.
Leaving our extra animals in the care of Vincente, we took our course
towards the mouth of the ravine pointed out to us, southwest of the Tejon.
After a tedious and
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difficult search, a discovery of some float mineral was made, and
following up these indications, we found some very rude furnaces, and a
long distance above discovered the mine, which had evidently been
abandoned for years. We procured some of the best specimens of the ore,
and being unable to determine its value, forwarded some to assayers in San
Francisco. Doctor Bigelow pronounced the mineral to be that of antimony,
but said that it might possibly contain some of the precious metals, but
it was quite evident that he placed but little commercial value upon the
mine. The reports finally received from the assayers were very
unfavorable, and our visions of untold wealth vanished with the smoke of
the assay.
On our return from the exploration of the "Silver Mine," we carefully
concealed our discovery from Vincente and his people, and avoided exciting
their curiosity. Our animals were rested, and in an improved condition,
for the grass was rich and abundant. Don Vincente was as much delighted
with our presents of tobacco and trinkets, which we had carried with us
for such occasions, as any of the "Gentile" nations would have been. We
took our departure from the hospitalities of the Mission Chief without
having had any occurrence to divert the mutually friendly feelings that
had been fostered in our intercourse. We had designed, on starting from
the rancheria of Don Vincente, to leave the direct trail to Mariposa, and
explore the lake region of the Tulare valley. Unfortunately for the
success of this undertaking, we made our first camp too near the marshy
shore of Kern Lake. We had selected the camp ground for the convenience of
water and fresh grass for our animals, but as night closed in, the
mosquitoes swarmed from the surrounding territory, making such vigorous
charges upon us and our animals, that we were forced to retreat from their
persistent attacks, and take refuge on the
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high land away from the vicinity of the Tule or Bullrush marshes. Having
no desire to continue the acquaintance of the inhabitants who had thronged
to welcome our approach, our ambition for making further exploration was
so much weakened, that we silently permitted our mules to take their
course towards the direct trail. Col. Henderson declared that the
mosquitoes on these lakes were larger, more numerous, and in greater
variety, than in the swamps of Louisiana, and Doctor Bigelow said that
hitherto he had rather prided himself, as a Michigander, on the earnest
character of those of Michigan, but that in future, he should be willing
to accept as a standard of all the possibilities of mosquito growth, those
that had reluctantly parted with us at Kern Lake. Keeping the rich
alluvial low lands on our left, we crossed a strip of alkali plain,
through which our animals floundered as if in an ash heap. This Henderson
designated as a "dry bog." Deviating still farther to the right to avoid
this, an old trail was struck, either Indian or animal, which led us into
the main trail usually traveled up and down the valley. At the crossing of
one of the numerous mountain streams, we found a good camping place on a
beautiful table overlooking this rich territory, where we would be secure
from the assaults of enemies.
After a refreshing bath in the cool waters of the stream, we slept the
sleep of the blessed, and mosquitoes once more became to us unknown
objects of torture. The next morning we found ourselves refreshed and
buoyant.
Our animals, like ourselves, seemed to feel in elevated spirits, and as we
vaulted into our saddles at an early hour, they moved rapidly along in the
cool and bracing air. As we rode, drove after drove of antelope and elk
were seen, and one small band of mustangs approached from the west, when,
after vainly neighing to our mules, they turned and galloped back toward
their favorite resort, the west side of
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the valley. Sometimes, with a halting look of scrutiny, a coyote would
cross our trail, but their near vicinity was always recognized by our
vigilant mules with a snort and pause in their gait, that was probably
designed to intimate to us that it might be another bear. We beguiled the
time in discussing the amazing fertility of the country we were
traversing, and the probability of its future occupancy. At the present
time, thriving cities and immense wheat fields occupy localities where in
1851 game and wild mustangs roamed almost undisturbed by the white man's
tread, or the flash or gleam of his unerring rifle. There is still room
for the enterprising settler, and the upper end of the San Joaquin Valley
may yet be called the sportsman's paradise. The lakes and streams swarm
with fish, and are the resort of water-fowl, and deer, elk and antelope
are still plentiful in secluded localities.
We reached the Fresno in safety without interrupting incidents, and
without further attempt at exploration. Colonel Henderson, Doctor Bigelow,
and his companion du voyage, after a short halt passed on to Quartzberg,
while I stopped over to make my report to the Major. To my extreme
surprise, Major Savage questioned me as to the cause of my tardiness,
saying he had been expecting me for two or three days past, and that the
cattle were now within the valley and would in a short time be at the
reservation. After sufficiently enjoying my astonishment at his knowledge
of my movements and those of Fremont's herders, he informed me that his
old power and influence over the Indians had been re-established, and that
reports came to him from the different chiefs of all important events
transpiring in their territory. He soon satisfied me that through a
judicious distribution of presents to the runners, and the esteem in which
he was held by the chiefs, he was able to watch the proceedings of
strangers, for every movement of
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our party had been reported to him in detail. I was cordially received by
the Major, as a guest in his new trading house, which he had erected
during our absence. We discussed the probable future of the management of
Indian affairs in California, and the incidents of my trip to Los Angelos.
The Major informed me that the battalion had been mustered out of service
during my absence (on July 25th, 1851), but that my interests had been
properly represented and cared for, as far as he had been able to act with
out my presence. But in order to receive compensation as interpreter and
for extra medical services, it was discovered that separate accounts and
vouchers would be required, which he and Captain Boling would at any time
certify. The major then informed me that he had made his arrangements to
recommence his trading operations on as large a scale as might be
required. That he could make more as a trader than as an employe of
government, and at the same time be free from their cares and anxieties.
He advised me to take a subordinate position until I should be able to
decide upon a better location. He said he could make my position a
profitable one if I desired to remain with him.
The major gave me a general insight into his future plans, and some of the
sources of his expected profits. After this conversation, I gave up all
idea of establishing at the Tejon or any where else as a government
trader. Having been so long absent from my private business, which I had
left under the management of a partner; I made this a sufficient excuse
for my departure the next morning and for my inability to accept the
major's kindly offer. As I was leaving, the major said: "I was in hopes to
have secured your services, and still think you may change your mind. If
you do, ride over at once and you will find a place open for you.
This confidence and friendship I felt demanded some
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return, and I frankly said; "Major Savage, you are surrounded by
combinations that I don't like. Sharp men are endeavoring to use you as a
tool to work their gold mine. Beside this, you have hangers-on here that
are capable of cutting your throat." Contrary to my expectation the Major
was not in the least offended at my frankness; on the contrary, he thanked
me for my interest and said: "Doc, while you study books, I study men. I
am not often very much deceived, and I perfectly understand the present
situation, but let those laugh who win. If I can make good my losses by
the Indians out of the Indians, I am going to do it. I was the best friend
the Indians had, and they would have destroyed me. Now that they once more
call me "Chief," they shall build me up. I will be just to them, as I have
been merciful, for after all, they are but poor ignorant beings, but my
losses must be made good." Bidding the Major good morning, I left him with
many kindly feelings, and as I rode on my solitary way to Mariposa, I
thought of his many noble qualities, his manly courage, his generous
hospitality, his unyielding devotion to friends, and his kindness to
immigrant strangers. These all passed in review before my mind, and then,
I reversed the picture to see if anything was out of proportion, in the
picture I had drawn of my hero. There were very serious defects, but such
as would naturally result from a misdirected education, and a strong will,
but they were capable of becoming virtues. As to the Major's kindly offer,
although I appreciated his feeling's towards me, I could not accept it.
With many others, I had joined in the operations against the Indians from
conscientious motives and in good faith to chastise them for the numerous
murders and frequent robberies they were committing. Our object was to
compel them to keep the peace, that we might be permitted to live
undisturbed by their depredations. We had sufficient
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general intelligence and knowledge of their character to know that we were
looked upon as trespassers on their territory, but were unwilling to
abandon our search for gold, or submit to their frequent demands for an
ever-increasing tribute. Beside other property, I had lost four valuable
horses, which were taken to satisfy their appetites Neither Bonner's nor
Vanderbilt's love for horses, was ever greater than was that of those
mountain Indians. No horse was considered too valuable for them to eat.
Notwithstanding all this sense of injury done to my personal interests, I
could not justify myself in joining any scheme to wrong them, or rather,
the government; and it was too plainly evident that no damages could be
obtained for losses, except through the California Indian Ring that was
now pretty well established. During the operations of the Battalion, the
plans of the Ring were laid, and it was determined that when the war
should be ended, "a vigorous peace policy" should be inaugurated.
Estimates of the probable number of Indians that it would be necessary to
provide for in Mariposa county alone, accidentally fell under my
observation, and I at once saw that it was the design to deceive the
government and the people in regard to the actual number, in order to
obtain from Congress large appropriations. These estimates were cited as
official by Col. McKee, and were ten times more than the truth would
warrant. Major Savage justified his course in using the opportunity to
make himself whole again, while acting as a trader, and in aiding others
to secure "a good thing," by the sophism that he was not responsible for
the action of the commissioners or of Congress.
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CHAPTER XVII.
Captain Boling elected Sheriff--Appointment of Indian Agents--Ten-ie-ya
allowed to return to Yosemite--Murder of Visitors--Lt. Moore's Expedition
and Punishment of Murderers--Gold Discoveries on Eastern Slope of Sierras--
Report of Expedition, and first Published Notice of Yosemite--Squatter
Sovereignty--Assault upon King's River Reservation--The Supposed Leader,
Harvey, Denounced by Major Savage--A Rencounter and death of Savage--
Harvey Liberated by a Friendly Justice--An Astute Superintendent--A Mass
Meeting--A Rival Aspirant--Indians and Indian Policy.
AFTER being mustered out, the members of the battalion at once returned to
their various avocations. I was fully occupied with mining and trading
operations, and hence gave little heed to affairs at the Fresno. Through
Captain Boling, however, who was elected Sheriff of the county, and whose
business carried him to all parts of the country, I learned of the
appointment of Col. Thomas Henly as agent for the tribes of Mariposa
county, and as sub-agents M. B. Lewis for the Fresno and Wm. J. Campbell
for the King's River Agencies. I afterwards met Col. Henly and Mr. Lewis
in Mariposa, and was much pleased with the Colonel. Both of these
gentlemen were kind and genial; but Mr. Lewis soon tired of his office as
unsuited to his taste, and accepted a position in the State Government
under Major Roman. His successor, I believe, was Capt. Vincinthalor. Old
Ten-ie-ya, and his band, were never recipients of friendly favors from
Savage, nor was he in very good standing with the agent. This was known to
the other chiefs, and they
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frequently taunted him with his downfall. The old chief chafed under the
contemptuous treatment of those who had once feared him and applied to the
sub-agent or farmer for permission to go back to his mountain home. He
claimed that he could not endure the heat at the agency, and said he
preferred acorns to the rations furnished him by the Government.
To rid itself of the consequences engendered by these petty squabbles with
the old chief, the management at the Fresno consented to a short absence
under restrictions. Ten-ie-ya promised to perform all requirements, and
joyfully left the hot and dry reservation, and with his family, took the
trail to the Yosemite once more. As far as is known, Ten-ie-ya kept faith
and disturbed no one. Soon after his departure, however, a few of his old
followers quietly left the Fresno as was supposed to join him, but as no
complaints were made by their chiefs, it was understood that they were
glad to be rid of them; therefore no effort was made to bring them back.
During the winter of 1851-52 a considerable number of horses were stolen,
but as some of them were found in the possession of Mexicans, who were
promptly executed for the theft, no charge was preferred against the
Yosemites.
Early in May, 1852, a small party of miners from Coarse Gold Gulch,
started out on a prospecting tour with the intention of making a visit to
the Yosemite Valley.
The curiosity of some of these men had been excited by descriptions of it,
made by some of the ex-members of the Battalion who had gone to Coarse
Gold Gulch, soon after their discharge. This party spent some little time
prospecting on their way. Commencing on the south fork of the Merced, they
tested the mineral resources of streams tributary to it; and then, passing
over the divide on the old trail, camped for the purpose of testing the
branches leading
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into the main Merced. While at this camp, they were visited by begging
Indians; a frequent occurrence in the mining camps of some localities. The
Indians appeared friendly, and gave no indications of hostile intentions.
They gave the party to understand, however, that the territory they were
then in, belonged to them, although no tribute was demanded. The miners
comprehended their intimations, but paid no attention to their claim,
being aware that this whole region had been ceded to the Government by
treaty during the year before.
Having ascertained that they were a part of the Yosemite Band, the miners
by signs, interrogated them as to the direction of the valley, but this
they refused to answer or pretended not to understand. The valley however,
was known to be near, and no difficulty was anticipated, when the party
were ready to visit it, as an outline map, furnished them before starting,
had thus far proved reliable. Unsuspicious of danger from an attack, they
reached the valley, and while entering it on the old trail, were ambushed
by the Indians from behind some rocks at or near the foot of the trail,
and two of the party were instantly killed. Another was seriously wounded,
but finally succeeded in making his escape. The names of the two men
killed were Rose and Shurbon; the name of the wounded man was Tudor.
The reports of these murders, alarmed many of the citizens. They were
fearful that the Indians would become excited and leave the reservations,
in which case, it was thought, a general outbreak would result. The
management of the Fresno agency was censured for allowing Ten-ie-ya to
return to the valley, and for allowing so considerable a number of his
followers to again assemble under his leadership. Among the miners, this
alarm was soon forgotten, for it was found that instead of leaving the
reservations, the Indians
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camped outside, fled to the agencies for protection, lest they should be
picked off in revenge for the murders perpetrated by the Yo-sem-i-tes. The
officer in command at Fort Miller, was notified of these murders, and a
detachment of regular soldiers under Lt. Moore, U.S.A., was at once
dispatched to capture or punish the red-skins. Beside the detachment of
troops, scouts and guides, and a few of the friends of the murdered men
accompanied the expedition. Among the volunteer scouts, was A. A. Gray,
usually called "Gus" Gray. He had been a member of Captain Boling's
company and was with us, when the valley was discovered, as also on our
second visit to the valley under Captain Boling. He had been a faithful
explorer, and his knowledge of the valley and its vicinity, made his
services valuable to Lt. Moore, as special guide and scout for that
locality. The particulars of this expedition I obtained from Gray. He was
afterward a Captain under Gen. Walker, of Nicaragua notoriety. Under the
guidance of Gray, Lt. Moore entered the valley in the night, and was
successful in surprising and capturing a party of five savages; but an
alarm was given, and Ten-ie-ya and his people fled from their huts and
escaped. On examination of the prisoners in the morning, it was discovered
that each of them had some article of clothing that had belonged to the
murdered men. The naked bodies of Rose and Shurbon were found and buried.
Their graves were on the edge of the little meadow near the Bridal Vail
Fall.
When the captives were accused of the murder of the two white men, they
did not deny the charge; but tacitly admitted that they had done it to
prevent white men from coming to their valley. They declared that it was
their home, and that white men had no right to come there without their
consent.
Lieutenant Moore told them, through his interpreter, that
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they had sold their lands to the Government, that it belonged to the white
men now; that the Indians had no right there. They had signed a treaty of
peace with the whites, and had agreed to live on the reservations provided
for them. To this they replied that Ten-ie-ya had never consented to the
sale of their valley, and had never received pay for it. The other chiefs,
they said, had no right to sell their territory, and no right to laugh at
their misfortunes.
Lieutenant Moore became fully satisfied that he had captured the real
murderers, and the abstract questions of title and jurisdiction, were not
considered debatable in this case. He promptly pronounced judgment, and
sentenced them to be shot. They were at once placed in line, and by his
order, a volley of musketry from the soldiers announced that the spirits
of five Indians were liberated to occupy ethereal space.
This may seem summary justice for a single individual, in a republic, to
meet out to fellow beings on his own judgment; but a formal judicial
killing of these Indians could not have awarded more summary justice. This
prompt disposition of the captured murderers, was witnessed by a scout
sent out by Ten-ie-ya to watch the movements of Lieutenant Moore and his
command, and was immediately reported to the old chief, who with his
people at once made a precipitate retreat from their hiding places, and
crossed the mountains to their allies, the Pai-utes and Monos. Although
this was in June, the snow, which was lighter than the year before at this
time, was easily crossed by the Indians and their families. After a short
search, in the vicinity of the valley, Lieutenant Moore struck their trail
at Lake Ten-ie-ya, and followed them in close pursuit, with an expressed
determination to render as impartial justice to the whole band as he had
to the five in the valley. It was no disappointment to me to learn from
Gray, that
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when once alarmed, old Ten-ie-ya was too much for Lieutenant Moore, as he
had been for Major Savage and Captain Boling. Lieutenant Moore did not
overtake the Indians he was pursuing, neither was he able to get any
information from the Pai-utes, whom he encountered, while east of the
Sierras. Lieutenant Moore crossed the Sierras over the Mono trail that
leads by the Soda Springs through the Mono Pass. He made some fair
discoveries of gold and gold-bearing quartz, obsidian and other minerals,
while exploring the region north and south of Bloody canyon and of Mono
Lake. Finding no trace whatever of the cunning chief, he returned to the
Soda Springs, and from there took his homeward journey to Fort Miller by
way of the old trail that passed to the south of the Yosemite.
Lieutenant Moore did not discover the Soda Springs nor the Mono Lake
country, but he brought into prominent notice the existence of the
Yosemite, and of minerals in paying quantities upon the Eastern Slope. Mr.
Moore made a brief descriptive report of his expedition, that found its
way into the newspapers. At least, I was so informed at the time, though
unable to procure it. I saw, however, some severe criticisms of his
display of autocratic power in ordering the five Yosemites shot.
After the establishment of the "Mariposa Chronicle" by W. T. Witachre and
A. S. Gould, the first number of which was dated January 20, 1854,
Lieutenant Moore, to more fully justify himself or gratify public
curiosity, published in the "Chronicle" a letter descriptive of the
expedition and its results. In this letter he dropped the terminal letter
"y" in the name "Yosemity," as it had been written previously by myself
and other members of the battalion, and substituted "e," as before stated.
As Lieutenant Moore's article attracted a great deal of public attention
at that time, the name, with its present orthography, was
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accepted. A copy of the paper containing Moore's letter was in my
possession for many years, but, finally, to my extreme regret, it was lost
or destroyed.
To Lieutenant Moore belongs the credit of being the first to attract the
attention of the scientific and literary world, and "The Press" to the
wonders of the Yosemite Valley. His position as an officer of the regular
army, established a reputation for his article, that could not be expected
by other correspondents. I was shown by Gray who was exhibiting them in
Mariposa, some very good specimens of gold quartz, that were found on the
Moore expedition. Leroy Vining, and a few chosen companions, with one of
Moore's scouts as guide, went over the Sierras to the place where the gold
had been found, and established themselves on what has since been known as
Vining's Gulch or Creek.
On the return of Lieutenant Moore to Fort Miller, the news of his capture
of the Indians, and his prompt execution of them as the murderers of Rose
and Shurbon, occasioned some alarm among the timid, which was encouraged
and kept alive by unprincipled and designing politicians. All kinds of
vague rumors were put in circulation. Many not in the secret supposed
another Indian war would be inaugurated. Political factions and "Indian
Rings" encouraged a belief in the most improbable rumors, hoping thereby
to influence Congressional action, or operate upon the War Department to
make large estimates for the California Indian Service.
This excitement did not extend beyond the locality of its origin, and the
citizens were undisturbed in their industries by these rumors. During all
this time no indications of hostilities were exhibited by any of the
tribes or bands, although the abusive treatment they received at the hands
of some, was enough to provoke contention. They quietly remained on the
reservations. As far as I was
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able to learn at the time, a few persons envied them the possession of
their King's river reservation, and determined to " squat " upon it, after
they should have been driven off. This "border element" was made use of by
an unprincipled schemer by the name of Harvey, whom it was understood was
willing to accept office, when a division of Mariposa county should have
been made, or when a vacancy of any kind should occur. But population was
required, and the best lands had been reserved for the savages. A few
hangers-on, at the agencies, that had been discharged for want of
employment and other reasons, made claims upon the King's river
reservation; the Indians came to warn them off, when they were at once
fired upon, and it was reported that several were killed.
These agitations and murders were denounced by Major Savage in unsparing
terms, and he claimed that Harvey was responsible for them. Although the
citizens of Mariposa were at the time unable to learn the details of the
affair at King's river, which was a distant settlement, the great mass of
the people were satisfied that wrong had been done to the Indians. There
had been a very decided opposition by the citizens generally to the
establishment of two agencies in the county, and the selection of the best
agricultural lands for reservations. Mariposa then included nearly the
whole San Joaquin valley south of the Tuolumne.
The opponents to the recommendations of the commissioners claimed that
"The government of the United States has no right to select the territory
of a sovereign State to establish reservations for the Indians, nor for
any other purpose, without the consent of the State." The State
Legislature of 1851-52, instructed the Senators and Representatives in
Congress to use their influence to have the Indians removed beyond the
limits of the State. These views had been advocated by many of the
citizens of Mariposa county
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in good faith; but it was observed that those who most actively annoyed
and persecuted those located on King's river reservation were countenanced
by those who professed to advocate opposite views. These men were often to
be seen at the agency, apparently the welcome guests of the employes of
government.
It soon became quite evident, that an effort was being made to influence
public opinion, and create an impression that there was imminent danger;
in order that the general government would thereby be more readily induced
to continue large appropriations to keep in subjection the comparatively
few savages in the country.
It was a well known fact that these people preferred horse-flesh and their
acorn jelly to the rations of beef that were supposed to have been issued
by the Government. During this time, Major Savage was successfully
pursuing his trade with the miners of the Fresno and surrounding
territory, and with the Indians at the agency. Frequently those from the
King's River Agency, would come to Savage to trade, thereby exciting the
jealous ire of the King's river traders. Self-interest as well as public
good prompted Savage to use every means at his disposal to keep these
people quiet, and he denounced Harvey and his associates as entitled to
punishment under the laws of the Government. These denunciations, of
course, reached Harvey and his friends. Harvey and a sub-agent by the name
of Campbell, seemed most aggrieved at what Savage had said of the affray,
and both appeared to make common cause in denouncing the Major in return.
Harvey made accusations against the integrity of Savage, and boasted that
Savage would not dare visit King's river while he, Harvey, was there. As
soon as this reached the Major's ears, he mounted his horse and at once
started for the King's River Agency.
Here, as expected, Harvey was found, in good fellowship
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with Marvin, the quartermaster, and others connected with the agency.
Walking up to Harvey, Major Savage demanded of him a retraction of his
offensive remarks concerning himself. This Harvey refused to do, and said
something to the effect that Savage had talked about Harvey. "Yes,"
replied Major Savage, "I have said that you are a murderer and a coward."
Harvey retreated a pace or two and muttered that it was a lie. As quick as
the word was uttered, Savage knocked Harvey down. Harvey appeared to play
'possum and made no resistance. As Savage stooped over the prostrate
Harvey, a pistol fell from Savage's waist, seeing which, Marvin picked it
up and held it in his hand as the Major walked off. Harvey rose to his
feet at this moment, and seeing Marvin with the pistol in his hand
exclaimed, "Judge, you have got my pistol!" Marvin replied, "No! I have
not. This belongs to Major Savage." When, instantly, Harvey commenced
firing at Major Savage, who, though mortally wounded by the first shot,
and finding his pistol gone, strove hard to once more reach Harvey, whom
he had scorned to further punish when prostrate before him.
This was in August, 1852. Harvey was arrested, or gave himself up, and
after the farce of an examination, was discharged. The justice, before
whom Harvey was examined, was a personal friend of the murderer, but had
previously fed upon the bounty of Savage. Afterwards, he commenced a
series of newspaper articles, assailing the Indian management of
California, and these articles culminated in his receiving congenial
employment at one of the agencies. Harvey, having killed his man, was now
well calculated for a successful California politician of that period, and
was triumphantly elected to office; but the ghost of Major Savage seemed
to have haunted him, for ever after, he was nervous and irritable, and
finally died of paralysis. The
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body of Major Savage was afterwards removed to the Fresno, near his old
trading post. A monument was there erected to his memory by Dr. Leach, his
successor in business.
I was in San Francisco at the time of these troubles at the agencies; but
upon my return, obtained the main facts as here stated, from one of the
actors in the tragedy.
About this time, the management of California Indian affairs, became an
important stake in the political circles of Mariposa. I took but little
interest in the factions that were assaulting each other with charges of
corruption. Notwithstanding my lack of personal interest, I was startled
from my indifference by the report of the Superintendent dated February,
1853. His sweeping denunciations of the people of Mariposa county was a
matter of surprise, as I knew it to be unjust. This report was considered
in a general mass meeting of the best citizens of the county, and was very
properly condemned as untrue. Among those who took an active part in this
meeting were Sam Bell (once State Comptroller), Judge Bondurant, Senator
James Wade, and other members of the State Legislature, and many
influential citizens, who generally took but a minor interest in political
affairs.
The records of the meeting, and the resolutions condemning the statements
of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, which were unanimously adopted,
and were published in the "Mariposa Chronicle" after its establishment, I
have preserved as a record of the times. The meeting expressed the general
sentiment of the people, but it accomplished nothing in opposition to the
Superintendent's policy, for the people soon discovered that the great
"Agitator" at these meetings was a would-be rival of the Superintendent.
We therefore bowed our heads and thought of the fox in the fable. I never
chanced to meet the gentleman who was at that time Superintendent of
Indian Affairs, and know
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nothing of him personally, but upon reading an official letter of his
dated at Los Angeles, August 22nd, 1853, in which he speaks of "The
establishment of an entire new system of government, which is to change
the character and habits of a hundred thousand persons." And another
letter dated San Francisco, September 30th, 1853, saying that his farm
agent, Mr. Edwards, "Had with great tact and with the assistance of Mr.
Alexander Gody, by traveling from tribe to tribe, and talking constantly
with them, succeeded in preventing any outbreak or disturbance in the San
Joaquin Valley." I came to the conclusion that the Superintendent of
Indian Affairs was under astute management, or that he was one of the
shrewdest of the many shrewd operators on the Pacific Coast. The schemes
of the Indian Ring were not endorsed by Governor Weller, but were
practically condemned in a public letter. The charges against the people
of Mariposa by the Superintendent of Indian Affairs were absurd and
grossly insulting to their intelligence. There had been no assault upon
the Indians, except that at King's river, led by the hangers-on at one of
his own agencies. These men continued to be honored guests at the tables
of his employes, and one of his most vigorous assailants was given
employment that silenced him.
The estimates made by him in his letters and report, were on an assumed
probability of a renewal of Indian hostilities. It was true, murders were
occasionally committed by them, but they were few as compared with those
committed by the Mexicans and Americans among themselves. The estimate of
a hundred thousand Indians in California, was known by every intelligent
man who had given the subject any attention, to be fabulous. There was
probably not a fifth of the number. But that was of no consequence, as the
schemes of the "Ring" were successful. Large appropriations were made by
Congress in accordance with
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stipulations of the treaty made between these ignorant tribes, and the
Republic of the United States of America. The recommendations were
generally carried out in Washington.
The making of a treaty of peace with Indian tribes, may be correctly
defined as procuring a release of all claims of certain territory occupied
by them. Congress may make appropriations to provide for the promises
made, but it is a well known fact that these appropriations are largely
absorbed by the agents of the government, without the provisions being
fulfilled. The defrauded victims of the treaty are looked upon as pauper
wards of a generous nationality; and the lavish expenditure of the
Government, is mostly consumed by the harpies who hover around these
objects of national charity. This farce of making treaties with every
little tribe as a distinct nationality, is an absurdity which should long
ago have been ended. With formal ceremony, a treaty of peace is made with
people occupying territory under the jurisdiction of our national
organization. A governmental power is recognized in the patriarchal or
tribal representatives of these predatory bands, and all the forms of a
legal and national obligation are entered into, only to be broken and
rebroken, at the will of some succeeding administration.
An inherited possessive right of the Indians to certain territory required
for their use, is acknowledged, and should be, by the Government, but to
recognize this as a tribal or national right, is but to continue and
foster their instinctive opposition to our Government, by concentrating
and inflaming their native pride and arrogance.
The individual, and his responsibilities, become lost in that of his
tribe, and until that power is broken, and the individual is made to
assume the responsibilities of a man, there will be but little hope of
improvement. The individual is now scarcely recognized by the people
(except he
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be representative); he is but an integral number of a tribe. He has a
nationality without a country, and feels that his people have no certain
home. He knows that he has been pauperized by contact with the whites and
the policy pursued by the Government towards him, and he scorns while he
accepts its bounty. These native-born residents of our common country, are
not citizens; their inherent rights are not sufficiently protected, and,
feeling this, they in turn, disregard the law or set it at defiance. The
best part of my life has been spent upon the frontiers of civilization,
where ample opportunities have been afforded me to observe our national
injustice in assuming the guardianship and management of the Indian,
without fulfilling the treaty stipulations that afford him the necessary
protection. The policy of the Government has seemed to be to keep them
under restraint as animals, rather than of protective improvement as
rational human beings. What matters it, though the National Government, by
solemn treaty, pledges its faith to their improvement, if its agents do
not fulfill its obligations. I am no blind worshipper of the romantic
Indian, nor admirer of the real one; but his degraded condition of
pauperism, resulting from the mismanagement of our Indian affairs, has
often aroused in me an earnest sympathy for the race. They are not
deficient in brain-power, and they should rise from degradation and want,
if properly managed. I am not classed as a radical reformer, but I would
like to see a radical change in their management.
I would like to see the experiment tried by the Government and its agents
of dealing justly with them, and strictly upon honor. I would like to see
those who have the management of Indian affairs selected because of their
fitness for their positions, without making political or religious
considerations pre-requisite qualifications. Morality and strict integrity
of character, should be indispensable
Page 286
requirements for official positions; but a division of patronage, or of
Indian souls among the various religious sects or churches, is contrary to
the spirit, if not the letter, of our Federal Constitution, and the strife
this policy has already engendered among the various sects, is not
calculated to impress even the savage with a very high estimate of
Christian forbearance and virtue. The cardinal principles of Christianity
should be taught the children by example, while teaching them the
necessity of obeying God's moral and physical laws. I would like to see
the Indian individually held responsible for all his acts, and as soon as
may be, all tribal relations and tribal accountability done away with, and
ignored by the Government.
The question of a transfer of the Indian Bureau to the War Department, has
been for some time agitated, but it seems to me that some facts bearing on
the subject have not been sufficiently discussed or understood. These are
that the various tribes are warlike in their habits and character, and
have been engaged in wars of conquest among themselves ever since they
first became known to the white settlers of the country. Their immediate
right to the territory they now occupy is derived from the dispossession
of some other tribe. They recognize the lex talionis as supreme, and their
obedience to law and order among themselves is only in proportion to their
respect for the chief, or power that controls them. Hence, for the Sioux
and other unsubdued tribes, military control, in my opinion, would be best
suited to their war-like natures and roving habits. The objection that
their management by the War Department had proved a failure, is not a
valid one, as when formerly the Bureau was under its nominal control, all
appointments of agents were made from civil life, as political rewards
from those in power. The political kites, scenting the fat things hidden
away in the office of an agent, pounced down upon
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them, exclaiming: "To the victors belong the spoils." The title of "Major"
given the agent was due to courtesy and the legitimate pay afforded, being
that of a major in the army.
The duties of the office are anything but agreeable to an officer who has
been educated for the profession of a solider. Few are disposed to do the
incessant drudgery required of an effective agent. As a rule, the
permanency of office, the education and amour propre of military life,
raises the army officer above the temptations of the ordinary politician;
therefore, the chances of an honest administration of affairs are very
much in favor of the War Department. To make that management more
effective, reasonable pay should be given competent men, as the expenses
of frontier life are usually considerable. Years are required to
comprehend and order, a practical management of people who are, in one
sense, but overgrown, vicious children. Such agents should be retained as
long as they remain honest and effective, regardless of church or
political creeds.
As the wild tribes recognize no authority but that of the lex-taliones; by
this law they should be governed. Any attempt to govern or civilize them
without the power to compel obedience, will be looked upon by barbarians
with derision, and all idea of Christianizing adult Indians, while they
realize the injustice done them by the whites, will prove impracticable.
The children may be brought under some moderate system of compulsory
education and labor, but the adults never can be. Moral suasion is not
comprehended as a power, for the Indian's moral qualities seem not to have
been unfolded.
The savage is naturally vain, cruel and arrogant. He boasts of his murders
and robberies, and the tortures of his victims very much in the same
manner that he recounts his deeds of valor in battle, his prowess in
killing the grizzly,
Page 288
and his skill in entrapping the beaver. His treachery, is to him but
cunning, his revenge a holy obligation, and his religion but a
superstitious fear. The Indians that have resorted to labor as a means of
future support, should be encouraged and continued under the care of
civilians. Their religious instruction, like that of the whites, may
safely be left to their own choice; but for the wild savage a just and
humane control is necessary for their own well-being, as well as that of
the white people; for even in this nineteenth century, life is sometimes
sacrificed under some religious delusion.
The war between different tribes is a natural result of their efforts to
maintain independent sovereignties. The motives that influence them are
not very unlike those that operate upon the most highly favored Christian
nations, except that religion, as a rule, has but little to answer for, as
they are mostly of one religious faith. All believe in the influence of
and communion with departed spirits. The limited support afforded by the
game of a given territory, frequently compels encroachments that result in
war. Ambition for fame and leadership prompts young aspirants for the
honors awarded to successful warriors, and they bear an initiatory torture
in order to prove their fortitude and bravery, that would almost seem
beyond human endurance. After a reputation has been acquired as a
successful leader, old feuds must be maintained and new wars originated to
gratify and employ ambitious followers, or the glory and influence of the
successful chieftain will soon depart or be given to some new aspirant for
the leadership of the tribe. In their warlike movements, as in all their
private affairs, their "medicine men" are important personages. They are
supposed to have power to propitiate evil spirits or exercise them. They
assume the duties of physicians, orators and advisers in their councils,
and perform the official duties of
Page 289
priests in their religious ceremonies. In my inquiries concerning their
religious faith, I have sometimes been surprised, as well as amused, at
the grotesque expressions used in explanations of their crude ideas of
theology. With their mythology and traditions, would occasionally appear
expressions evidently derived from the teachings of Christianity, the
origin of which, no doubt, might have been traced to the old Missions. The
fugitive converts from those Missions being the means of engrafting the
Catholic element on to the original belief of the mountain tribes. Their
recitations were a peculiar mixture, but they vehemently claimed them as
original, and as revealed to them by the Great Spirit, through his mediums
or prophets (their "medicine men"), in visions and trances. These
"mediums," in their character of priests, are held in great veneration.
They are consulted upon all important occasions, let it be of war, of the
chase, plunder or of marriage. They provide charms and amulets to protect
the wearer from the evil influence of adverse spirits and the weapons of
war, and receive for these mighty favors donations corresponding to the
support afforded Christian priests and ministers. The sanctification of
these relics is performed by an elaborate mysterious ceremony, the climax
of which is performed in secret by the priestly magnate. The older the
relic, the more sacred it becomes as an heirloom.
Marriage among the Indians is regarded from a business standpoint. The
preliminaries are usually arranged with the parents, guardians and
friends, by the patriarch of the family, or the chief of the tribe. When
an offer of marriage is made, the priest is consulted, he generally
designates the price to be paid for the bride. The squaws of these
mountain tribes are not generally voluptuous or ardent, and
notwithstanding their low and degraded condition,
Page 290
they were naturally more virtuous, than has been generally supposed.
Their government being largely patriarchal, the women are subjects of the
will of the patriarch in all domestic relations. The result is, that they
have become passively submissive creatures of men's will. Believing this
to be the natural sphere of their existence, they hold in contempt one who
performs menial labor, which they have been taught belongs to their sex
alone.
The habits of these mountain tribes being simple; their animal passions
not being stimulated by the condiments and artificial habits of civilized
life; they, in their native condition, closely resembled the higher order
of animals in pairing for offspring. The spring time is their season of
love. When the young clover blooms and the wild anise throws its fragrance
upon mountain and dell, then, in the seclusion of the forest are formed
those unions which among the civilized races are sanctioned by the church
and by the laws of the country.
[image caption: LAKE STAR KING.]
Page 291a
CHAPTER XVIII.
Murder of Starkey--Death of Ten-ie-ya and Extinction of his Band--A few
Surviving Murderers--An Attempt at Reformation--A Failure and loss of a
Mule--Murders of Robert D. Sevil and Robert Smith--Alarm of the People--A
False Alarm.
DURING the winter of 1852-3, Jesse Starkey and Mr. Johnson, comrades of
the Mariposa battalion and expert hunters, were engaged in supplying
miners along the Mariposa Creek with venison and bear meat. They were
encamped on the head waters of the Chow-chilla and fearing no danger,
slept soundly in their encampment. They had met Indians from time to time,
who seemed friendly enough, and even the few escaped Yosemites who
recognized Starkey, showed no sign of dislike; and hence no proper
precautions were taken against their treachery.
A few days only had passed in the occupation of hunting, when a night
attack was made upon the hunters. Starkey was instantly killed, but
Johnson, though wounded, escaped to Mariposa on one of their mules.
James M. Roan, Deputy Sheriff under Captain Boling, took direction of the
wounded man, and with a posse of but 15 miners, went out to the Chow-
chilla, where they found the naked and mutilated remains of poor Starkey,
which they buried uncoffined at the camp.
After that sad duty was accomplished, the little party of brave men
pursued the trail of the savages into the Snowy Mountains, where they were
overtaken and given merited chastisement. Three Indians fell dead at the
first fire, while others were wounded and died afterwards.
Page 291
No united effort was made to repel the whites, and panic-stricken, the
renegade robbers fled into their hidden recesses. Cossom, an Indian
implicated, confessed, long afterwards, that their loss in the attack was
at least a dozen killed and wounded, and that the robber murderers of
Starkey were renegade Yosemite and other Indians who had refused to live
at the reservation. It was several months after Mr. Roan's encounter with
those Indians before I learned the full particulars, and when any of the
remnants of the band of Yosemites appealed to me for aid, I still gave
them relief.
During the summer of 1853, Mr. E. G. Barton and myself were engaged in
trading and mining on the Merced. We had established a station on the
north side of the river, several miles above the mouth of the North Fork.
We here had the patronage of the miners on the river and its branches
above, as well as in our own vicinity, and from the North Fork. From some
of the miners who visited our store from the vicinity of the South Fork, I
learned that a short time before, a small party of the Yosemities had come
to their diggings and asked for food and protection from their enemies,
who, they said, had killed their chief and most of their people, and were
pursuing themselves. The affrighted and wounded wretches reported to them
that they had been attacked while in their houses by a large party of
Monos from the other side of the mountains, and that all of their band had
been killed except those who had asked protection.
The miners had allowed the Indians to camp near by, but refused to give
them any but a temporary supply of food.
Knowing that I was familiar with the Valley, and acquainted with the band,
they asked my advice as to what they ought to do with their neighbors.
Page 292
Feeling some sympathy for the people who had made their homes in the
Yosemite, and thinking that I might aid and induce them to work as miners,
I sent them word to come down to our store, as there were plenty of fish
and acorns near by. A few came, when I told them that if in future they
were good Indians, the whites would protect them from their enemies, and
buy their gold. They expressed a willingness to work for food and clothing
if they could find gold.
I furnished them some tools to prospect, and they came back sanguine of
success. A Tu-ol-um-ne Indian named "Joe," and two or three families of
Yosemities came down and camped on Bull Creek and commenced to gather
acorns, while "Joe" as head miner, worked with the others in the gulches
and on the North Fork. This experiment of working and reforming robbers
soon proved a failure, for upon the death of one of them who had been
injured, they could not be induced to remain or work any longer, and
"Joe," and his new followers stampeded for the Hetch-Hetchy Valley.
From these Indians, and subsequently from others, I learned the following
statements relative to the death of Old Ten-ie-ya. After the murder of the
French miners from Coarse Gold Gulch, and his escape from Lieut. Moore,
Ten-ie-ya, with the larger part of his band, fled to the east side of the
Sierras. He and his people were kindly received by the Monos and secreted
until Moore left that locality and returned to Fort Miller.
Ten-ie-ya was recognized, by the Mono tribe, as one of their number, as he
was born and lived among them until his ambition made him a leader and
founder of the Pai-Ute colony in Ah-wah-ne. His history and warlike
exploits formed a part of the traditionary lore of the Monos. They were
proud of his successes and boasted of his descent from
Page 293
their tribe, although Ten-ie-ya himself claimed that his father was the
chief of an independent people, whose ancestors were of a different race.
Ten-ie-ya had, by his cunning and sagacity in managing the deserters from
other tribes, who had sought his protection, maintained a reputation as a
chief whose leadership was never disputed by his followers, and who was
the envy of the leaders of other tribes. After his subjugation by the
whites, he was deserted by his followers, and his supremacy was no longer
acknowledged by the neighboring tribes, who had feared rather than
respected him or the people of his band. Ten-ie-ya and his refugee band
were so hospitably received and entertained by the Monos that they seemed
in no hurry to return to their valley.
According to custom with these mountaineers, a portion of territory was
given to them for their occupancy by consent of the tribe; for individual
right to territory is not claimed, nor would it be tolerated. Ten-ie-ya
staid with the Monos until late in the summer or early autumn of 1853,
when he and his people suddenly left the locality that had been assigned
to them, and returned to their haunts in the Yosemite valley, with the
intention of remaining there unless again driven out by the whites.
Permanent wig-wams were constructed by the squaws, near the head of the
valley, among the rocks, not readily discernable to visitors. Not long
after Ten-ie-ya had re-established himself in his old home, a party of his
young men left on a secret foraging expedition for the camp of the Monos,
which was then established at or near Mono Lake. According to the
statement made to me, there had just been a successful raid and capture of
horses by the Monos and Pai-Utes from some of the Southern California
ranchos, and Ten-ie-ya's men concluded, rather than risk a raid on the
white men, to steal from the Mono's, trusting to their cunning to escape
detection.
Page 294
Ten-ie-ya's party succeeded in recapturing a few of the stolen horses, and
after a circuitous and baffling route through the pass at the head of the
San Joaquin, finally reached the valley with their spoils.
After a few days' delay, and thinking themselves secure, they killed one
or more of the horses, and were in the enjoyment of a grand feast in honor
of their return, when the Mono's pounced down upon them. Their gluttony
seemed to have rendered them oblivious of all danger to themselves, and of
the ingratitude by which the feast had been supplied. Like sloths, they
appear to have been asleep after having surfeited their appetites. They
were surprised in their wig-wams by the wronged and vengeful Monos and
before they could rally for the fight, the treacherous old chief was
struck down by the hand of a powerful young Mono chief. Ten-ie-ya had been
the principal object of attack at the commencement of the assault, but he
had held the others at bay until discovered by the young chief, who having
exhausted his supply of arrows, seized a fragment of rock and hurled it
with such force as to crush the skull of "the old grizzly." As Ten-ie-ya
fell, other stones were cast upon him by the attacking party, after the
Pai-ute custom, until he was literally stoned to death. All but eight of
Ten-ie-ya's young braves were killed; these escaped down the valley, and
through the canyon below.
The old men and women, who survived the first assault, were permitted to
escape from the valley. The young women and children were made captives
and taken across the mountains to be held as slaves or drudges to their
captors. I frequently entertained the visitors at our store on the Merced
with descriptions of the valley. The curiosity of some of the miners was
excited, and they proposed to make a visit as soon as it could be made
with safety. I expressed the opinion that there would be but little
Page 295
danger from Indians, as the Mono's and Pai-utes only came for acorns, and
that the Yo-sem-i-ties were so nearly destroyed, that at least, while they
were mourning the loss of their chief, and their people, no fear need be
entertained of them.
Three of these miners, from the North Fork of the Merced, visited the
valley soon after this interview. These men were from Michigan. Their
glowing descriptions on their return, induced five others from the North
Fork to visit it also. On their return trip they missed the trail that
would have taken them over the ridge to their own camp and kept on down to
the path which led to our establishment. While partaking of our
hospitalities, they discussed the incidents of their excursion, and I was
soon convinced that they had been to the Yosemite. They spoke of the lower
and the high fall rather disparagingly, and expressed disappointment, when
told of the existence of cascades and cataracts, that they had not known
of or seen. I questioned them as to Indians, and learned that they had not
seen any on the trip, but had seen deserted huts below the canyon.
I learned soon after, from some miners from the mouth of the "South Fork,"
that all of the Yosemites who had camped on the flats below the canyon,
had left suddenly for the Tuolumne. These two parties were the first white
men that visited the Yosemite Valley after the visit of Lieut. Moore, the
year before (1852). The names of these miners have now passed from my
memory, but I afterwards met one of these gentlemen at Mr. George W.
Coulter's Hotel, in Coultersville, and another at Big Oak Flat, and both
seemed well known to Lovely Rogers and other old residents. I was shown,
by the first party, some good specimens of gold quartz that had been found
on the north side of the Merced below the canyon. Late in the fall of this
year (1853), three of the remnant of Ten-ie-ya's band came to our store.
They did not offer to trade, and when questioned, told me that they
Page 296
had been camping on the Tuolumne, and had come down to the Merced to get
some fish. I gave them some provisions, and they left, apparently
satisfied if not thankful. A few nights afterwards, one of our best mules
disappeared. This mule was a favorite mountain animal, sure footed and
easy gaited under the saddle. In following up its tracks, I discovered
that it had been stolen by Indians, and my suspicions were that my
Yosemite friends were the culprits. I made every effort to recover the
animal, but without success.
After the close of the mining season in the fall of 1853, we left our
trading establishment and mining works in charge of two men in our employ,
Robt. D. Sevil, of Smyrna, Delaware, and Robt. Smith, a Dane. The
establishment was visited from time to time, by either Barton or myself
during the winter of 1853-54, when upon one occasional visit, it was found
by Mr. Barton to have been plundered. With Nat. Harbert, a brave Texan, I
at once started for the establishment, only to find it a scene of
desolation. I was informed by some miners who had been out prospecting,
that the body of Smith had been found on a slaty point in the river below,
but that nothing could be discovered of Sevil, or the murderers. We found
the tracks of Indians and traced them to the mountains, but failed to find
their hiding places. We lost their trail over the bare, slaty ground above
the river. The tracks had indicated to us that Indians were the murderers,
before we had learned from the miners the circumstances connected with the
finding of Smith's body. It had been pierced by nine arrows, five of which
were still found quivering in his flesh. Upon the discovery of the body by
the miners, a burial party was led by Doctor Porter, from the North Fork,
to the scene of the murders; and with the assistance of his associates,
Mr. Long, and others, it was given proper burial. The body of
Page 297
Sevil was not found until long afterwards. When discovered, it was
undistinguishable, but from the location in the river, we had no doubt of
its identity. I reported the murders and robbery to the authorities of
Mariposa county. Captain Boling was sheriff; but having business that
required his urgent attention, deputized me to act for him in the matter.
He expressed a decided belief that the murders had been committed by the
Yosemities. He recommended me to take a strong posse with me, and to be
cautious and guarded against treachery; saying: "You know as well as I do,
that all of the Yosemities are murderers and thieves." In reply, I
informed him of the killing of Ten-ie-ya and nearly all of his band by the
Monos; and told him that I had ridden alone through the country wherever
business called me, and that whenever I had met any of the old band they
seemed quite friendly. The Captain said he would not visit the valley
without sufficient force to protect himself. Upon telling him of the
encampment on the Tuolumne, Captain Boling said that was beyond his
jurisdiction.
Mr. Harbert and myself concluded to make a thorough exploration for the
murderers, and with this object in view, rode to Marble Springs, and
commenced our search along the Tuolumne divide, hoping to find some place
where the tracks would be found once more concentrated. After a tiresome
search, without success or encouragement, we went down to the camp of the
miners, on the North Fork, to consult with them. We found old
acquaintances among these gentlemen, and Dr. Porter and Mr. Long were
especially hospitable. It was the opinion of these intelligent gentlemen,
that the murderers had gone to the Upper Tuolumne river and were banded
with the renegades of the Tuolumne tribe that had once been under Ten-ie-
ya. They expressed the belief that not less than twenty men should
Page 298
undertake an expedition against them. As the principal articles stolen
from our store were clothing and blankets, it was supposed the murderers
would probably be found near some of the acorn caches in the mountain
canyons.
Feeling it would be useless to attempt anything further without an
authorized expedition, we left the North Fork and our hospitable friends,
and at once returned to Mariposa, where I reported to Sheriff Boling and
Judge Bondurant the result of our trip. These officials decided that the
territory which it would be necessary to explore, was not within their
jurisdiction. That they had no authority to declare war against the
Tuolumne Indians, but said that they would report the circumstances of the
murders and robberies to the military authorities, to the Governor, and to
the officials of Tuolumne county. Here the matter rested, and nothing more
was ever done by public authority. I was afterwards advised to put in a
claim on the two hundred and fifty thousand dollars voted by Congress for
the Indians of California; but after some consideration of this advice, my
conclusion was that the original claimants to this money would scarcely be
willing to make any division of their legitimate spoils.
Although no action had been taken by the authorities, the murders of Sevil
and Smith soon became generally known, and the inhabitants of Mariposa
became alarmed from the rumors in circulation, of another general out-
break. I visited the Fresno Agency and found that the Indians there had
heard of the raid on our establishment, and, on interrogating them, they
expressed the opinion that the Yosemites were the ones who had murdered
the men. Their theory of the attack was, that they had first killed the
men for the sake of the clothing on their persons, and afterwards had
robbed the store of the clothing and blankets, because they were cold in
their mountain retreat, and yet
Page 299
dared not live among other people. Some of these, at the Fresno, said that
if the whites would fit out an expedition, they would go and help kill the
murderers; "for," said they, "those are bad Indians. They dare not visit
the reservation, for we know that they would steal from us and the white
people, and then we would all be made to suffer from their misconduct. We
are now afraid to leave the reservation to hunt, lest we be mistaken and
killed for what they have done."
I was convinced by my visit to the agency, that there was no grounds for
fear of another outbreak among the Indians. I traveled about as I had
usually done before. I was cautious in out-of-the-way places, but I cannot
say that I hesitated at any time to prospect. When I heard people express
an opinion that it would be dangerous to enter the Yosemite Valley without
a strong escort, I refrained from expressing my convictions. I felt
unwilling to publicly oppose the opinions of some of my late comrades,
more especially after my recent experience with the Yosemites. During the
summer of 1854 no visits were made to the valley, as far as I know, and if
there had been, I was so situated as likely to have been acquainted with
the fact. Many of my old companions in the battalion, never shared my
admiration for the Yosemite. Their descriptions were so common-place as to
lead the people of the village of Mariposa to suppose that, as a
curiosity, the scenery would scarcely repay the risk and labor of a visit.
The murders of Smith and Sevil deterred some who had designed to visit the
valley that season. The nervous ones were still further alarmed by a
general stampede of the miners on the South Fork of the Merced, which
occurred in the summer of that year (1854). This was caused by a visit to
their neighborhood of some Pai-Utes and Monos, from the east side of the
Sierras, who came to examine the prospects for the
Page 300
acorn harvest, and probably take back with them some they had cached.
This visit of strange Indians to some of the miners' camps, was not at
first understood and a wild alarm was raised without a comprehension of
the facts of the case. Captain Boling, as sheriff, summoned to his aid a
number of the old members of his company. I was one of the number. We made
a night ride to the place of alarm, and on arriving, found that we had
been sold. We felt chagrined, although it was gratifying to learn that
alarm had been made without a cause. An old '49er, that we found,
apologized for the verdants. He said: "Probably, as long as men continue
about as they now are, we must expect to find fools in all communities;
but, if a premium for d-- fools should be offered by any responsible
party, you will see a bigger stampede from these diggings than these
Indians have made." The whiskey was ordered for the old stager, and the
apology considered as acceptable. We returned to Mariposa wiser, if not
better men.
Discovery of the Yosemite - End of Chapters XVI-XVIII
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