Discovery of the Yosemite - Chapters I-II



Page 1

CHAPTER I.
Incidents leading to the discovery of the Yosemite Valley--Major Savage 
and Savages--Whiskey, wrangling and War--Skinned Alive--A brisk Fight--
Repulse--Another Fight, and Conflagration.

DURING the winter of 1849-50, while ascending the old Bear Valley trail 
from Ridley's ferry, on the Merced river, my attention was attracted to 
the stupendous rocky peaks of the Sierra Nevadas. In the distance an 
immense cliff loomed, apparently to the summit of the mountains. Although 
familiar with nature in her wildest moods, I looked upon this awe-
inspiring column with wonder and admiration. While vainly endeavoring to 
realize its peculiar prominence and vast proportions, I turned from it 
with reluctance to resume the search for coveted gold; but the impressions 
of that scene were indelibly fixed in my memory. Whenever an opportunity 
afforded, I made inquiries concerning the scenery of that locality. But 
few of the miners had noticed any of its special peculiarities. On a 
second visit to Ridley's, not long after, that towering mountain which had 
so profoundly interested me was invisible, an intervening haze obscuring 
it from view. A year or more passed before the mysteries of this wonderful 
land were satisfactorily solved.

Page 2

During the winter of 1850-51, I was attached to an expedition that made 
the first discovery of what is now known as the Yosemite Valley. While 
entering it, I saw at a glance that the reality of my sublime vision at 
Ridley's ferry, forty miles away, was before me. The locality of the 
mysterious cliff was there revealed--its proportions enlarged and 
perfected.

The discovery of this remarkable region was an event intimately connected 
with the history of the early settlement of that portion of California. 
During 1850, the Indians in Mariposa county, which at that date included 
all the territory south of the divide of the Tuolumne and Merced rivers 
within the valley proper of the San Joaquin, became very troublesome to 
the miners and settlers. Their depredations and murderous assaults were 
continued until the arrival of the United States Indian commissioners, in 
1851, when the general government assumed control over them. Through the 
management of the commissioners, treaties were made, and many of these 
Indians were transferred to locations reserved for their special occupancy.

It was in the early days of the operations of this commission that the 
Yosemite Valley was first entered by a command virtually employed to 
perform the special police duties of capturing and bringing the Indians 
before these representatives of the government, in order that treaties 
might be made with them. These wards of the general government were 
provided with supplies at the expense of the public treasury: provided 
that they confined themselves to the reservations selected for them.

My recollections of those early days are from personal observations and 
information derived from the earlier settlers of the San Joaquin valley, 
with whom I was personally acquainted in the mining camps, and through 
business connections; and also from comrades in the Indian war of 

Page 2b

1850-51. Among these settlers was one James D. Savage, a trader, who in 
1849-50 was located in the mountains near the mouth of the South Fork of 
the Merced river, some fifteen miles below the Yosemite valley.

At this point, engaged in gold mining, he had employed a party of native 
Indians. Early in the season of 1850 his trading post and mining camp were 
attacked by a band of the Yosemite Indians. This tribe, or band, claimed 
the territory in that vicinity, and attempted to drive Savage off. Their 
real object, however, was plunder. They were considered treacherous and 
dangerous, and were very troublesome to the miners generally.

Savage and his Indian miners repulsed the attack and drove off the 
marauders, but from this occurrence he no longer deemed this location 
desirable. Being fully aware of the murderous propensities of his 
assailants, he removed to Mariposa Creek, not far from the junction of the 
Aqua Fria, and near to the site of the old stone fort. Soon after, he 
established a branch post on the Fresno, where the mining prospects became 
most encouraging, as the high water subsided in that stream. This branch 
station was placed in charge of a man by the name of Greeley.

At these establishments Savage soon built up a prosperous business. He 
exchanged his goods at enormous profits for the gold obtained from his 
Indian miners. The white miners and prospecting parties also submitted to 
his demands rather than lose time by going to Mariposa village. The value 
of his patrons' time was thus made a source of revenue. As the season 
advanced, this hardy pioneer of commerce rapidly increased his wealth, but 
in the midst of renewed prosperity he learned that another cloud was 
gathering over him. One of his five squaws assured him that a combination 
was maturing among the mountain Indians, to kill or drive all the white 
men from the 

Page 3a

country, and plunder them of their property. To strengthen his influence 
over the principal tribes, Savage had, according to the custom of many 
mountain men, taken wives from among them, supposing his personal safety 
would be somewhat improved by so doing. This is the old story of the 
prosperous Indian trader. Rumor also came from his Indian miners, that the 
Yosemites threatened to come down on him again for the purpose of plunder, 
and that they were urging other tribes to join them.

These reports he affected to disregard, but quietly cautioned the miners 
to guard against marauders.

He also sent word to the leading men in the settlements that hostilities 
were threatened, and advised preparations against a surprise.

At his trading posts he treated the rumors with indifference, but 
instructed the men in his employ to be continually on their guard in his 
absence. Stating that he was going to "the Bay" for a stock of goods, he 
started for San Francisco, taking with him two Indian wives, and a chief 
of some note and influence who professed great friendship.

This Indian, Jose Juarez, was in reality one of the leading spirits in 
arousing hostilities against the whites.

Notwithstanding Juarez appeared to show regard for Savage, the trader had 
doubts of his sincerity, but, as he had no fears of personal injury, he 
carefully kept his suspicions to himself. The real object Savage had in 
making this trip was to place in a safe locality a large amount of gold 
which he had on hand; and he took the chief to impress him with the 
futility of any attempted outbreak by his people. He hoped that a visit to 
Stockton and San Francisco, where Jose could see the numbers and 
superiority of the whites, would so impress him that on his return to the 
mountains his report would deter the Indians from their proposed 
hostilities.

Page 3

The trip was made without any incidents of importance, but, to Savage's 
disappointment and regret, Jose developed an instinctive love for whiskey, 
and having been liberally supplied with gold, he invested heavily in that 
favorite Indian beverage, and was stupidly drunk nearly all the time he 
was in the city.

Becoming disgusted with Jose's frequent intoxication, Savage expressed in 
emphatic terms his disapprobation of such a course. Jose at once became 
greatly excited, and forgetting his usual reserve, retorted in abusive 
epithets, and disclosed his secret of the intended war against the whites.

Savage also lost his self-control, and with a blow felled the drunken 
Indian to the ground. Jose arose apparently sober, and from that time 
maintained a silent and dignified demeanor. After witnessing the 
celebration of the admission of the State into the Union--which by 
appointment occurred on October 29th, 1850, though the act of admission 
passed Congress on the 9th of September of that year--and making 
arrangements to have goods forwarded as he should order them, Savage 
started back with his dusky retainers for Mariposa. On his arrival at 
Quartzberg, he learned that the Kah-we-ah Indians were exacting tribute 
from the immigrants passing through their territory, and soon after his 
return a man by the name of Moore was killed not far from his Mariposa 
Station. From the information here received, and reported murders of 
emigrants, he scented danger to himself. Learning that the Indians were 
too numerous at "Cassady's Bar," on the San Joaquin, and in the vicinity 
of his Fresno Station, he at once, with characteristic promptness and 
courage, took his course direct to that post. He found, on arriving there, 
that all was quiet, although some Indians were about, as if for trading 
purposes. Among them were Pon-wat-chee 

Page 4

and Vow-ches-ter, two Indian chiefs known to be friendly. The trader had 
taken two of his wives from their tribes.

Savage greeted all with his customary salutation. Leaving his squaws to 
confer with their friends and to provide for their own accommodations, he 
quietly examined the memoranda of his agent, and the supply of goods on 
hand. With an appearance of great indifference, he listened to the 
business reports and gossip of Greeley, who informed him that Indians from 
different tribes had come in but had brought but little gold. To assure 
himself of the progress made by the Indians in forming a union among 
themselves, he called those present around him in front of his store, and 
passed the friendly pipe. After the usual silence and delay. Savage said: 
"I know that all about me are my friends, and as a friend to all, I wish 
to have a talk with you before I go back to my home on the Mariposa, from 
which I have been a long distance away, but where I could not stop until I 
had warned you.

"I know that some of the Indians do not wish to be friends with the white 
men, and that they are trying to unite the different tribes for the 
purpose of a war. It is better for the Indians and white men to be 
friends. If the Indians make war on the white men, every tribe will be 
exterminated; not one will be left. I have just been where the white men 
are more numerous than the wasps and ants; and if war is made and the 
Americans are aroused to anger, every Indian engaged in the war will be 
killed before the whites will be satisfied." In a firm and impressive 
manner Savage laid before them the damaging effects of a war, and the 
advantages to all of a continued peaceful intercourse. His knowledge of 
Indian language was sufficient to make his remarks clearly understood, and 
they were apparently well received.

Not supposing that Jose would attempt there to advocate 

Page 4b

any of his schemes, the trader remarked, as he finished his speech: "A 
chief who has returned with me from the place where the white men are so 
numerous, can tell that what I have said is true--Jose Juarez--you all 
know, and will believe him when he tells you the white men are more 
powerful than the Indians."

The cunning chief with much dignity, deliberately stepped forward, with 
more assurance than he had shown since the belligerent occurrence at the 
bay, and spoke with more energy than Savage had anticipated. He commenced 
by saying: "Our brother has told his Indian relatives much that is truth; 
we have seen many people; the white men are very numerous; but the white 
men we saw on our visit are of many tribes; they are not like the tribe 
that dig gold in the mountains." He then gave an absurd description of 
what he had seen while below, and said: "Those white tribes will not come 
to the mountains. They will not help the gold diggers if the Indians make 
war against them. If the gold diggers go to the white tribes in the big 
village they give their gold for strong water and games; when they have no 
more gold the white tribes drive the gold-diggers back to the mountains 
with clubs. They strike them down (referring to the police), as your white 
relative struck me while I was with him." (His vindictive glance assured 
Savage that the blow was not forgotten or forgiven.) "The white tribes 
will not go to war with the Indians in the mountains. They cannot bring 
their big ships and big guns to us; we have no cause to fear them. They 
will not injure us."

To Savage's extreme surprise, he then boldly advocated an immediate war 
upon the whites, assuring his listeners that, as all the territory 
belonged to the Indians, if the tribes would unite the whole tribe of gold-
diggers could be easily driven from their country; but, if the gold-
diggers should stay longer, their numbers will be too great to make 

Page 5a

war upon, and the Indians would finally be destroyed. In his speech Jose 
evinced a keenness of observation inconsistant with his apparent drunken 
stupidity. Savage had thought this stupidity sometimes assumed. He now 
felt assured that the chief had expected thereby to learn his plans. To 
the writer there seems to be nothing inconsistent with Indian craft, 
keenness of observation and love of revenge in Jose's conduct, though he 
was frequently drunk while at "the bay." While Jose was speaking other 
Indians had joined the circle around him. Their expressions of approval 
indicated the effects of his speech. During this time Savage had been 
seated on a log in front of the store, a quiet listener. When Jose 
concluded, the trader arose, and stepping forward, calmly addressed the 
relatives of his wives and the Indians in whom he still felt confidence. 
The earnest and positive speech of the cunning chief had greatly surprised 
him; he was somewhat discouraged at the approval with which it had been 
received; but with great self-possession, he replied, "I have listened 
very attentively to what the chief, who went with me as my friend, has 
been saying to you. I have heard all he has said. He has told you of many 
things that he saw. He has told you some truth. He has told of many things 
which he knows nothing about. He has told you of things he saw in his 
dreams, while "strong water" made him sleep. The white men we saw there 
are all of the same tribe as the gold-diggers here among the mountains. He 
has told you he saw white men that were pale, and had tall hats on their 
heads, with clothing different from the gold-diggers. This was truth, but 
they are all brothers, all of one tribe. All can wear the clothing of the 
gold-diggers; all can climb the mountains, and if war is made on the gold-
diggers, the white men will come and fight against the Indians. Their 
numbers will be so great, that every tribe will be destroyed that joins in 
a war against them."

Page 5

Jose observing the effects of these statements, excitedly interrupted 
Savage by entering the circle, exclaiming: "He is telling you words that 
are not true. His tongue is forked and crooked. He is telling lies to his 
Indian relatives. This trader is not a friend to the Indians. He is not 
our brother. He will help the white gold-diggers to drive the Indians from 
their country. We can now drive them from among us, and if the other white 
tribes should come to their help, we will go to the mountains; if they 
follow after us, they cannot find us; none of them will come back; we will 
kill them with arrows and with rocks." While Jose was thus vociferously 
haranguing, other Indians came into the grounds, and the crisis was 
approaching. As Jose Juarez ended his speech, Jose Rey, another 
influential chief and prominent leader, walked proudly into the now 
enlarged circle, followed by his suite of treacherous Chow-chillas, among 
whom were Tom-Kit and Frederico. He keenly glanced about him, and assuming 
a grandly tragic style, at once commenced a speech by saying: "My people 
are now ready to begin a war against the white gold-diggers. If all the 
tribes will be as one tribe, and join with us, we will drive all the white 
men from our mountains. If all the tribes will go together, the white men 
will run from us, and leave their property behind them. The tribes who 
join in with my people will be the first to secure the property of the 
gold-diggers."

The dignity and eloquent style of Jose Rey controlled the attention of the 
Indians. This appeal to their cupidity interested them; a common desire 
for plunder would be the strongest inducement to unite against the whites.

Savage was now fully aware that he had been defeated at this impromptu 
council he had himself organized, and at once withdrew to prepare for the 
hostilities he was sure would soon follow. As soon as the Indians 
dispersed, he 

Page 6

started with his squaws for home, and again gave the settlers warning of 
what was threatened and would soon be attempted.

These occurrences were narrated to me by Savage. The incidents of the 
council at the Fresno Station were given during the familiar conversations 
of our intimate acquaintanceship. The Indian speeches here quoted are like 
all others of their kind, really but poor imitations. The Indian is very 
figurative in his language. If a literal translation were attempted his 
speeches would seem so disjointed and inverted in their methods of 
expression, that their signification could scarcely be understood; hence 
only the substance is here given.

The reports from Savage were considered by the miners and settlers as 
absurd. It was generally known that mountain men of Savage's class were 
inclined to adopt the vagaries and superstitions of the Indians with whom 
they were associated; and therefore but little attention was given to the 
trader's warnings. It was believed that he had listened to the blatant 
palaver of a few vagabond "Digger Indians," and that the threatened 
hostilities were only a quarrel between Savage and his Indian miners, or 
with some of his Indian associates. Cassady, a rival trader, especially 
scoffed at the idea of danger, and took no precautions to guard himself or 
establishment. The settlers of Indian Gulch and Quartzberg were, however, 
soon after startled by a report brought by one of Savage's men called 
"Long-haired Brown," that the traders' store on the Fresno had been 
robbed, and all connected with it killed except himself. Brown had been 
warned by an Indian he had favored, known as Polonio-Arosa, but 
notwithstanding this aid, he had to take the chances of a vigorous pursuit.

Brown was a large man of great strength and activity, and as he said, had 
dodged their arrows and distanced his 

Page 6b

pursuers in the race. Close upon the heels of this report, came a rumor 
from the miners' camp on Mariposa creek, that Savage's establishment at 
that place had also been plundered and burned, and all connected with it 
killed. This report was soon after corrected by the appearance of the 
trader at Quartzberg. Savage was highly offended at the indifference with 
which his cautions had been received at Mariposa, and by the county 
authorities, then located at Agua-Fria. He stated that his wives had 
assured him that a raid was about to be made on his establishment, and 
warned him of the danger of a surprise. He had at once sought aid from 
personal friends at Horse Shoe Bend--where he had once traded--to remove 
or protect his property. While he was absent, Greeley, Stiffner and 
Kennedy had been killed, his property plundered and burned, and his wives 
carried off by their own people. These squaws had been importuned to leave 
the trader, but had been faithful to his interests. The excitement of 
these occurrences had not subsided before news came of the murder of 
Cassady and four men near the San Joaquin. Another murderous assault was 
soon after reported by an immigrant who arrived at Cassady's Bar, on the 
upper crossing of the San Joaquin. His shattered arm and panting horse 
excited the sympathies of the settlers, and aroused the whole community. 
The wounded man was provided for, and a party at once started for the 
"Four Creeks," where he had left his comrades fighting the Indians.

The arm of the wounded man was amputated by Dr. Lewis Leach, of St. Louis, 
Mo., an immigrant who had but just come in over the same route. The name 
of the wounded man was Frank W. Boden. He stated that his party--four men, 
I believe, besides himself--had halted at the "Four Creeks" to rest and 
graze their horses, and while there a band of Indians (Ka-we-ahs) came 
down from their village 

Page 7a

and demanded tribute for crossing their territory. Looking upon the demand 
as a new form of Indian beggary, but little attention was paid to them. 
After considerable bantering talk, some tobacco was given them, and they 
went off grumbling and threatening. Boden said: "After the Indians left we 
talked over the matter for a while; none regarded the demand of the 
'Indian tax-gathers' but as a trivial affair. I then mounted my horse and 
rode off in the direction in which we had seen some antelopes as we came 
on. I had not gone far before I heard firing in the direction of our 
halting-place.

"Riding back, I saw the house near which I had left my comrades was 
surrounded by yelling demons. I was discovered by them at the same 
instant, and some of them dashed toward me. Seeing no possibility of 
joining my party, I turned and struck my horse with the spurs, but before 
I could get beyond range of their arrows, I felt a benumbing sensation in 
my arm, which dropped powerless. Seeing that my arm was shattered or 
broken, I thought I would give them one shot at least before I fell into 
their hands. Checking my horse with some difficulty, I turned so as to 
rest my rifle across my broken arm, and took sight on the nearest of my 
pursuers, who halted at the same time."

At this point in his story the hardy adventurer remarked with a twinkle of 
satisfaction in his bright, keen eye: "I never took better aim in my life. 
That Indian died suddenly. Another dash was made for me. My horse did not 
now need the spurs, he seemed to be aware that we must leave that locality 
as soon as possible, and speedily distanced them all. As soon as the first 
excitement was over I suffered excrutiating pain in my arm. My rifle being 
useless to me, I broke it against a tree and threw it away. I then took 
the bridle rein in my teeth and carried the broken arm in my other hand."

Page 7

The party that went out to the place of attack--Dr. Thomas Payn's, now 
Visalia, named for Nat. Vice, an acquaintance of the writer--found there 
the mangled bodies of Boden's four companions. One of these, it was shown 
by unmistakable evidence, had been skinned by the merciless fiends while 
yet alive.

These men had doubtless made a stout resistance. Like brave men they had 
fought for their lives, and caused, no doubt, a heavy loss to their 
assailants. This, with their refusal to comply with the demand for 
tribute, was the motive for such wolfish barbarity.

It now became necessary that some prompt action should be taken for 
general protection. Rumors of other depredadations and murders alarmed the 
inhabitants of Mariposa county. Authentic statements of these events were 
at once forwarded to Governor John McDougall, by the sheriff and other 
officials, and citizens, urging the immediate adoption of some measures on 
the part of the State for the defense of the people. Raids upon the 
miners' camps and the "Ranch" of the settlers had become so frequent that 
on its being rumored that the Indians were concentrating for more 
extensive operations, a party, without waiting for any official authority, 
collected and started out to check the ravages of the marauders that were 
found gathering among the foothills. With but limited supplies, and almost 
without organization, this party made a rapid and toilsome march among the 
densely wooded mountains in pursuit of the savages, who, upon report of 
our movements, were now retreating. This party came up with the Indians at 
a point high up on the Fresno. In the skirmish which followed a Lt. Skeane 
was killed, William Little was seriously wounded and some others slightly 
injured.

This engagement, which occurred on January 11th, 1851, was not a very 
satisfactory one to the whites. The necessity of a more efficient 
organization was shown. 

Page 8

The Indians had here taken all the advantages of position and successfully 
repulsed the attack of the whites, who withdrew, and allowed the former to 
continue their course.

Some of the party returned to the settlements for supplies and 
reinforcements, taking with them the wounded.

Those who remained, reorganized, and leisurely followed the Indians to 
near the North Fork of the San Joaquin river, where they had encamped on a 
round rugged mountain covered with a dense undergrowth--oaks and digger 
pine. Here, protected by the sheltering rocks and trees, they defiantly 
taunted the whites with cowardice and their late defeat. They boasted of 
their robberies and murders, and called upon Savage to come out where he 
could be killed. In every possible manner they expressed their contempt. 
Savage--who had joined the expedition--became very much exasperated, and 
at first favored an immediate assault, but wiser counsels prevailed, and 
by Captain Boling's prudent advice, Savage kept himself in reserve, 
knowing that he would be an especial mark, and as Boling had said, his 
knowledge of the Indians and their territory could not very well be 
dispensed with. This course did not please all, and, as might have been 
expected, then and afterwards disparaging remarks were made.

The leaders in exciting hostilities against the whites were Jose Juarez 
and Jose Rey. The bands collected on this mountain were under the 
leadership of Jose Rey, who was also known by his English name of "King 
Joseph." The tribes represented were the Chow-chilla, Chook-chan-cie, Noot-
chu, Ho-nah-chee, Po-to-en-cie, Po-ho-no-chee, Kah-we-ah and Yosemite. The 
number of fighting men or warriors was estimated at about 500, while that 
of the whites did not exceed 100.

It was late in the day when the Indians were discovered. A general council 
was held, and it was decided that no 

Page 8b

attack should be made until their position could be studied, and the 
probable number to be encountered, ascertained. Captain Kuy-ken-dall, 
Lieutenants Doss and Chandler, and others, volunteered to make a 
reconnoissance before night should interfere with their purpose.

The scouting party was not noticed until on its return, when it was 
followed back to camp by the Indians, where during nearly the whole night 
their derisive shouts and menaces in broken Spanish and native American, 
made incessant vigilance of the whole camp a necessity. A council was 
again called to agree on the plan to be adopted. This council of war was 
general; official position was disregarded except to carry out the 
decisions of the party or command. The scouts had discovered that this 
rendezvous was an old Indian village as well as stronghold.

The plan was that an attack should be undertaken at daylight, and that an 
effort should be made to set fire to the village, preliminary to the 
general assault. This plan was strongly advocated by the more experienced 
ones who had seen service in Mexico and in Indian warfare.

Kuy-ken-dall, Doss and Chandler, "as brave men as ever grew," seemed to 
vie with each other for the leadership, and at starting Kuy-ken-dall 
seemed to be in command, but when the assault was made, Chandler's elan 
carried him ahead of all, and he thus became the leader indeed.

But thirty-six men were detached for the preliminary service. Everything 
being arranged the attacking party started before daylight. The Indians 
had but a little while before ceased their annoyances around the camp. The 
reserve under Savage and Boling were to follow more leisurely. Kuy-ken-
dall's command reached the Indian camp without being discovered. Without 
the least delay the men dashed in and with brands from the camp fires, set 
the wigwams burning, and at the same time madly attacked 

Page 9a

the now alarmed camp. The light combustible materials of which the wigwams 
were composed were soon in a bright blaze. So rapid and so sudden were the 
charges made, that the panic-stricken warriors at once fled from their 
stronghold. Jose Rey was among the first shot down. The Indians made a 
rally to recover their leader; Chandler observing them, shouted "Charge, 
boys! Charge!!" Discharging another volley, the men rushed forward.

The savages turned and fled down the mountain, answering back the shout of 
Chandler to charge by replying, "Chargee!" "Chargee!" as they disappeared.

The whole camp was routed, and sought safety among the rocks and brush, 
and by flight.

This was an unexpected result. The whole transaction had been so quickly 
and recklessly done that the reserve under Boling and Savage had no 
opportunity to participate in the assault, and but imperfectly witnessed 
the scattering of the terrified warriors. Kuy-ken-dall, especially, 
displayed a coolness and valor entitling him to command, though outrun by 
Chandler in the assault. The fire from the burning village spread so 
rapidly down the mountain side toward our camp as to endanger its safety. 
While the whites were saving their camp supplies, the Indians under cover 
of the smoke escaped. No prisoners were taken; twenty-three were killed; 
the number wounded was never known. Of the settlers, but one was really 
wounded, though several were scorched and bruised in the fight. None were 
killed. The scattering flight of the Indians made a further pursuit 
uncertain. The supplies were too limited for an extended chase; and as 
none had reached the little army from those who had returned, and time 
would be lost in waiting, it was decided to return to the settlements 
before taking any other active measures. The return was accomplished 
without interruption.




Page 9

CHAPTER II.
The Governor of California issues a Proclamation--Formation of the 
Mariposa Battalion--The Origin and Cause of the War--New Material Public 
Documents--A Discussion--Capt. Walker--The Peace Commissioners' Parley and 
the Indians' Pow-wow--The Mysterious Deep Valley--Forward, March!

THE State authorities had in the meantime become aroused. The reports of 
Indian depredations multiplied, and a general uprising was for a time 
threatened.

Proclamations were therefore issued by Gov. McDougal, calling for 
volunteers, to prevent further outrages and to punish the marauders. Our 
impromptu organization formed the nucleus of the volunteer force in 
Mariposa county, as a large majority of the men at once enlisted. Another 
battalion was organized for the region of Los Angelos. Our new 
organization, when full, numbered two hundred mounted men. This was 
accomplished in time, by Major Savage riding over to the San Joaquin, and 
bringing back men from Cassady's Bar.

The date from which we were regularly mustered into the service was 
January 24th, 1851. The volunteers provided their own horses and 
equipments. The camp supplies and baggage trains were furnished by the 
State. This military force was called into existence by the State 
authorities, but by act of Congress its maintenance was at the expense of 
the general government, under direction of Indian commissioners. Major Ben 
McCullough was offered the command of this battalion, but he declined it. 
This position was urged upon him with the supposition that if he accepted 
it the men who had once served under him would be induced 

Page 10

to enlist--many of the "Texan Rangers" being residents of Mariposa county.

Major McCullough was at that time employed as Collector of "Foreign 
Miners' Tax," a very lucrative office. As a personal acquaintance, he 
stated to me that the position was not one that would bring him honor or 
pecuniary advantages. That he had no desire to leave a good position, 
except for one more profitable.

The officers, chosen by the men, recommended to and commissioned by 
Governor McDougall, were James D. Savage, as Major; John J. Kuy-ken-dall, 
John Boling, and William Dill, as Captains; M. B. Lewis, as Adjutant; John 
I. Scott, Reuben T. Chandler, and Hugh W. Farrell, as First Lieutentants; 
Robert E. Russell, as Sergeant Major; Dr. A. Bronson, as Surgeon, and Drs. 
Pfifer and Black as Assistant Surgeons. A few changes of Lieutenants and 
subordinate officers were afterward made.

Upon the resignation of Surgeon Bronson, Dr. Lewis Leach, was appointed to 
fill the vacancy.

While writing up these recollections, in order to verify my dates, which I 
knew were not always chronologically exact, I addressed letters to the 
State departments of California making inquiries relative to the "Mariposa 
Battalion," organized in 1851. In answer to my inquiry concerning these 
known facts, the following was received from Adj. General L. H. Foot. He 
says: "The records of this office, both written and printed, are so 
incomplete, that I am not aware from consulting them that the organization 
to which you allude had existence." It is a matter of regret that the 
history of the early settlement of California is, to so great an extent, 
traditionary, without public records of many important events. It is not 
deemed just that the faithful services of the "Mariposa Battalion," should 
be forgotten with the fading memory of the pioneers of that 

Page 10b

period. There is in the State, an almost entire absence of any public 
record of the "Indian war," of which the discovery of the Yosemite valley 
was an important episode.

Until the publication of Mr. J. M. Hutching's book, "In The Heart of the 
Sierras, Yo-Semite, Big Trees, etc.," which contains valuable public 
documents, the author of "Discovery of The Yosemite" was, as stated on 
page 30, unable to obtain any official records concerning the operations 
of the Mariposa battalion, or of the events which preceded and caused the 
Indian War of 1851. Now that Mr. Hutching's persistent industry has 
brought light from darkness, I interrupt my narrative to make clear the 
origin of the war, and to justify the early Pioneers engaged in it. As a 
sample, also, of many obstructions encountered, I insert a few extracts 
from letters relating to the "Date of Discovery," furnished the Century 
Magazine.

The attack made upon Savage on the Merced river in 1850, had for its 
object plunder and intimidation, and as an invasion of Ten-ie-ya's 
territory was no longer threatened after the removal of Mr. Savage to the 
Mariposa, the Yo Semities contented themselves with the theft of horses 
and clothing, but a general war was still impending, as may be seen by 
reference to page 31 of "In The Heart of The Sierras," where appears: 
Report of Col. Adam Johnston, a special agent, to Gov. Peter H. Burnett, 
upon his return from Mariposa county to San Jose, then the Capital of 
California, and which I here present: San Jose, January 2, 1851. Sir: I 
have the honor to submit to you, as the executive of the State of 
California, some facts connected with the recent depredations committed by 
the Indians, within the bounds of the State, upon the persons and property 
of her citizens. The immediate scene of their hostile movements are at and 
in the vicinity of the Mariposa and Fresno. The Indians in that portion of 
your 

Page 11a

State have, for some time past, exhibited disaffection and a restless 
feeling toward the whites. Thefts were continually being perpetrated by 
them, but no act of hostility had been committed by them on the person of 
any individual, which indicated general emnity on the part of the Indians, 
until the night of the 17th December last. I was then at the camp of Mr. 
James D. Savage, on the Mariposa, where I had gone for the purpose of 
reconciling any difficulty that might exist between the Indians and the 
whites in that vicinity. From various conversations which I had held with 
different chiefs, I concluded there was no immediate danger to be 
apprehended. On the evening of the 17th of December, we were, however, 
surprised by the sudden disappearance of the Indians. They left in a body, 
but no one knew why, or where they had gone. From the fact that Mr. 
Savage's domestic Indians had forsaken him and gone with those of the 
rancheria, or village, he immediately suspected that something of a 
serious nature was in contemplation, or had already been committed by them.

The manner of their leaving, in the night, and by stealth, induced Mr. 
Savage to believe that whatever act they had committed or intended to 
commit, might be connected with himself. Believing that he could overhaul 
his Indians before others could join them, and defeat any contemplated 
depredations on their part, he, with sixteen men, started in pursuit. He 
continued upon their traces for about thirty miles, when he came upon 
their encampment. The Indians had discovered his approach, and fled to an 
adjacent mountain, leaving behind them two small boys asleep, and the 
remains of an aged female, who had died, no doubt from fatigue. Near to 
the encampment Mr. Savage ascended a mountain in pursuit of the Indians, 
from which he discovered them upon another mountain at a distance. 

Page 11

From these two mountain tops, conversation was commenced and kept up for 
some time between Mr. Savage and the chief, who told him that they had 
murdered the men on the Fresno, and robbed the camp. The chief had 
formerly been on the most friendly terms with Savage, but would not now 
permit him to approach him. Savage said to them it would be better for 
them to return to their village--that with very little labor daily, they 
could procure sufficient gold to purchase them clothing and food. To this 
the chief replied it was a hard way to get a living, and that they could 
more easily supply their wants by stealing from the whites. He also said 
to Savage he must not deceive the whites by telling them lies, he must not 
tell them that the Indians were friendly; they were not, but on the 
contrary were their deadly enemies, and that they intended killing and 
plundering them so long as a white face was seen in the country. Finding 
all efforts to induce them to return, or to otherwise reach them, had 
failed, Mr. Savage and his company concluded to return. When about 
leaving, they discovered a body of Indians, numbering about two hundred, 
on a distant mountain, who seemed to be approaching those with whom he had 
been talking.

Mr. Savage and company arrived at his camp in the night of Thursday in 
safety. In the mean time, as news had reached us of murders committed on 
the Fresno, we had determined to proceed to the Fresno, where the men had 
been murdered. Accordingly on the day following, Friday, the 20th, I left 
the Mariposa camp with thirty-five men, for the camp on the Fresno, to see 
the situation of things there, and to bury the dead. I also dispatched 
couriers to Agua Fria, Mariposa, and several other mining sections, hoping 
to concentrate a sufficient force on the Fresno to pursue the Indians into 
the 

Page 12

mountains. Several small companies of men left their respective places of 
residence to join us, but being unacquainted with the country they were 
unable to meet us. We reached the camp on the Fresno a short time after 
daylight. It presented a horrid scene of savage cruelty. The Indians had 
destroyed everything they could not use or carry with them. The store was 
stripped of blankets, clothing, flour, and everything of value; the safe 
was broken open and rifled of its contents; the cattle, horses and mules 
had been run into the mountains; the murdered men had been stripped of 
their clothing, and lay before us filled with arrows; one of them had yet 
twenty perfect arrows sticking in him. A grave was prepared, and the 
unfortunate persons interred. Our force being small, we thought it not 
prudent to pursue the Indians farther into the mountains, and determined 
to return. The Indians in that part of the country are quite numerous, and 
have been uniting other tribes with them for some time. On reaching our 
camp on the Mariposa, we learned that most of the Indians in the valley 
had left their villages and taken their women and children to the 
mountains. This is generally looked upon as a sure indication of their 
hostile intentions. It is feared that many of the miners in the more 
remote regions have already been cut off, and Agua Fria and Mariposa are 
hourly threatened.

Under this state of things, I come here at the earnest solicitations of 
the people of that region, to ask such aid from the state government as 
will enable them to protect their persons and property. I submit these 
facts for your consideration, and have the honor to remain,

Yours very respectfully,
ADAM JOHNSTON

To his excellency Peter H. Burnett.

Page 13

The report of Col. Johnston to Gov. Burnett had the desired result, for 
immediately after inauguration, his successor, Gov. McDougal, on January 
13, 1851, issued a proclamation calling for one hundred volunteers, and 
this number by a subsequent order dated January 24th, 1851, after receipt 
of Sheriff James Burney's report, bearing the same date of the governor's 
first call for one hundred men, was increased to "two hundred able bodied 
men, under officers of their own selection."

To insure a prompt suppression of hostilities, or a vigorous prosecution 
of the war, on January 25th, 1851, Gov. McDougal appointed Col. J. Neely 
Johnson of his staff a special envoy to visit Mariposa county, and in an 
emergency, to call out additional forces if required, and do whatever 
seemed best for the interests and safety of the people endangered.

Col. Adam Johnston, before leaving for San Jose, had, as he reported, 
"dispatched couriers to Agua Fria, Mariposa, and several other mining 
sections, hoping to concentrate a sufficient force on the Fresno to pursue 
the Indians into the mountains. Several small companies of men left their 
respective places of residence to join us, but being unacquainted with the 
country they were unable to meet us."

The same apparent difficulties beset Sheriff Burney, as he was able to 
collect but seventy-four men, but want of knowledge of the country was not 
the sole cause of delay. The Indians of the mountains at that time having 
been accustomed to the occupation for many years of despoiling the 
Californians, were the most expert bare back riders and horse thieves in 
the world, and when many of us who had horses and mules herding in the 
valley ranches of the foot-hills and Merced bottoms, sent for them to 
carry us into the distant mountains of the Fresno, where we had 

Page 14

heard the Indians were concentrating, our messengers in many instances 
found the animals stolen or stampeded, and hence the delay in most 
instances, though some of the mining population who had arrived in 
California by water, never seemed able to guide themselves without a 
compass, and would get lost if they left a beaten trail. As for myself, I 
could scarcely become lost, except in a heavy fog or snow storm, and upon 
two occasions in the mountains was compelled to leave my comrades, who 
were utterly and wilfully lost, but who, finding me the most persistent, 
finally called to me and followed out to well known land marks.

It will appear by the letter of Major Burney that "The different squads 
from the various places rendezvoused not far from this place (Agua Fria), 
on Monday, 6th, and numbered but seventy-four men." I was at Shirlock's 
Creek on the night before, Jan. 5th, 1851, and had promised to join the 
Major in the morning; but when the morning came, my animals were gone, 
stolen by Indians from my Mexican herdman.

Mr. C. H. Spencer had sent his servant "Jimmy," to Snelling's ranche, on 
the Merced River, for his animals, and after a delay of perhaps two or 
three days, they were brought up for use. Mr. Spencer kindly loaned me a 
mule for temporary use, but upon his having his saddle mule stolen a few 
nights after, I gave back his mule and bought a fine one of Thos. J. 
Whitlock, for whom Whitlock's Creek was named. I had previously been able 
to start with a small squad on the trail of Major Burney and his brave 
men, but met some of them returning after the fight, among whom I 
remember, were Wm. Little, shot through the lungs, but who finally 
recovered, a Mr. Smith, known as "Yankee Smith," sick, as he said, "from a 
bare-footed fool exposure in the snow," and Dr. Phifer, who had been 

Page 15

given the care of the wounded and sick men. There were several others 
unknown to me, or whose names I have now forgotten.

The different accounts I received from the men engaged in the fight, were 
so conflicting, that in referring to it in previous editions, on page 25, 
I could only say that it "was not a very satisfactory one to the whites." 
I could only state the general impression received from Mr. Little's 
account, which was that the men had been unnecessarily exposed to cold and 
danger, and that only by the dash and bravery of the officers and men 
engaged in the affair were they able to withdraw into a place of temporary 
safety, until joined by re-inforcements.

Indian fighting was new to most of the men engaged, and, like the soldiers 
on both sides at the outbreak of the Rebellion, they had been led to 
expect a too easy victory.

But we have now the report of Major Burney to Gov. McDougal, and also a 
letter from Mr. Theodore G. Palmer, of Newark, New Jersey, to his father, 
written five days after the battle, and which has been kindly placed at my 
disposal. Military men will readily perceive and enjoy the entire 
artlessness and intended truthfulness of Mr. Palmer's letter, as well as 
his modest bravery. The two letters read in connection with that of Col. 
Adam Johnston, are most valuable in fixing dates and locations for any one 
with a knowledge of the topography of the country, and of the events they 
narrate. They set at rest forever the absurd claim that the first battle 
of the Indian War of 1851 was fought in the Yosemite valley, for the 
battle was fought on a mountain. Mr. Hutchings, to whose industry so much 
is due, has strangely overlooked the fact, that the reference to "Monday 
6th," in Major Burney's letter, could 

Page 16

only have reference to Monday, January 6th, 1851, the month in which the 
letter was written, and not to December, 1850, as given by Mr. Hutchings, 
in brackets. The 6th of December, 1850 occurred on a Friday; on Tuesday, 
December 17, 1850, the three men were killed on the Fresno river station 
of James D. Savage; on Friday, December 20th, 1850, they were buried; on 
Monday, January 6th, 1851, Major Burney, sheriff of Mariposa County, 
assembled a strong posse to go in pursuit of the Indian murderers, and 
coming up with them on a mountain stronghold on Jan. 11th, 1851, destroyed 
their villages, and then retreated down the mountain some four miles to a 
plain in the Fresno valley, where he erected a log breastwork for 
temporary defense. Nothing but the most vivid imagination, coupled with an 
entire ignorance of the region of the Yosemite, could liken the two 
localities to each other. The Hetch Hetchy valley of the Tuolumne river 
and some of the cliffs of the Tuolumne and of the King's river, bear a 
general resemblance to some of the scenery of the Yosemite, but when the 
Yosemite valley itself has been seen, it will never be forgotten by the 
visitor.

MAJOR BURNEY'S LETTER TO GOV. MCDOUGAL.
AGUA FRIA, January 13, 1851.

SIR: Your Excellency has doubtlessly been informed by Mr. Johnston and 
others, of repeated and aggravated depredations of the Indians in this 
part of the State. Their more recent outrages you are probably not aware 
of. Since the departure of Mr. Johnston, the Indian agent, they have 
killed a portion of the citizens on the head of the San Joaquin river, 
driven the balance off, taken away all movable property, and destroyed all 
they could not take away. They have invariably murdered and robbed all the 
small parties they fell in with between here 

Page 17

and the San Joaquin. News came here last night that seventy-two men were 
killed on Rattlesnake Creek; several men have been killed in Bear Valley. 
The Fine Gold Gulch has been deserted, and the men came in here yesterday. 
Nearly all the mules and horses in this part of the State have been 
stolen, both from the mines and the ranches. And I now, in the name of the 
people of this part of the State, and for the good of our country, appeal 
to your Excellency for assistance.

In order to show your Excellency that the people have done all that they 
can do to suppress these things, to secure quiet and safety in the 
possession of our property and lives, I will make a brief statement of 
what has been done here.

After the massacres on the Fresno, San Joaquin, etc., we endeavored to 
raise a volunteer company to drive the Indians back, if not to take them 
or force them into measures. The different squads from the various places 
rendezvoused not far from this place on Monday, 6th, and numbered but 
seventy-four men. A company was formed, and I was elected captain; J. W. 
Riley, first lieutenant; E. Skeane, second lieutenant. We had but eight 
day's provisions, and not enough animals to pack our provisions and 
blankets, as it should have been done. We, however, marched, and on the 
following day struck a large trail of horses that had been stolen by the 
Indians. I sent forward James D. Savage with a small spy force, and I 
followed the trail with my company. About two o'clock in the morning, 
Savage came in and reported the village near, as he had heard the Indians 
singing. Here I halted, left a small guard with my animals, and went 
forward with the balance of my men. We reached the village just before 
day, and at dawn, but before there was light enough to see how to fire our 
rifles with accuracy, we were discovered by 

Page 18

their sentinel. When I saw that he had seen us, I ordered a charge on the 
village (this had been reconnoitered by Savage and myself). The Indian 
sentinel and my company got to the village at the same time, he yelling to 
give the alarm. I ordered them to surrender, some of them ran off, some 
seemed disposed to surrender, but others fired on us; we fired and charged 
into the village. Their ground had been selected on account of the 
advantages it possessed in their mode of warfare. They numbered about four 
hundred, and fought us three hours and a half.

We killed from forty to fifty, but cannot exactly tell how many, as they 
took off all they could get to. Twenty-six were killed in and around the 
village, and a number of others in the chaparrel. We burned the village 
and provisions, and took four horses. Our loss was six wounded, two 
mortally; one of the latter was Lieutenant Skeane, the other a Mr. Little, 
whose bravery and conduct through the battle cannot be spoken of too 
highly. We made litters, on which we conveyed our wounded, and had to 
march four miles down the mountain, to a suitable place to camp, the 
Indians firing at us all the way, from peaks on either side, but so far 
off as to do little damage. My men had been marching or fighting from the 
morning of the day before, without sleep, and with but little to eat. On 
the plain, at the foot of the mountain, we made a rude, but substantial 
fortification; and at a late hour those who were not on guard, were 
permitted to sleep. Our sentinels were (as I anticipated they would be) 
firing at the Indians occasionally all night, but I had ordered them not 
to come in until they were driven in.

I left my wounded men there, with enough of my company to defend the 
little fort, and returned to this place for provisions and recruits. I 
send them to-day 

Page 19

re-inforcements and provisions, and in two days more I march by another 
route, with another re-inforcement, and intend to attack another village 
before going to the fort. The Indians are watching the movements at the 
fort, and I can come up in the rear of them unsuspectedly, and we can keep 
them back until I can hear from Your Excellency.

If Your Excellency thinks proper to authorize me or any other person to 
keep this company together, we can force them into measures in a short 
time. But if not authorized and commissioned to do so, and furnished with 
some arms and provisions, or the means to buy them, and pay for the 
services of the men, my company must be disbanded, as they are not able to 
lose so much time without any compensation.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JAMES BURNEY.

In a subsequent letter of Major Burney, addressed to Hon. W. J. Howard, 
occurs the following passage:

"The first night out you came into my camp and reported that the Indians 
had stolen all your horses and mules--a very large number; that you had 
followed their trail into the hill country, but, deeming it imprudent to 
go there alone, had turned northward, hoping to strike my trail, having 
heard that I had gone out after Indians. I immediately, at sunset, sent 
ten men (yourself among the number) under Lieutenant Skeane--who was 
killed in the fight next day--to look out for the trail, and report, which 
was very promptly carried out."

Page 35, "In Heart of S. and Legislative Journal" for 1851, page 600.

It is only required of me to say here that re-inforced by such leaders of 
men as Kuykendall, Boling, Chandler and Doss, there was no delay, and the 
campaign was 

Page 20

completed at "Battle Mountain," a water shed of the San Joaquin.

I now introduce a letter of great value, to me, as it fixes the date of 
the first battle, and disproves assertions made in the Century Magazine:

HART'S RANCH, CALIFORNIA, JANUARY 16th, 1851.

MY DEAR FATHER: When I wrote my last letter to you I had fully determined 
to take a Ranch near Pacheco's Pass, as I informed you, but before three 
days had passed the report of Jim Kennedy's murder on the Fresno was 
confirmed, and I started for the mountains in pursuit of the Indians who 
were committing depredations all through the country and had sworn to kill 
every white man in it. Four hundred men had promised to go, but at the 
appointed time only seventy-seven made their appearance. With these we 
started under the command of Major Burney, Sheriff of Mariposa County, 
guided by Mr. Jas. D. Savage, who is without doubt the best man in the 
world for hunting them out.

From his long acquaintance with the Indians, Mr. Savage has learned their 
ways so thoroughly that they cannot deceive him. He has been one of their 
greatest chiefs, and speaks their language as well as they can themselves. 
No dog can follow a trail like he can. No horse endure half so much. He 
sleeps but little, can go days without food, and can run a hundred miles 
in a day and night over the mountains and then sit and laugh for hours 
over a camp-fire as fresh and lively as if he had just been taking a 
little walk for exercise.

With him for a guide we felt little fear of not being able to find them.

On Friday morning about ten o'clock, our camp again moved forward and kept 
traveling until one that night, when "halt! we are on the Indians," passed 
in a whisper down the line. Every heart beat quicker as we silently 
unsaddled our animals and tied them to the bushes around us, Commands were 
given in whispers and we were formed in a line. Sixty were chosen for the 
expedition, the balance remaining behind in charge of camp.

Page 21

Savage said the Indians were about six miles off; that they were engaged 
in a feast. He pointed out their fires, could hear them sing and could 
smell them, but his eyes were the only ones that could see; his ears alone 
could hear, and his nose smell anything unusual. Still, there was such 
confidence placed in him that not one doubted for an instant that 
everything was as he said.

About two o'clock we started in Indian file, as still as it was possible 
for sixty men to move in the dark, for the moon had set. For three long 
hours did we walk slowly and cautiously over the rocks and bushes, through 
the deepest ravines and up steep and ragged mountain, until within a half 
mile of the enemy.

Here every one took off his boots, when we again pushed forward to about 
two hundred yards from the camp. Another halt was called to wait for 
daylight, while Savage went forward to reconnoitre. He succeeded in 
getting within ten paces of the Rancharia, and listened to a conversation 
among them in which his name was frequently mentioned. He found that it 
was a town of the Kee-chees, but that there were about one hundred and 
fifty of the Chow-chil la warriors with them and several of the Chuc-chan-
ces. Had he found only the Kee-chees as he expected, we were to surround 
the Rancharia and take all prisoners, but the presence of so many Chow-
chil-las, the most warlike tribe in California, made a change of plan 
necessary.

Daylight by this time began to appear. We had been lying in our stocking-
feet on the ground on the top of a mountain within a few paces of the snow 
for more than an hour, almost frozen by the intense cold, not daring to 
move or speak a word.

It was not yet light enough to see the sight of our rifles, when an 
Indian's head was seen rising on the hill before us. For a moment his eyes 
wandered, then rested on us, and with a yell like a Coyote he turned for 
the Rancharia. Never did I hear before such an infernal howling, whooping 
and yelling, as saluted us then from the throats of about six hundred 
savages, as they rushed down the hill into the gim-o-sell bushes below.

Our huzzahs could, however, hardly have sounded more 

Page 22

pleasant to them, as when finding we were discovered, we charged on their 
town. Fifty rifles cracked almost instantaneously; a dozen Indians lay 
groaning before their huts, and many supposed we had undisturbed 
possession. Our firing had ceased and we were looking around for plunder, 
when a rifle fired from the bushes below, struck a young Texan, Charley 
Huston, standing by my side. He fell with a single groan, and we all 
supposed him dead. My first impression was that I was shot, for I plainly 
heard the ball strike and almost felt it. This was a surprise that almost 
whipped us, for not knowing that the Indians had fire-arms, we were only 
expecting arrows. Before that shot was fired, I had always entertained the 
idea that I could run about as fast as common men (and I was one of the 
first in the charge), but by the time I had collected my wandering senses, 
I was nearly alone; the majority of the party some thirty paces ahead, and 
running as if they never intended to stop.

Captain Burney and Mr. Savage were on top of the hill using every exertion 
to make the company halt and form. He had partly succeeded, when a pistol 
ball struck a man in the face, he fell, but raising himself up said, "if 
we stay here we will be all shot" and a break was made for the trees.

Still some few remained in rank and others slowly answered to the orders 
to form, when our Second Lieutenant fell mortally wounded. He was carried 
off, and every man took his tree.

The Indians had again possession of their Rancharia, and of a slight 
eminence to the left, and were sending showers of bullets and arrows upon 
us from three sides. These two points had to be gained even if it cost 
half our men. Leaving then, enough to guard our present position, the rest 
of us charged on the hill, took it, stormed the Rancharia, took and burnt 
it, and returned to our former position with only one man wounded, Wm, 
Little, shot through the lungs.

The close fighting was now over, for we could not give chase and were 
forced to lie behind trees and rocks and pick out such as exposed 
themselves. It was about half past ten when, finding it useless to remain 
longer, litters were made for the wounded and we started for camp. Then 
again we had warm work, for 

Page 23

all down the pass, the Indians had stationed themselves to fire on us, 
forcing us to charge on them several times, for while we were in plain 
sight, they were completely hid behind the gim-o-sell brush.

In our march back, the rear guard was kept at work about as hard as at any 
time during the morning, but not a single man was hurt, and only one mule 
was killed.

We moved our camp that night, six miles lower down, where we laid the 
foundations of a fort and left thirty men to guard it and take care of the 
wounded.

The rest of us started below the next morning, after burying Lieutenant 
Skeane, who died in the night.

The Indians acknowledged to eleven men killed, though fifty killed and 
wounded would be a moderate estimate. Our loss was seven wounded--two 
mortally (as we then supposed, but Mr. Little finally recovered.--AUTHOR.)

The force of the Savages consisted of, as near as could be ascertained, 
four hundred warriors. We burned a hundred wig-wams, several tons of dried 
horse and mule meat, a great number of bows and arrows, and took six mules.

Several amusing incidents occured during the fight and others of the most 
heroic bravery on the part of the Indians. One old squaw was wounded 
accidentally at the first charge, and was unable to get off. One of our 
men was going to finish her with his knife, but seeing it was a woman he 
left her. No sooner had he gone than she picked up a bow and lodged three 
arrows in another man. I believe she was not touched after that.

The whole body of Indians seemed bent on killing Mr. Savage, partly 
because he would not be their chief and lead them against the whites, and 
partly because he was, they knew, our greatest dependence as guide, and 
their particular dread. To kill him, many of them sacrificed their own 
lives. They would come one at a time and, standing in open ground, send 
arrows at him until shot down; and one old chief who used to cook for 
Savage, would ask him after every shot where he had hit him. They would 
talk to him to find out where he was, and as soon as he 

Page 24

would answer, the balls and arrows would fly thick around his head: but he 
escaped unhurt; but as he said, worse frightened than he ever was before. 
He did not fancy such partiality.

A large party has started on a second expedition, but I believe I am 
perfectly satisfied with Indian fighting.

T. G. PALMER.

NOTE.--It will have been observed that especial reference has twice been 
made to Gim-o-sell brush, a shrub that grows only on warm slatey soil, on 
Southern exposures, sought by Indians for winter quarters, and not on the 
granite cliffs and mountains of the Yosemite. I had not thought it 
necessary to draw upon nature for testimony, but a new generation has 
sprung into existence, and the eternal hills may speak to them.

The mining camp or village of Agua Fria, at the date of the organization 
of the battalion, was the county seat of Mariposa County, and the 
residence of the Sheriff, Major James Burney. Whittier's Hotel was the 
headquarters for enlistment. Finding the number called for incomplete, 
while yet in daily expectation of the arrival of the mustering officer, 
James D. Savage made a rapid ride to the San Joaquin diggings, and 
returned with men enough to complete the organization.

We were formally reported for duty, and went into camp about two miles 
below Agua Fria, on about the 10th of Feb., 1851, but when mustered in, 
the rolls were dated to include service from Jan. 24th, 1851, the date of 
the last order of enlistment. An informal ballot was taken to show the 
preference of the men for officers to command us, Major Burney having 
previously declined, and when that had been demonstrated, other aspirants 
were withdrawn by their friends, a formal ballot was taken and a regular 
organization of three companies completed. The Governor was duly notified 
of our proceedings, and in a few days the commissions were received by our 
respective officers.

After a few days in camp on Agua Fria Creek, we moved down to a camp in 
the foot hills, known afterwards as 

Page 25

Lewis Ranch, were we had abundant grass and good water, and there was 
established our head-quarters, while waiting for Col. J. Neely Johnson and 
the U.S. Indian Commission, as stated in this chapter.

After instructions were given us by Col. Johnson, and the Commission had 
exhausted its eloquence upon the "Children of the Great Father at 
Washington," and had started for the Fresno, we were allowed to go in 
pursuit of some very sly marauders who had stolen into our camp in the 
night, loosened and run off some of our animals, and taken some others 
herded in the foot hills, but no extended operations were allowed, as 
Major Savage ordered us to be in readiness for a campaign against the 
Yosemities, when the first big storm should come, that would prevent their 
escape across the Sierra Nevada. After a few days' delay the storm did 
come with continued violence, as recorded.

In view of the facts and dates here given, how absurd the statement that 
we did not go to the Yosemite "until about the 5th or 6th of May, 1851." 
Our idleness in camp from Feb. 10th and the patient indulgence of the 
Commissioners, while waiting for the results of our first operations, 
surpass belief.

And now I reluctantly notice an error of statement by Mr. Julius N. Pratt 
in the Century Magazine for December, 1890.

Had the usual courtesy been extended of allowing me to see and answer Mr. 
Pratt's erroneous impressions in the same number, I am convinced that he 
would have kindly withdrawn his article. I am led to this belief, not 
alone from letters received, but from the internal evidence of an upright 
character conveyed by Mr. Pratt's graphic account of "A Trip to California 
by way of Panama in 1849," in the Century for April 1891.

The Century Magazine is a most powerful 

Page 26

disseminator of truth, or error, and though I cannot hope for a complete 
vindication through this volume, its readers shall have the facts of "The 
Date of Discovery" set before them, "for a truthful regard for history" 
and my own self-respect require it.

In the Century Magazine for September, 1890, page 795, is an article from 
my pen which gives the date of discovery of the Yosemite as March, 1851. 
Mr. Pratt, in the December number following, assumes, with "a truthful 
regard for history," that I was in error, and gives about "January 10th, 
1851, as the approximate, if not exact date of discovery." Many of the men 
whom Mr. Pratt supposed to have been the discoverers, were, or became, my 
own comrades. When Mr. Pratt's article appeared, I at once sent a reply, 
but it received no recognition.

Knowing that Mr. Theodore G. Palmer, of Newark, New Jersey, was in the 
only engagement occurring with Indians in Mariposa county at the time 
given by Mr. Pratt as the date of his supposed discovery of the Yosemite, 
I wrote, requesting Mr. Palmer to call on the editor of the Century in my 
behalf.

In a letter of January 9th, 1891, Mr. Palmer wrote: "It is the unexpected 
which always happens, and your communication to the Century in response to 
Pratt's 'California,' was never received. Mr. Johnson, the associate 
editor, received me very pleasantly. He assured me that although he sent 
you an advance copy of Pratt's article, nothing had been received in the 
office from you since in reply, and he presumed you had given up the case 
in default.

"I so completely satisfied him that Mr. Pratt is in error, that he 
requested me to express my reasons in the Century, and to assure you that 
any communication from you will always have respectful attention."

Page 27

On January 24th, 1891, Mr. R. W. Johnson, associate editor, wrote me, 
saying: "Since telling your friend, Mr. Palmer, that we had not received 
an article from you in reply to Mr. Pratt, we have discovered the 
manuscript. We have in type a short note from Mr. Palmer which will be 
acceptable to you."

A few days after Mr. Johnson kindly sent me the proof. On March 12th, 
1891, Mr. Johnson wrote me: "Mr. Pratt, after examination of the subject, 
has written us a short letter, withdrawing his contention of your claim to 
the discovery of the Yosemite, the publication of which we trust will be 
satisfactory to you and also to Mr. Palmer. Will you now tell us whether 
there is anything in this new claim that Walker was the discoverer of the 
Valley?"

I at once saw that if Mr. Pratt's retraction was published there would be 
no need of the publication of Mr. Palmer's communication. About this time 
a letter of earlier date, January 28, 1891, was sent me by Mr. Palmer, 
received from Mr. Pratt, in which the latter gentleman says: "I enclose a 
letter which seems to prove that the party about which I wrote to the 
Century was not your party. One went to the North fork, the other (yours) 
to the South." That statement left no base whatever for Mr. Pratt's 
imaginary "fight at the Yosemite, and thus of the discovery," for the 
North Fork affair was not a battle at all, but "a scare" on a fork which 
enters the Merced river thirty-five miles below the Yosemite, and as for 
the battle fought on the 11th of January, 1851, by Major Burney's company, 
in which Mr. Palmer was engaged, it was not fought on the South fork or in 
any valley, but upon a high mountain of the Fresno river.

Mr. Palmer now felt that his note to The Century was too long delayed, and 
wrote asking for its withdrawal or its publication. Mr. R. U. Johnson 
replied: "The Century

Page 28

is made up two months in advance," but that he intended inserting it in 
the April number, &c. Mr. Palmer added in his letter to me, "I think he 
will."

The matter had now become not only interesting, but amusing to me; for 
very soon Mr. Palmer wrote, "whether my answer to Pratt will be published 
or not, is doubtful. I infer (from a letter) that Pratt will not rest 
quiescent under my contradiction." Again Mr. Palmer wrote, enclosing copy 
of letter to Mr. Johnson of March 14th, 1891, answering Mr. Johnson's 
Statement, "that Mr. Pratt, while being convinced of his injustice to Dr. 
Bunnell and being ready himself to withdraw his former statement, takes 
issue with you as to the identity of the two parties," and then Mr. 
Johnson asks, "would it not be just as well and more effective if we were 
simply to print from Mr. Pratt that he is 'pleased to withdraw all 
contention of the claim made by Dr. Bunnell that he was the original 
discoverer?'" Let me here say, in passing, that I never made such a claim.

Mr. Palmer very properly objects to becoming the "scapegoat" for me or any 
one else, and replying to Mr. Johnson, says: "Whether my letter is printed 
or not, is a matter of entire indifference to me, (personally) ** it was 
only at your desire, and to please Dr. Bunnell, that I wrote the little I 
did. I left you under the impression that you desired to get at the exact 
facts and would be glad to rectify the injustice done to the doctor by the 
publication of Mr. Pratt's communication. *** I believe that the 
publication of my letter would not only gratify him, but also place the 
Century right upon the record, where it surely desires to stand."

Mr. Palmer could say no more, but to his great chagrin, but not surprise, 
on March 17th, he received a letter of thanks from the associate editor of 
the Century, in which 

Page 29

Mr. Johnson says: "Please accept our thanks for your letter of the 14th, 
and for your obliging attitude in the matter." Whether any retraction from 
Mr. Pratt will ever appear in the Century is now, in view of the long 
delay, a matter of great indifference to me.(*)

Now a few facts in regard to the Discovery of the Yosemite Valley by Capt. 
Joseph Reddeford Walker, for whom Walker's river, Lake and Pass were 
named. It is not a new claim, as supposed by Mr. R. U. Johnson, but 
appears in the Peoples Encyclopoedia and was set up in the San Jose 
Pioneer soon after Capt. Walker's death, and answered by me in the same 
paper in 1880.

I cheerfully concede the fact set forth in the Pioneer article that, " His 
were the first white man's eyes that ever looked upon the Yosemite" above 
the valley, and in that sense, he was certainly the original white 
discoverer.

The topography of the country over which the Mono trail ran, and which was 
followed by Capt. Walker, did not admit of his seeing the valley proper. 
The depression indicating the valley, and its magnificent surroundings, 
could alone have been discovered, and in Capt. Walker's conversations with 
me at various times while encamped between Coultersville and the Yosemite, 
he was manly enough to say so. Upon one occaision I told Capt. Walker that 
Ten-ie-ya had said that, "A small party of white men once crossed the 
mountains on th north side, but were so guided as not to see the valley 
proper." With a smile the Captain said: "That was my party, but I was not 
deceived, for the lay of the land showed there was a valley below; but we 
had become nearly bare-footed, our animals poor, and ourselves on the 
verge of starvation, so we followed down the ridge to Bull Creek, where, 
killing a deer, we went into camp."

(* Mr. Pratt's retraction has finally appeared in the June number for 
1891.) 

Page 30

The captain remained at his camp near Coultersville for some weeks, and 
disappeared as suddenly as he came. He once expressed a desire to re-visit 
the region of the Yosemite in company with me, but could fix no date, as 
he told me he was in daily expectation of a government appointment as 
guide, which I learned was finally given him.

Captain Walker was a very eccentric man, well versed in the vocal and sign 
languages of the Indians, and went at his will among them. He may have 
visited the Yosemite from his camp before leaving. I was strongly 
impressed by the simple and upright character of Captain Walker, and his 
mountain comrades spoke in the highest praise of his ability. Fremont, Kit 
Carson, Bill Williams, Alex Gody, Vincenthaler (not Vincent Haler, as 
erroneously appeared in the March number of the Century ), Ferguson and 
others, all agreed in saying that as a mountain man, Captain Walker had no 
superior.

Rev. D. D. Chapin, of Maysville, Kentucky, formerly rector of Trinity 
Church, San Jose, and of St. Peter's Church, San Francisco, as well as 
editor of Pacific Churchman, kindly called my attention to a seeming 
neglect of the claim for Captain Walker as the discoverer of the Yosemite. 
All that I have ever claimed for myself is, that I was one of the party of 
white men who first entered the Yosemite valley, as far as known to the 
Indians.

The fact of my naming the valley cannot be disputed. The existence of some 
terribly yawning abyss in the mountains, guarded at its entrance by a 
frightful "Rock Chief," from whose head rocks would be hurled down upon us 
if we attempted to enter that resort of demons, was frequently described 
to us by crafty or superstitious Indians. Hence the greater our surprise 
upon first beholding a fit abode for angels of light. As for myself, I 
freely confess that my feelings of hostility against the Indians were 
overcome by 

Page 31

a sense of exaltation; and although I had suffered losses of property and 
friends, the natural right of the Indians to their inheritance forced 
itself upon my mind.

The Mariposa Battalion, was assigned by Governor McDougall to the duty of 
keeping in subjection the Indian tribes on the east side of the San 
Joaquin and Tulare valleys, from the Tuolumne river to the Te-hon Pass. As 
soon as the battalion was organized, Major Savage began his preparations 
for an expedition. There was but little delay in fitting out. Scouting 
parties were sent out, but with no other effect than to cause a general 
retreat of the Indians to the mountains, and a cessation of hostilities, 
except the annoyances from the small bands of thieving marauders. No 
Indians were overtaken by those detachments, though they were often seen 
provokingly near. When about to start on a more extended expedition to the 
mountains, Major Savage received an order from the Governor to suspend 
hostile operations until he should receive further instructions. We 
learned at about the same time through the newspapers, as well as from the 
Governor's messenger, that the United States Commissioners had arrived in 
San Francisco. Their arrival had for some time been expected.

Up to this period the Indian affairs of California had not been officially 
administered upon. Public officers had not before been appointed to look 
after the vast landed estates of the aboriginal proprietors of this 
territory, and to provide for their heirs. After some delay, the 
commissioners arrived at our camp, which was located about fifteen miles 
below Mariposa village. Here the grazing was most excellent, and for that 
reason they temporarily established their head-quarters. These officials 
were Colonels Barbour and McKee, and Dr. Woozencroft. They were 
accompanied by Col. Neely Johnson, the Governor's aid, and by a small 
detachment of regulars. The commissioners at once 

Page 32

proceeded to make a thorough investigation into the cause of the war, and 
of the condition of affairs generally. Having secured the services of some 
of the Mission Indians, these were sent out with instructions to notify 
all the tribes that the commissioners had been directed by the President 
to make peace between them and the white settlers; and that if they would 
come in, they should be assured protection.

The so-called Mission Indians were members of different tribes who had 
been instructed in the belief of the Catholic Church, at the old Spanish 
Missions. These Indians had not generally taken part in the war against 
the white settlers, although some of them, with the hostiles, were the 
most treacherous of their race, having required the vices and none of the 
virtues of their white instructors.

During this period of preliminaries a few Indians ventured in to have a 
talk with the commissioners. They were very shy and suspicious, for all 
had been more or less implicated in the depredations that had been 
committed. Presents were lavishly distributed, and assurances were given 
that all who came in should be supplied with food and clothing and other 
useful things. This policy soon became generally known to the Indians.

Among the delegations that visited the comissioners were Vow-ches-ter,(*) 
chief of one of the more peaceful bands, and Russio, a Mission Indian from 
the Tuolumne, but who in former years had belonged to some of the San 
Joaquin tribes. These chiefs had always appeared friendly, and had not 
joined in the hostile attitude assumed by the others. At the outbreak on 
the Fresno, Vow-ches-ter had been temporarily forced into hostilities by 
the powerful influence of Jose Rey, and by his desire to secure protection 
to his relative, one of Savage's squaws. But with the fall of Jose Rey, 
his influence over Vow-ches-ter declined, and he was once more left free 
to show his friendship for the whites. 

(* An Indian corruption of Bautista.)

Page 33

As for Russio, his intelligent services were secured as peacemaker and 
general Indian interpreter by the commissioners, while a much less 
competent Mission Indian, Sandino, served in the capacity of interpreter 
during expeditions into the mountains.

Having been assured of safety, these two chiefs promised to bring in their 
people and make peace with the whites. All that came in promised a 
cessation, on the part of their tribes, of the hostilties begun, for which 
they were rewarded with presents.

Vow-chester, when questioned, stated "that the mountain tribes would not 
listen to any terms of peace involving the abandonment of their territory; 
that in the fight near the North Fork of the San Joaquin, Jose Rey had 
been badly wounded and probably would die; that his tribe were very angry, 
and would not make peace." We had up to this time supposed Jose Rey had 
been killed at "Battle Mountain." Russio said: "The Indians in the deep 
rocky valley on the Merced river do not wish for peace, and will not come 
in to see the chiefs sent by the great father to make treaties. They think 
the white men cannot find their hiding places, and that therefore they 
cannot be driven out." The other Indians of the party confirmed Russio's 
statements. Vow-chester was the principal spokesman, and he said: "In this 
deep valley spoken of by Russio, one Indian is more than ten white men. 
The hiding places are many. They will throw rocks down on the white men, 
if any should come near them. The other tribes dare not make war upon 
them, for they are lawless like the grizzlies, and as strong. We are 
afraid to go to this valley, for there are many witches there."

Some of us did not consider Vow-chester's promise of friendship as 
reliable. We regarded him as one of the hostile mountain Indians. He, 
however, was never again 

Page 34

engaged in hostilities against the whites. I afterwards learned that Vow-
chester and Savage had once professed a strong friendship for each other. 
The trader at that time had taken a bride who was closely allied to the 
chief. After the destruction of Savage's trading posts, in which Vow-ches-
ter had taken an active part in procuring a forcible divorce and division 
of property (though the murders were ascribed to the Chow-chillas), all 
forms of friendship or relationship had ceased. At this interview no sign 
of recognition passed. After listening to this parley between the 
Commissioners and the Indians, I asked Major Savage, who had been acting 
as interpreter, if he had ever been into the deep valley the Indians had 
been speaking of. He at first replied that he had, but on a subsequent 
conversation he corrected this statement by saying, "Last year while I was 
located at the mouth of the South Fork of the Merced, I was attacked by 
the Yosemites, but with the Indian miners I had in my employ, drove them 
off, and followed some of them up the Merced river into a canon, which I 
supposed led to their stronghold, as the Indians then with me said it was 
not a safe place to go into. From the appearance of this rocky gorge I had 
no difficulty in believing them. Fearing an ambush, I did not follow them. 
It was on this account that I changed my location to Mariposa creek. I 
would like to get into the den of the thieving murderers. If ever I have a 
chance I will smoke out the Grizzly Bears (the Yosemites) from their 
holes, where they are thought to be so secure."

No peace messengers came in from the mountain Indians, who continued to 
annoy the settlers with their depredations, thieving from the miner's 
camps, and stealing horses and mules from the ranches. While we were 
awaiting the action of the commissioners, we lost some horses and mules, 
which were stolen from the vicinity of our camp. After 

Page 35

the commissioners had decided upon the measures to be adopted, our 
battalion was ordered into line and we were then officially informed by 
Col. Johnson, that our operations as a military organization, would 
henceforth be under the direction of the United States Commissioners. That 
by their order we were now assigned to the duty of subduing such Indian 
tribes as could not otherwise be induced to make treaties with them, and 
at once cease hostilities and depredations. "Your officers will make all 
reports to the commissioners. Your orders and instructions will hereafter 
be issued by them." The colonel then complimented the soldierly appearance 
of the battalion (very customary in later years) and then said: "While I 
do not hesitate to denounce the Indians for the murders and robberies 
committed by them, we should not forget that there may perhaps be 
circumstances which, if taken into consideration, might to some extent 
excuse their hostility to the whites. They probably feel that they 
themselves are the aggrieved party, looking upon us as trespassers upon 
their territory, invaders of their country, and seeking to dispossess them 
of their homes. It may be, they class us with the Spanish invaders of 
Mexico and California, whose cruelties in civilizing and christianizing 
them are still traditionally fresh in their memories," etc. In conclusion 
the colonel said: "As I am about to leave, I will now bid you 'good bye,' 
with the hope that your actions will be in harmony with the wishes of the 
commissioners, and that in the performance of your duties, you will in all 
cases observe mercy where severity is not justly demanded."

Colonel Johnson gave us a very excellent little speech; but at that time 
we were not fully impressed with the justness of the remarks which had 
been made from kindness of heart and sincerely humane feelings. Many of us 
had lost--some heavily--by the depredations of the Indians. 

Page 36

Friends and relatives had been victims of their atrocities. Murders and 
robberies had been committed without provocations then discernible to us. 
Many of us would then have been willing to adopt the methods of the old 
Spanish missionaries, who, it was said, sometimes brought in their 
converts with the lasso. However, these orders and the speech from Col. 
Johnson were received with cheers by the more impatient and impulsive of 
the volunteers, who preferred active service to the comparative quiet of 
the camp.

The commissioners selected a reservation on the Fresno, near the foot-
hills, about eighteen or twenty miles from our camp, to which the Indian 
tribes with whom treaties had been made were to be removed, and at this 
locality the commissioners also established a camp, as head-quarters.

The deliberative action on the part of the commissioners, who were very 
desirous of having the Indians voluntarily come in to make treaties with 
them, delayed any active cooperation on the part of our battalion until 
the winter rains had fully set in. Our first extended expedition to the 
mountains was made during the prevailing storms of the vernal equinox, 
although detachments had previously made excursions into the country 
bordering upon the Sierras. This region, like parts of Virginia, proved 
impassable to a mounted force during the wet season, and our operations 
were confined to a limited area.

It was at last decided that more extended operations were necessary to 
bring in the mountain tribes. Although there was no longer unity of action 
among them, they refused to leave their retreats, and had become even 
suspicious of each other. The defeat of Jose Rey, and the desertion of the 
tribes who had made, or had promised to make, treaties with the 
commissioners, and had ceased from all hostile demonstrations, had caused 
jealousies and discontent to divide even the most turbulent bands. For the 
extended 

Page 37

operations of the battalion among the mountains, it was decided that Major 
Savage, with the companies of Captains Boling and Dill, should make 
expeditions which would require him to traverse the regions of the San 
Joaquin and Merced rivers. Captain Kuy-ken-dall with his company were to 
be detached to operate for the same purpose in the regions of the Kings 
and Kah-we-ah rivers. The Indians captured were to be escorted to the 
commissioners' camp on the Fresno. Notwithstanding a storm was gathering, 
our preparations were cheerfully made, and when the order to "form into 
line" was given, it was obeyed with alacrity. No "bugle call" announced 
orders to us; the "details" were made quietly, and we as quietly 
assembled. Promptly as the word of command "mount," was given, every 
saddle was filled. With "forward march," we naturally filed off into the 
order of march so readily assumed by mounted frontiersmen while traveling 
on a trail.

We left our camp as quietly and as orderly as such an undisciplined body 
could be expected to move, but Major Savage said that we must all learn to 
be as still as Indians, or we would never find them.

This battalion was a body of hardy, resolute pioneers. Many of them had 
seen service, and had fought their way against the Indians across the 
plains; some had served in the war with Mexico and been under military 
discipline.

Although ununiformed, they were well armed, and their similarities of 
dress and accoutrements, gave them a general military appearance.

The temperature was mild and agreeable at our camp near the plain, but we 
began to encounter storms of cold rain as we reached the more elevated 
localities.

Major Savage being aware that rain on the foot-hills and plain at that 
season of the year indicated snow higher up, sent forward scouts to 
intercept such parties as might 

Page 38

attempt to escape, but the storm continued to rage with such violence as 
to render this order useless, and we found the scouts awaiting us at the 
foot of a mountain known as the Black Ridge. This ridge is a spur of the 
Sierra Nevada. It separates the Mariposa, Chow-chilla, Fresno and San 
Joaquin rivers on the south from the Merced on the north. While halting 
for a rest, and sipping his coffee, Savage expressed an earnest desire to 
capture the village he had ascertained to be located over the ridge on the 
south fork of the Merced. He was of the opinion that if it could be 
reached without their discovery of us, we should have no fighting to do 
there, as that band would surrender at once rather than endanger their 
women and children, who would be unable to escape through the snow. Toward 
this village we therefore marched as rapidly as the nature of the steep 
and snow-obstructed trail would permit us to travel. An Indian that 
answered to the name of "Bob, an attache´ of the Major, serving as guide. 
Climbing up this steep black mountain, we soon reached the region of snow, 
which at the summit, was fully four feet deep, though the cold was not 
intense. By this time, night was upon us. The trail led over the ridge at 
a point where its tabled summit was wooded with a forest of pines, cedars 
and firs, so dense as almost to exclude the light of the stars that now 
and then appeared struggling through the gloom.

We laboriously followed our guide and file leader, but this trail was so 
indistinctly seen in the darkness, that at intervals deep mutterings would 
be heard from some drowsy rider who missed the beaten path. As we 
commenced the descent of the ridge, the expressions became more forcible 
than polite when some unlucky ones found themselves floundering in the 
snow below the uncertain trail. If left to their own sagacity, a horse or 
mule will follow its leader; but if a self-willed rider insists upon his 
own judgment 

Page 39

the poor animal has not only to suffer the extra fatigue incurred by a 
mistep, but also the punishment of the spur, and hear the explosive 
maledictions of the master. The irritating responses of his comrades that 
"another fool has been discovered," was not then calculated to sooth the 
wrath that was then let loose.

With short halts and repeated burrowings in the deep, damp snow, the South 
Fork of the Merced was at length reached about a mile below what is now 
known as Clark's, or Wah-ha-wo-na, from Wah-ha-wo-na, a Big Tree. We here 
made a halt, and our weary animals were provided with some barley, for the 
snow was here over a foot deep. The major announced that it was but a 
short distance below to the Indian village, and called for volunteers to 
accompany him--it might be for a fight or perhaps only a footrace--
circumstances would determine which. The major's call was promptly and 
fully answered, although all were much fatigued with the tedious night 
march. The animals were left, and a sufficient number was selected to 
remain as a reserve force and camp guard. At daylight we filed away on 
foot to our destination, following the major who was guided by "Bob."