Chronicles of Baltimore - Part 9



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1807. A company is organized to procure regular supplies of Calcutta and 
China goods, of which Robert Gilmor is president, James Buchanan vice-
president, and Mr. Thomas Higginbotham secretary. The ships London Packet, 
Captain Solomon Rutter, and William Bingham, Captain John Cunningham, are 
sent out; on their return during the embargo, the company divided a 
handsome interest and was dissolved.

The frigate Chesapeake, lately built in this port, and destined to compose 
part of an American squadron against the Barbary powers, was attacked off 
the capes, on the 23d of June, by part of a British squadron then lying in 
the bay, and being overpowered, was searched and some of her crew taken 
out and claimed as British deserters. On the arrival of the news, which 
created great excitement, a town meeting was held, and an address strongly 
reprobating this violence, was sent to the President, who soon after 
interdicted all intercourse with the British ships, by proclamation.

On the 24th of August, the ship Othello, Captain Glover, from Liverpool, 
was boarded and taken in the Patuxent, by an armed boat fitted out from 
Baltimore by some French seamen, but, opposed by contrary winds, they 
abandoned her to the captain. As soon as the circumstances were known, 
Commodore Porter, with Captains Samuel and Joseph Sterrett's companies, 
accompanied by

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some other volunteers, go in pursuit and bring back the pirates. There 
being no law at the time to punish them, they were discharged.

On the 2d of November, soon after the acquittal of Aaron Burr, late vice-
president, charged with treason and tried before Chief Justice Marshall 
and the district judge at Richmond, the populace of this city paraded the 
streets with the effigies of Chief-Justice Luther Martin, one of the 
counsel, of Burr and Blennerhasset, which they afterwards committed to the 
flames as an evidence of their dissatisfaction with the issue of the trial.

Congress lay a general embargo, which is received and enforced here on the 
23d of December; it was unlimited in duration, and continued until the 
16th of March, 1809.

Zealous to extend the medical school they had commenced, Doctors Davidge, 
Shaw, and Cocke applied to the Legislature for the privilege of 
establishing a college, and license to raise funds by lottery to erect 
suitable buildings, which is granted; and their hall in Lombard street, of 
which Mr. R. C. Long was architect, and with Messrs. Towson and Mosher, 
builders, is commenced. The college as originally organized, was composed 
of Doctors Davidge and Cocke, joint professors of anatomy, surgery and 
physiology; Doctor George Brown, of the practice and theory of medicine; 
Doctor Shaw, of chemistry; Doctor Thomas E. Bond, of materia medica; and 
Doctor William Donaldson, of the institute of medicine. Doctors Brown, 
Bond, and Donaldson declined, and Doctor Nathaniel Potter was elected 
professor of the practice and theory of medicine; Doctor Samuel Baker, 
materia medica. Soon after entering upon their duties Doctor Shaw departed 
this life, and Elisha De Butts was elected professor of chemistry in his 
place.

Thomas B. Dorsey is elected a member of Assembly in the place of Mr. 
Aisquith.

Died, at his residence in the county, at an advanced age, on the 7th of 
May, Thomas Cockey Deye, formerly member of the House of Delegates, of 
which he was many years Speaker, and one of the framers of the 
Constitution; and at Farley, his residence near town, on the 12th of 
November, Daniel Bowley, formerly one of the members of the Senate of 
Maryland.

In November the General Assembly incorporated "The Baltimore Fire 
Insurance Company."

The receipts from the customs at Baltimore this year amounted to $1,440,
527; the postage paid $29,950; and the hospital money to be paid to the 
Treasury of the United States for the Mariners' Fund, $4,504.

The long prevalence of high winds and the badness of the roads--the 
severity of the preceding winter having exhausted the stock of fire-wood 
on hand--on Saturday and Sunday, April 6th and 7th, the demand for fire-
wood had never bern equalled in

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the city. $18, $20, nay, it is said that $30 per cord were paid for it, 
such was the distress of the citizens.

In this year, frame-buildings were prohibited from being erected in the 
central and improved parts of the city, by ordinance, a prohibition which 
has been extended since.

1808. The City Hospital is leased by the Mayor and City Council to Doctors 
McKenzie and Smyth and their survivors, for the term of 15 years, on 
certain improving conditions, which term was extended in 1814 to 25 years, 
they having erected additional buildings. Upon the death of Dr. Smyth, the 
lease was confirmed in favor of Dr. McKenzie's son by Act of Assembly. The 
doctors obtained facilities from the State in loans and lotteries, and 
erected a centre building of brick four stories high, Messrs. Mileman and 
Dail architects, with Messrs. W. Steuart, Mosher and Allen builders.

The "Tammany," a political club, was organized and in 1810 another under 
the name of "Washington" was established, the latter maintaining a free 
school for some time, but both societies have ceased.

On the 17th of May, the convention of Bishops, clergymen, and laity of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States assembled in this city by 
adjournment from the convention at New York in 1804.

On the 14th of March, Judge, a convict brought from the roads to lodge in 
jail, and several drivers, by means of false keys, open their cells, seize 
upon the arms, and wound Mr. Green no the keeper and several debtors, one 
mortally, and make their escape. Four of them, Daniel Dougherty, Wm. 
Robinson, Wm. Morris and Caleb Dougherty were retaken, condemned, and 
executed on the 22d of April in the jail lot.

A society is formed to carry on the manufacture of cotton goods on a very 
extensive scale, and works are erected for the purpose on Patapsco river, 
near Ellicott's Mills, being chartered by the Legislature, and called "The 
Union Manufacturing Company." Next year the "Washington" company was 
chartered, their works being on Jones Fails; the "Powhattan Works" on 
Gwinn's Falls, and the Athenian company for the sale of domestic goods was 
established in 1810. In 1814, Messrs. Robert and Alexander McKim erect 
works on French street, by steam power, and the Franklin company erect 
works on Gwinn's Falls; and in 1816 the Independent and Warren companies, 
the latter having erected very extensive cotton works on the Gunpowder, 
near the York road.

The amount of property in the city according to a new assessment made this 
year subject to city taxes, was $2,522,870.

Several pipes of gin imported from Holland having been taken to England on 
the passage and subjected to new duties there, were on the 4th of October, 
by consent of the owner, taken to the commons and publicly burned, in the 
presence of fifteen thousand persons who had assembled to burn the gin 
that had paid tribute to England.

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On the 18th an English journeyman shoemaker, name Beattie, having used 
some expressions on politics which offended his fellow-workmen, they tar 
and feather him, and drive him in a cart from the corner of South and 
Baltimore streets to the Point, and back again, followed by Mr. Smith the 
Mayor, who, with a number of citizens, at length arrest one of the 
journeymen and several other persons; some of them after giving bail, were 
tried and condemned to three months' imprisonment and a fine of $50 each, 
but were all pardoned and the fines remitted by the Governor of the State.

On the 8th of February, the property qualifications of the members of the 
First Branch of the City Council were reduced to $300, and the Mayor and 
Second Branch to $500.

Edward Johnson is elected Mayor of the city, and also elector of President 
and Vice-President. Alexander McKim is elected to Congress, and Theodoric 
Bland member of Assembly, in place of Mr. Dorsey. John Scott is appointed 
Chief-Justice of the Criminal Court, in the place of Judge Dorsey, 
resigned.

An appropriation of $10,000 was made during the year, and the Mayor and 
City Council build a stone bridge over Jones Falls, at Baltimore street. 
The materials of the first stone bridge remaining in the bed of the Falls, 
it was found impracticable to sink a coffer-dam, which rendered it 
necessary to pile the foundation, abutments and pier. This bridge of two 
arches, built of common quarry stone from Jones Falls, furnished with side-
walks and iron railings, was 40 feet wide and 80 feet long, and cost $22,
000. Messrs. Lester and Dickinson builders.

In November, William Cooke, John McKim, James A. Buchanan, John Donnell, 
Solomon Etting, James Mosher, Jonathan Ellicott, John Hollins, and other 
citizens, form themselves into a company known as the "Baltimore Water 
Company," for the purpose of introducing a copious supply of wholesome 
water into the city of Baltimore, and obtain an Act of incorporation from 
the General Assembly,

1809. The natural springs of water with which the soil originally 
abounded, being threatened with destruction by other improvements, Jesse 
Hollingsworth and Peter Hoffman solicited and obtained power to purchase 
the ground and spring on North Calvert street for the corporation; and 
with Mr. John Davis, were appointed to erect a public fountain there. 
Eight years after, money was appropriated by the city government for the 
purchase and improvement of the springs in the southern and eastern parts 
of the city, known by the name of Cloppe's and Sterett's springs, and soon 
after a fountain of running water, supplied by the water company, was 
fixed at the Centre market at the expense of the city.

A number of private beneficial societies of tradesmen and others had been 
instituted, some of which were discontinued; but in 1809 a charter was 
granted for "The Carpenters' Humane Society."

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Another society was chartered in 1811 by the name of "The Humane Impartial 
Society." In 1814 "The Beneficial Society" was chartered, and two years 
after "The Union Beneficial Society," when "The Saint Andrew's Society," 
formed in 1806, was chartered. The next year, "The Hibernian," formed in 
1803, and "German Society," of which there was one in 1784, were 
incorporated; the object of the three last being chiefly intended to 
assist emigrants lately come into the country, or who may hereafter come.

The charter of the "Bank of the United States" expiring without a prospect 
of being renewed, pecuniary difficulties were experienced or anticipated, 
and the several banks, named the "Commercial and Farmers," the "Farmers 
and Merchants," the "Franklin," and the "Marine" banks were organized and 
chartered. The capital of these four banks was $1,709,100 actually paid, 
including $83,150 by the State; and two years after the "City Bank" with 
$39,405, all private stock. This institution, got up without the State's 
sanction, as some others of the kind had been, produced an alarm in the 
Legislature which was injurious to them all, and was a presage of its 
destiny. On granting it, the State tendered the banks an extension of 
their charters until 1835, provided they made a turnpike road to 
Cumberland with the profits of the tolls, &c., which was accepted. Next 
year they were required to pay $200,000, or be subjected to a tax of 20 
cents per $100 of the capital, which last they also accepted, even those 
banks whose capitals were reduced. A proposed consolidation of all the 
banks contained in an Act of 1815, was rejected.

In the course of this year a treaty with England, agreed on at Washington, 
was rejected by the British Government, and the frigate Africaine brought 
over Francis J. Jackson to succeed Mr. Erskine as Minister. Some of the 
crew deserted the frigate at Annapolis, and coming here, were arrested and 
imprisoned at the instance of the British Consul; but much clamor was 
excited, the seamen were brought before Judge Scott upon a habeas corpus 
and discharged.

General Smith was re-elected a Senator of the United States; William G.D. 
Worthington was elected a delegate in the place of Mr. Steuart; and 
William Merryman sheriff.

1810. By the census of this year Baltimore and its precincts contained 46,
555 inhabitants, of which number 4,672 were slaves.

Peter Little is elected a member of Congress for the city and county, and 
James Martin is elected a delegate to the Assembly. Cornelius H. Gist is 
appointed Justice of the Orphans' Court. On the 28th of May, Thomas 
McElderry died, and on the 15th of July, David McMechen, both formerly 
members of the Senate of the State; and on the 13th of August, Thorowgood 
Smith, late Mayor of the city, and formerly one of the county justices.

On the 13th of April, 1809, 76 feet of ground was purchased by the city on 
North Calvert street, and also by the same on the 30th

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of January, 1810, 50 feet more, which together is now known as the 
"Calvert Street Spring," for the sum of $7,500 for the two lots. The 
improvements cost $20,393.36 additional.

1811. The City Council determine to proceed in erecting substantial 
bridges, and authority is given to the Mayor and City Commissioners to 
borrow from the banks $26,000 towards bridges to be built of stone at 
Pratt and Gay streets. The Pratt street bridge was undertaken by Lewis 
Hart for $20,000, 84 feet long and 50 feet wide, having three arches made 
and finished as the other was. The Gay street bridge, erected a year after 
by Mr. John Kennedy, was 60 feet long and 50 feet wide, with two arches, 
made and finished cost $16,000. The current revenue sufficed to pay the 
cost of these bridges, including the money borrowed, for as yet there was 
no permanent city debt.

On the 18th of November, fifty-one convicts were transferred from the 
roads to the penitentiary, by their own option, and on the 24th of January 
following the first person is received there pursuant to sentence.

William Pinkney, Esq., returned from England, leaving John Spear Smith 
Charge-d'affaires. On the first of April Robert Smith resigned the office 
of Secretary of State, and was offered the Embassy of Russia, but declined.

James L. Donaldson and William Pechin are elected Delegates to the 
Assembly. Edward Johnson is chosen by the city an Elector of the Senate; 
and William Pinkney, Wm. McCreery and Levi Hollingsworth are elected 
Senators, and afterwards, in the places of Messrs. Pinkney and McCreery, 
N. Williams and Dr. Thomas Johnson.

Died at his residence in Anne Arundel county on the 22d of June, Henry 
Ridgely, formerly Chief-Justice of the County Court of this district.

Samuel Chase was born on the 17th of April, 1741, in Somerset county, 
Maryland, and was the only child of Reverend Thomas Chase, afterwards 
Pastor of St. Paul's Church. He received a good classical education under 
the tuition of his father, and studied law under the superintendence of 
John Hammond and John Hall of Annapolis, where he commenced its practice. 
He soon became a popular and distinguished man. In 1774 he was chosen a 
member of the Continental Congress. He was re-elected in 1775, and 
remained a member of that body until 1778. In the language of party he was 
styled the "Demosthenes of Maryland," and it was reported of him that he 
anticipated in Congress the regular proposition of independence by the 
most impassioned and vehement exclamation, that "by the God of Heaven, he 
owed no allegiance to the King of Great Britain." In the year 1786 Judge 
Chase removed from Annapolis to Baltimore. The occasion, or at least a 
part of his inducement, was the pressing invitation and generous proposal 
of his friend Col. John E. Howard, who offered him a square of

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ground, without any other consideration for it than the actual residence 
of himself and family upon it. The square was laid out, to be bounded by 
Eutaw, Lexington, Fayette, and Paca streets; the conveyance was made, and 
Mr. Chase afterwards built on the corner of Lexington and Eutaw streets 
the house of his permanent abode, where he lived and died. In 1788 he was 
appointed Chief Justice of the Criminal Court of Baltimore country 
district. In 1791 he was appointed Chief Justice of the State. In 1796 he 
was appointed by President Washington a Judge of the Supreme Court of the 
United States, which he tilled for fifteen years. In 1804 he was 
impeached, solely on political grounds, through the hostility of John 
Randolph, and the Senate acquitted him in March, 1805. He was assisted by 
four able counsellors and faithful friends, Messrs. Martin, Harper, 
Hopkinson and Key, by whom the defence was managed with skill and dignity, 
The speeches of Mr. Hopkinson and Martin have not been excelled in 
powerful and brilliant eloquence in the forensic oratory of our country, 
He died on Wednesday the 19th day of June, 1811, in the 71st year of his 
age.

1812. A numerous meeting of the Democratic citizens was held on the 16th 
of May at the Fountain Inn, in the city of Baltimore, according to public 
notice. Joseph H. Nicholson was called to the Chair, and Edward Johnson 
was appointed Secretary. The Chairman, upon being requested to state the 
object of the meeting, rose, and after tendering his acknowledgments for 
the distinguished honor which had been conferred on him by placing him in 
the chair, he said:

"No one could be insensible to the great crisis to which the affairs of 
our common country are rapidly approaching. The two great belligerent 
powers of Europe, who have embroiled one-half of the civilized world in 
their quarrels, unwilling that any nation should continue to enjoy its 
prosperity, have for some years past extended to us that system of rapine 
and plunder which, in the ordinary course of human events, ought only to 
have been directed against others. Our citizens have been forcibly 
impressed and detained in the most odious servitude; our commerce has been 
impeded in every channel through which it has been accustomed to flow; and 
injury and insult has been heaped upon us until it has begun to be almost 
questionable even among ourselves whether we have spirit to resist. One of 
these nations has indeed of late held out to us a semblance of justice; 
but it was much to be feared that even this would prove vain and illusory. 
The period, however, could not be very distant when, by the return of our 
messengers from Europe, we should learn whether the solemn stipulations in 
which we had heretofore confided were any longer deserving of confidence. 
But the other has not even pretended to do us justice. Our Government, 
sincerely desirous of maintaining peace, has remonstrated until their 
remonstrances are regarded

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with indifference; our ministers, sent abroad for the purpose, have 
continued to appeal until their appeals are answered by insult; and 
negotiation has been carried on until negotiation has become a term of 
national reproach. Under these circumstances it is for us, my countrymen, 
in common with the rest of the American people, to decide upon the course 
which ought to be pursued. The time has at length arrived when we must 
determine whether by tameness and submission we shall sink ourselves below 
the rank of an independent nation, or whether by a glorious or manly 
effort we shall permanently secure that independence which our forefathers 
handed down to us as the price of their blood and their treasure. The 
Government of our choice--I thank God, of our yet free and unbiased 
choice--has resolved upon its course, and is preparing for the conflict. 
We have assembled here to-night for the purpose of determining whether we 
will give it our support in the mighty struggle into which it is about to 
enter. This, my countrymen, is the awful subject for deliberation, and on 
such a subject can there be any difference of opinion? Shall we suffer any 
matter of local concern to withdraw from a cause like this? Is there an 
American heart that does not pant with resentment? Is there an American 
sword that will not leap from its scabbard to avenge the wrongs and 
contumely under which we have so long suffered? No, my countrymen! it is 
impossible! Let us act with one heart, with one hand; let us show to an 
admiring world that however we may differ among ourselves about some of 
our internal concerns, yet in the great cause of our country the American 
people are animated by one soul and by one spirit."

The following resolutions, with the preamble, were then unanimously 
adopted:

"Whereas, The critical situation of the affairs of our country with a view 
to its foreign relations is at this moment of the utmost concern, and it 
may be important that the sentiments of the friends to the integrity of 
the Union and of the Government as administered, should be, wherever 
practicable, publicly declared with reference to public measures, upon 
which depend the future safety and prosperity of the United States; 
therefore,

"Resolved, That it be, and hereby is recommended, that meetings of the 
Democratic citizens of the city of Baltimore be held in their respective 
wards on Tuesday evening next at seven o'clock, at their usual places of 
ward-meetings, and in each ward elect five-delegates to meet the general 
committee, at the Fountain Inn, in Light street, on Thursday evening next 
at seven o'clock to take into consideration the means most likely to 
conduce to the support and aid of Government in their efforts to maintain, 
protect and defend national rights, honor and independence.

"Resolved, That our Democratic brethren in the eastern and western 
precincts be, and are hereby invited to hold meetings on Tuesday evening 
next, at 7 o'clock, at Chamberlain's tavern and

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Gorsuch's tavern respectively, at the time and place already determined 
upon in the preceding resolution for the delegates of the several wards in 
the city.

"Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published.

"Joseph Nicholson, Chairman. 
"Edward Johnson, Secretary."
At a meeting of the general committee of Democratic delegates from the 
several wards and precincts of the city of Baltimore, held on Thursday 
evening, 21st May, at the Fountain Inn, in pursuance of the resolutions 
adopted at a numerous meeting of the Democratic citizens on Saturday 
evening, all the delegates present, Joseph H. Nicholson was called to the 
chair, and John Montgomery appointed secretary. The following resolutions, 
with the preamble, were unanimously adopted:

"We, the delegates of the city and precincts of Baltimore, in general 
committee assembled, for the purpose of taking into consideration the 
present situation of public affairs, do resolve unanimously:

"1st. That in the conduct of Great Britain towards the United States for 
some years past, we can perceive nothing but a determined hostility to our 
national rights. She forcibly impresses our seamen, and detains them 
inhumanly in an odious servitude; she obstructs our commerce in every 
channel through which it has been accustomed to flow; she has murdered our 
citizens within our own waters, and has made one attempt at least to 
dissolve the union of these States, thereby striking at the foundation of 
our government itself. 
"2d. That the Government of the United States has manifested the strongest 
desire to maintain peace and harmony with all nations, not only by 
observing a course of equal and exact justice to all, but by proposing to 
those with whom any differences have arisen, terms the most honorable and 
conciliatory. 
"3d. That inasmuch as Great Britain has rejected those terms, and still 
persists in violating every principle heretofore held sacred among 
nations, no alternative is left to the United States but to choose between 
war and degradation. In the choice of these it is impossible freemen 
should hesitate, and in the prosecution of such a war we pledge ourselves 
to support our government at every hazard. 
"4th. That the conduct of France, and of other powers in alliance with her 
and under her immediate influence, towards the United States, has been 
scarcely less atrocious than that of England; and if the pending 
negotiations should terminate without an honorable adjustment of existing 
differences, we have full confidence that our Government will direct the 
most active hostilities to be commenced against her for a redress of our 
grievances and the maintenance of oar rights; at the same time we wish it 
explicitly

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understood, that in our well-founded complaints against foreign nations, 
Russia and Sweden are not to be included.

"Ordered: That the above resolutions be signed by all the members of the 
general committee, and that they be transmitted by the chairman to the 
President of the United States.

"Joseph H. Nicholson, A. R. Levering, David Fulton, Charles Bohn, William 
B. Barney, John Montgomery, Christopher Hughes, Jr., Benjamin Berry, 
Nathan Levering, J. W. McCulloch, William Camp, J. S. Hollins, Joseph 
Jamison, James Hutton, Peter Diffenderffer, S. Briscoe, E. G. Woodyear, 
Hezekiah Niles, James Armstrong, Joseph Smith, Daniel Conn, John Kelso, 
Hezekiah Price, George Milleman, James C. Dew, J. A. Buchanan, Lemuel 
Taylor, Luke Tiernan, William Wilson, J. L. Donaldson, L. Hollingsworth, 
James Martin, James Wilson, G. J. Brown, Richard Mackall, Edward Johnson, 
George Stiles, James Williams, William McDonald, William Pechin, James 
Biays, David Burke, Thorndike Chase, Timothy Gardner, Thomas Sheppard, 
George Warner, N. F. Williams, J. H. McCulloch, Theodoric Bland, Christian 
Baum."

The following resolution was then submitted and adopted:

"Resolved by the General Committee of the City and precincts of Baltimore, 
that it be, and hereby is, recommended to the Democratic citizens of the 
several counties of this State, to assemble and take into consideration 
the situation of public affairs, for the purpose of expressing an opinion 
thereon. Ordered, that the proceedings and resolutions adopted be 
published.

"Joseph H. Nicholson, Chairman. 
"John Montgomery, Secretary."

Congress declared war against Great Britain on the 18th of June, and the 
following article from the Federal Republican of Saturday, the 20th of 
June, was supposed to have excited the people in this city to commit 
violence; for on the Monday following, the printing-office occupied by the 
editors of that paper, on the north-west corner of Gay and Second streets, 
was pulled down, and their press destroyed:

"'Thou hast done a deed whereat valor will weep.' Without funds, without 
taxes, without an army, navy, or adequate fortifications--with one hundred 
and fifty millions of our property in the hands of the declared enemy, 
without any of his in our power, and with a vast commerce afloat, our 
rulers have promulged a war against the clear and decided sentiments of a 
vast majority of the nation. As the consequences will be soon felt, there 
is no need of pointing them out to the few who have not sagacity enough to 
apprehend them. Instead of employing our pen in this dreadful detail, we 
think it more apposite to delineate the course we are determined to pursue 
as long as the war shall last. We mean to represent in as strong colors as 
we are capable, that it is unnecessary, inexpedient, and entered into from 
a partial, personal, and as we believe,

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motives bearing upon their front marks of undisguised foreign influence, 
which cannot be mistaken. We mean to use every constitutional argument and 
every legal means to render as odious and suspicious to the American 
people, as they deserve to be, the patrons and contrivers of this highly 
impolitic and destructive war, in the fullest persuasion that we shall be 
supported and ultimately applauded by nine-ninths of our countrymen, and 
that our silence would be treason to them. We detest and abhor the 
endeavors of faction to create civil contest through the pretext of a 
foreign war it has rashly and premeditately commenced, and we shall be 
ready cheerfully to hazard everything most dear, to frustrate anything 
leading to the prostration of civil rights, and the establishment of a 
system of terror and proscription announced in the Government paper at 
Washington as the inevitable consequence of the measure now proclaimed. We 
shall cling to the rights of freemen, both in act and opinion, till we 
sink with the liberties of our country, or sink alone. We shall hereafter, 
as heretofore, unravel every intrigue and imposture which has beguiled or 
may be put forth to circumvent our fellow-citizens into the toils of the 
great earthly enemy of the human race. We are avowedly hostile to the 
presidency of James Madison, and we never will breathe under the dominion, 
direct or derivative, of Bonaparte, let it be acknowledged when it may. 
Let those who cannot openly adopt this confession, abandon us; and those 
who can, we shall cherish as friends and patriots, worthy of the name."

In the Federal Gazette of Wednesday, June 24, we find the following:

"Under an impression that the citizens who assembled yesterday at the 
Mayor's office would have made a statement, somewhat like official, of the 
transactions of Monday evening, we postponed giving an account of that 
very extraordinary and alarming proceeding. It is our painful duty to 
record, that on Monday last, between eight and nine o'clock in the 
evening, a number of persons, citizens of Baltimore, armed with axes, 
hooks, and other instruments of destruction, assembled at the office of 
the Federal Republican in Gay street, a wooden building belonging to 
Robert Oliver of this city, broke into the house, threw the types, 
printing-presses, paper, &c., into the street, and destroyed them, and 
levelled the house to its foundation. One of the persons thus engaged, 
while in the act of knocking out a window, fell with it into the street 
and was killed on the spot. The Mayor of the city, the Judge of the Court 
of Oyer and Terminer, and several magistrates and military officers, were 
present and witnessed this dreadful outrage, which their peaceful efforts 
were insufficient to prevent, although it was generally known during the 
preceding day that the attack was meditated."

Extracts from the Federal Republican of Monday, July 27th:

"Five weeks have elapsed since the suspension of this journal by the 
demolition of the office whence it issued in Baltimore.

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Most of the overt and prominent circumstances connected with the outrage 
have already reached the public ear, but others of deeper interest have 
been concealed or permitted to remain in obscurity. To suppose that any 
part of our publications, immediately preceding the attack, formed the 
motive to the destruction, is decidedly erroneous. The fact of such 
incendiary meditation was communicated to us nearly two months before the 
crime was perpetrated. A conspiracy against the editors was then known to 
have been digested. It was positively asserted, and reiterated with 
exultation by certain disorganizing prints, that war would be declared 
before the 4th of July, and it was distinctly declared that on that day 
the office would be demolished, and the proprietors thrown into the fangs 
of a remorseless rabble. ...... These are some of the grounds for 
ascribing the origin of the tumults in Baltimore to an index at the seat 
of the general government, whence ought to flow the benign blessings of 
social happiness. ..... Of the officers residing in Baltimore, of the 
State and of the corporation, most if not all of whom were present at the 
burglary, the Mayor is pre-eminently distinguished for the acquiescence 
with which he has beheld the rum of property, the repeated nocturnal 
violations of dwelling-houses, the most savage threats against persons 
guiltless of a crime, the usurped regulation of the port, the prostration 
of the laws of the State and of the Union--without the smallest exertion 
to enforce his authority. Upon this subject there can be no delicacy or 
reserve. We therefore lay the enormities which have proceeded in rapid 
progression and inflicted an incurable wound upon Baltimore, expressly to 
the charge of the Mayor. This police officer, whose oath could not have 
been forgotten, was so little sensible of the dignity of his office, so 
indifferent to the peace and safety of the community, so regardless of the 
permanent interest of the city, which he knew must be very materially 
impaired by a character for tumult, disorder and assassination, which he 
has suffered to be stamped upon it, that for weeks he permitted the mob to 
rage unrestrained, as if studious, by his connivance, to render it in the 
eyes of the world the indisputable arbiter of the city; and when he at 
last interposed, it was to prevent the threatened demolition of one of the 
temples of the Almighty! .... That the Governor has taken no steps to 
check or discountenance the continued disorders in the emporium of the 
State, must be ascribable to his knowledge of the real authors of the 
riot, and the political motives by which they were actuated. . . . The 
Federal Republican, which this day ascends from the tomb of 'matyred
sire,' will steadily pursue the course dictated with its latest accents."

Owing to the publication of this article, the newspaper-office was mobbed, 
as will be seen by the following communications:

Page 312

"To Edward Johnson, Esq., Mayor of the City of Baltimore:

"The joint committee of the two Branches of the City Council, appointed to 
inquire into the causes and extent of the late commotions in the city, 
having, as enjoined upon them, requested the aid of thirteen other of 
their fellow-citizens, ten of whom attended in the discharge of the duty 
assigned them, in pursuance thereof report: that on Saturday, the 20th of 
June, a publication appeared in the newspaper entitled the Federal 
Republican, printed in this place, which excited great irritation in the 
city; that on the Monday following, the printing-office occupied by the 
editors of that paper was pulled down and their press destroyed. This 
commotion had subsided, and the transaction was under legal investigation 
by the Criminal Court, until Sunday the 26th of July, in the evening of 
which day, Alexander C. Hanson, one of the editors, with several of his 
friends from other counties, and one from another State, came into town, 
unknown to the inhabitants (or known only to a few of them) and took 
possession of a brick house on Charles street, that had been the late 
dwelling of Mr. Wagner, his partner. The committee further report, that 
from written documents, since found and communicated to them by the Mayor, 
which are subjoined to this report, it appears that the plan of renewing 
the paper, and of arming for the defence of the house from which it was 
intended to be issued, had been deliberately formed and organized some 
time previous, in the county, without the knowledge of the citizens of 
Baltimore, and all the details settled and adjusted by persons who must 
have been acquainted with military service. That having so taken 
possession of the house, they fortified it strongly, and prepared arms and 
ammunition to defend it; that on the next morning the editor issued from 
that house his paper, containing severe animadversions upon the Mayor, 
people, and police of Baltimore, which the editor caused to be circulated 
throughout the city. In the course of the same day it was known to many 
persons that Mr. Hanson, one of the editors, was in the house, and from 
the preparations for defence that were observed to be making therein, it 
was conjectured that he expected to be attacked. During the day, many 
other persons of the city went to the house, and some remained there 
associated with those within. Toward evening, many boys had collected in 
the street, opposite the house, and their noise exciting some 
apprehension, a neighboring magistrate endeavored to disperse them, and 
had nearly succeeded, when about 8 o'clock a carriage stopped at the door 
of the house, and a number of muskets and other articles were seen to be 
taken out of it and conveyed through an armed guard into the house. The 
boys then returned, recommenced their noise, accompanied with abusive 
language to the persons in the house, and began throwing stones at the 
windows. At this time, and reran hour or more thereafter, there did not 
appear more than five or six men who could be supposed to have any 
connection with or control

Page 313

over the boys; about this period a person on the footway, endeavoring to 
persuade the boys from their mischief, was severely wounded in the foot by 
something weighty thrown from the house. The boys were repeatedly told, 
from the persons within, to go away and not molest them, that they were 
armed and would defend themselves. The boys still continuing to throw 
stones, two guns were fired from the upper part of the house, charged, as 
it is supposed, with blank cartridges, as no injury was done by them. The 
assemblage of people in the street at this time greatly increased, and the 
threats and throwing of stones at the house became more general and 
violent; the sashes of the lower windows were broken, and attempts made to 
force the door by running against it. Ten or twelve guns were fired from 
the house in quick succession, by which several persons in the street were 
wounded and one killed. About this period, application was made for 
military aid to prevent further mischief. Whilst the military were 
assembling in pursuance of an order from the General, issued in compliance 
with a requisition from the legal authority, frequent firing took place 
from the house, and three guns were fired at it. Some short time 
afterwards a gun was fired from the house, which killed a Doctor Gale in 
the street about twelve feet from the house; this circumstance greatly 
increased the irritation of those in the street, who soon after brought a 
field-piece in front of the house, but by the interposition of several 
citizens, were restrained from firing upon the house under an assurance 
that the persons in it would surrender themselves to the civil authority. 
The military soon after appeared, and placing themselves in front of the 
house, no further injury occurred. A negotiation took place from those 
within the house, and upon being assured that a military guard would be 
furnished, and every effort used by the Mayor and General to ensure their 
safety from violence, they surrendered themselves to the civil authority 
about seven o'clock on the morning of Tuesday, and were conducted to jail 
and committed for further examination. They were Alexander C. Hanson, Gen. 
Henry Lee, James M. Lingan, William Schroeder, John Thompson, William B. 
Bend, Otho Sprigg, Henry Kennedy, Robert Kilgour, Henry Nelson, John E. 
Hall, George Winchester, Peregrine Warfield, George Richards, Edward 
Gwinn, David Hoffman, Horatio Bigelow, Ephraim Gaither, William Gaither, 
Jacob Schley, Mark U. Pringle, Daniel Murray, and Richard S. Crabb. After 
the removal of the persons, the interior of the house was greatly injured, 
and the furniture in it destroyed and dispersed.

"The Committee further report, that during the course of the day the Mayor 
applied to the Sheriff to use particular precaution in securing the doors 
of the jail, which he promised to do; and about one o'clock application 
was made by the Mayor and other justices to the Brigadier-General to call 
out the military to preserve the peace and quiet of the State. Orders were 
issued calling

Page 314

out a regiment of infantry, two troops of cavalry, and two companies of 
artillery, to parade at an appointed time and places. The Mayor, the 
General, and many citizens repaired to the jail in the afternoon, at which 
a number of persons had assembled, the much greater part of whom were 
peaceable and orderly citizens. Those of a different temper of mind, upon 
being remonstrated with, appeared to yield to the admonitions of others, 
and to be appeased with the assurances given that the party in jail should 
not e bailed or suffered to escape during the night. It became the 
prevailing opinion about the prison that no mischief would be attempted 
that night; in consequence of which, and of the insufficiency of the force 
assembled, the military, by the order of the General, with the approbation 
of the Mayor, were dismissed, and many persons left the prison and went to 
their homes. Shortly after dark the number of the disorderly increased, 
and an intention was manifested of breaking into the jail. The Mayor, with 
the aid of a few persons, succeeded for some time in preventing the prison 
door from being forced open. They being overpowered by the increased 
numbers and violence of the assailants, the Mayor was forced away; and the 
door having been previously battered, and again threatened, was opened by 
the turnkey. Upon the entry of the assailants they forced the inner doors, 
and pressed into the room in which the persons above-mentioned were 
confined. Here a scene of horror ensued which the Committee cannot well 
describe. The result was that one of the persons (General Lingan) was 
killed, eleven others dreadfully beaten, eight of whom were thrown 
together in front of the jail, supposed to be dead.

"The Committee being (by the authority under which they act) directed to 
the collection and report of facts, have carefully avoided the expression 
of an opinion on any of the causes or extent of the unhappy commotions 
herein reported. Other facts (but we know of none material) may have 
attended the above transactions, which the limited powers of the City 
Council do not enable them to impart to the Committee the full authority 
to develop.

"Adam Fonerden, Wm. Steuart, James Carey, Thomas Kell, Committee of the 
First Branch City Council.

"James Calhoun, John C. White, Wm. McDonald, Henry Payson, Committee of 
the Second Branch City Council.

"The undersigned, being requested thereto, joined the above committee in 
the discharge of their duty, and unite with them in the foregoing report:

"James Buchanan, Peter Little, Wm. Gwynn, Lemuel Taylor, S. Sterett, 
William Wilson, W. Cooke, Thorndike Chase, Robert Gilmor, John Montgomery."

From the Federal Republican:

"An exact and authentic narrative of the events which took place in 
Baltimore on the 27th and 28th of July last, carefully collected from some 
of the sufferers and from eye-witnesses:

Page 315

"State of Maryland, s. s.   Rockville, Aug. 12, 1812.

"Personally appeared, on this 12th day of August, 1812, before John 
Fleming, Justice of the Peace for Montgomery county, the following 
persons,--Peregrine Warfield, Richard J. Crabb, Charles J. Kilgour, Henry 
Nelson, Ephraim Gaither, Robert Kilgour, John H. Payne, H. C. Gaither, and 
Alexander C. Hanson, who being sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty 
God, do declare and depose in the manner of form following,--to wit:

"That these deponents are some of the surviving persons who were devoted, 
or meant to be devoted, to the brutal and murderous fury of the mob in the 
late massacre in the jail at the City of Baltimore. That these deponents 
having seen the following statement submitted to them of that horrid 
atrocity, and the proceedings connected with it, do swear, that as far as 
their individual sufferings or particular opportunities of observation may 
enable them to testify, they believe the facts and circumstances detailed 
in the following statement to be truly and accurately stated--these 
deponents not intending hereby to preclude themselves from a further 
narrative or disclosure of such other circumstances and special injuries 
and sufferings as are within the particular knowledge of each of them 
respectively, or which they may have individually experienced and endured.

"Sworn to before   John Fleming.

"State of Maryland, Montgomery County, s. s. I hereby certify, that John 
Fleming, gent, before whom the aforegoing affidavit appears to have been 
made, and whose name is thereto subscribed, was at the time a Justice of 
the Peace in and for the county aforesaid, duly commissioned and sworn. 
[Seal.] In testimony whereof, I have hereto subscribed my name, and 
affixed the public seal for Montgomery County, this 12th day of August, A. 
D. 1812.

"Upton Beall,
"Clerk of Montgomery County Court.

"On the night of the 22d of June, the entire printing apparatus of the 
Federal Republican was demolished by a mob in Baltimore, in the presence 
of the Mayor, the Judge of the Criminal Court, and several other 
magistrates and police-officers, whose authority was not exerted to save 
it and preserve the peace of the city. One of the editors (Mr. Wagner) 
narrowly escaped with his life, after being pursued by ruffians who avowed 
their fell purpose of assassination. Mr. Hanson, the other proprietor of 
the paper, heard of the depredations committed by the mob the evening 
after, and went to Baltimore the next day, accompanied by his friend 
Captain Richard J. Crabb, to make arrangements for re-establishing the 
paper. Finding it impossible to render any service, the lairs being 
effectually silenced, and his friends unanimously urging his departure, he 
left town in a few hours, having first

Page 316

walked the streets as usual, and made all the arrangements that could be 
made, in conjunction with his friends and agents, for reviving the paper 
with all possible dispatch. Upon his return home to Rockville, Montgomery 
County, Mr. Hanson communicated to some of his most intimate friends his 
determination to recommence the paper in Baltimore, and declared he never 
would visit Baltimore again until he could go prepared to assert his 
rights and resist oppression. He was aware that the execution of this plan 
would be accompanied with much difficulty and danger, but his friends 
admired and approved it the more on that account, and volunteered to 
accompany him to Baltimore, to participate his dangers or successes, in 
maintaining the rights of person and property and defending the liberty of 
the press. They were in number: General James M. Lingua (murdered), 
General Harry Lee, Captain Richard J. Crabb, Dr. P. Warfield, Charles J. 
Kilgour, Otho Sprigg, Ephraim Gaither, and John Howard Payne. Several 
others were to have gone, but were prevented; and on the night of the 
attack, the party was joined by three other volunteers from the country, 
who were not fully apprised by Mr. Hanson of his determination, but 
received their information in confidence from others, Major Musgrove, 
Henry C. Gaither, and William Gaither. On the evening of the attack they 
were joined by about twenty gentlemen living in Baltimore, one or two only 
of whom were invited to the house by Mr. Hanson. When the office was first 
demolished, Mr. Wagner, one of the proprietors, lived in a house in 
Charles street. On that event he removed his family from the house, but 
did not relinquish it or remove his furniture. In this situation it 
remained until the 26th of July, when the paper having been re-established 
in Georgetown, and the proprietors having resolved to attempt its re-
establishment in Baltimore, one of them, Mr. Hanson, came and occupied 
this house (having first taken a lease), as a place from which the 
distribution of the paper might be made. He was attended by the friends 
before mentioned, who were to remain as his guests until their business 
called them home. They thought it probable that an attempt would be made 
to prevent the distribution of the paper, and they might even be attacked 
in the house for that purpose; but they hoped, by the appearance of 
determined resistance, to deter the assailants from actual violence, till 
the civil authority should have time to interpose and prevent mischief. 
Should they be disappointed in this hope, and find themselves in danger 
from the unrestrained violence of a mob, they were resolved, and were 
prepared, to stand on the defensive, and to repel force by force. Reliance 
upon the civil authority they early perceived to be fruitless, for on 
application to the Mayor by the owner of the house, he peremptorily 
declined all interference, and left town, as it was understood, to prevent 
his repose from being disturbed. The civil authority refusing to interfere 
when applied to by Mr. White, the son, and Mr. Dennis Nowland,

Page 317

the son-in-law of the owner of the house, there was nothing left but to 
resist the mob in the house; and while this resistance was made with a 
mildness and forbearance scarcely ever equalled, and which excited the 
wonder of the spectators, several messages were sent to Brigadier-General 
Stricker to disperse the mob and prevent the effusion of blood, which 
would otherwise be unavoidable. If it be objected that the scheme was rash 
or imprudent, all must admit it was strictly and clearly lawful. Mr. 
Hanson had an undoubted right to distribute the paper in Baltimore, from 
this or any other house in his occupation, and to defend his person and 
property by force in case they were assailed by unlawful violence and left 
unprotected by the civil authority.

"On Monday, the 27th of July, the distribution of the paper was commenced, 
and proceeded without molestation or tumult till evening. But soon aider 
twilight, a mob collected before the house, and soon began to act in a 
very threatening and riotous manner. The gentlemen in the house, with 
great mildness, patience and forbearance, repeatedly advised and requested 
them to disperse, assuring them that the house was armed, and would be 
defended, and that the consequences of attacking would be dangerous. This 
however had no other effect than to increase the boldness and violence of 
the mob, as well as its numbers. A vigorous attack on the house was soon 
commenced. Stones were thrown in showers at the front windows, all of 
which were soon broken, and not only the glass, but the sashes and 
shutters were demolished, and an attempt was made to break down the street 
door, which was at length actually broken and burst open. All these acts 
of violence were accompanied by loud and reiterated declarations by the 
mob of a determination to force the house and expel or kill those who were 
engaged in its defence. The scenes continued for more than two hours, 
without the least interference of the Mayor, or any appearance of an 
intention to interpose. At length the persons thus threatened and 
assailed, finding that little hope remained of protection from the local 
authorities, and that forbearance, expostulation and entreaty served only 
on their part to increase the audacity of the mob, resolved to try the 
effect of intimidation. Orders were therefore given to fire from the 
windows of the second story over the heads of the mob, so as to frighten 
without hurting them. This was done. The mob was at first intimidated by 
this blank fire, but soon finding that no hurt was done by it, they 
returned and recommenced the attack with increased violence. The windows 
having been all before broken, and the front room on the lower floor 
abandoned, the mob prepared to enter by the door and take possession of 
the house. The gentlemen from within therefore prepared themselves for the 
worst, and resolved that when things should be pushed to extremities they 
would make a serious fire on the assailants. Some gentlemen were stationed 
on the stairs in the entry, opposite the front door, and the entry itself 
was barricaded

Page 318

as well as could be done with chairs, tables, and other furniture. Other 
persons were posted at the windows in such a manner as best to command the 
approach to the doors. They renewed their warnings and entreaties to the 
mob, but with no other effect than before, and in this situation they 
remained until effectual resistance should become absolutely necessary. 
Still the civil authority did nothing, save the fruitless efforts of Judge 
Scott, who was ultimately obliged to leave the street. The military was 
equally supine or indifferent. It was now about eleven o'clock. The 
violence of the attack increased, and in a short time a part of the mob, 
with a Dr. Gale, their apparent leader and instigator (who had harangued 
them in the street), at their head, made an attempt to enter the passage 
and advance towards the stairs. Orders were now given to fire from the 
windows and staircase. By this fire Dr. Gale was killed, and carried off 
by his companions and followers. Several were wounded in the street. The 
mob fled in every direction, carrying with them the wounded and the body 
of Dr. Gale, but before they fled they fired frequently into the house, 
where the marks of their shot are to be seen, and a pistol aimed at the 
breast of General Lee flashed while he was expostulating with the mob. One 
of the defenders of the house (Ephraim Gaither) was wounded at the time of 
the fire from the street, but how, or with what has not been ascertained. 
He bled profusely, and had a convulsion in the morning while standing at 
his post upon duty. This was the time for the gentlemen in the house to 
make their escape. Could they have seen that their enterprize had become 
impracticable, they might have made good their retreat. But they judged 
otherwise. They thought rather of their rights than that of the prudence 
of a further effort to assert them, and resolved still to defend the 
house, indulging the hope too that no further violence would be attempted 
after this experience of its consequences, or that the civil authority 
would effectually interpose. The mob came very cautiously and almost by 
stealth in front of the house after the effectual fire. They still, 
however, remained in the street and increased their number gradually, a 
drum parading the streets to beat up recruits, and continued to throw 
stones in front and back of the house.

"Between two and three o'clock, the military having been ordered out, 
Major Barney appeared in the street at the head of a small party of 
cavalry. The mob again fled at his approach, crying out as they heard the 
tramping of horses, 'The troop is coming, the troop is coming.' Near the 
front of the house Major Barney halted and addressed them. On this they 
again returned. He told them he was their friend, their personal and 
political friend; that he was there to protect person and property, to 
prevent violence, 'to secure the party in the house,' and that those in 
the street must disperse. They then asked him by what authority he came. 
He answered by order of the Brigadier-General Stricker.

Page 319

They demanded a sight of the order, which he consented to show them, and 
for that purpose went round the corner into an alley where they assembled 
round to see it. tie said something in a low voice, on hearing which the 
mob gave three cheers. What did he then say to them? This can be answered 
only from conjecture and from what happened afterwards. Many of the 
gentlemen in the house, judging from subsequent events, believe that he 
communicated to the mob the plan of assassination, which was put into 
execution, and which they suppose to have been then already formed with 
his knowledge and participation. But this supposition would ascribe to 
that officer a degree of ferocious profligacy which ought not to be 
imputed to him or any other man without the clearest proof. The subjoined 
extract from the Whig explains Major Barney's conduct:

"'We regret that our committee have not, after so much pains and promise, 
stated some particulars minutely; particulars necessary to be known, we 
mean the circumstances of the negotiation (as it were) between Major 
Barney and the populace. They agreed to rest satisfied if the murderers 
should be carefully kept from escaping, and be surrendered into the hands 
of the civil authority; in other words, be committed to jail for trial. To 
the fulfilment of this was Major Barney pledged.'

"His instructions were nevertheless for the safety and honor of the 
gentlemen in the house. There can be no question he had orders while he 
protected the house from further attack to secure the party in it, so as 
to prevent them from escaping, and to bring them to trial for the deaths 
which had taken place or were expected, and that he communicated this part 
of his orders to the mob. This supposition is favored by what he was heard 
to say on his first approach--that 'he was there to take possession and 
secure the party in the house.' And when the gentlemen, distrusting his 
views in consequence of what they had observed, demanded an explanation, 
he assured them that he had no orders or instructions but such as were 
consistent with their safety and honor, but he was obliged to talk 
otherwise to the mob to deceive and keep them quiet. The mob made no 
further attempt on the house, in front of which Major Barney and his 
cavalry remained constantly wrangling and talking with the mob, who soon 
prepared for a more effectual attack by bringing up a field-piece. With 
this they attempted to fire on the house, but were always prevented by 
Major Barney, who more than once mounted on the cannon, declaring that if 
they fired they should fire on him, that they would kill their own 
friends; all which trouble he might hate saved himself, if he pleased, by 
remounting his horse and dispersing the mob which fled at his first 
approach. This state of things continued till about 6 o'clock A. M., when 
Mr. Johnson, the Mayor, arrived from the country, whither messengers had 
been despatched for him by those out of the house; and Brigadier-General 
Stricker,

Page 320

who commands the militia of the town, appeared before the door and 
commenced a parley with the party within. Being admitted into the house, 
they represented to the party defending the irritation which prevailed in 
the town, the exasperation of the public mind, and the impossibility of 
maintaining defence against the force which would soon come in aid of the 
attack. The Mayor asked for and addressed Mr. Hanson with warmth and great 
agitation; spoke of a civil war, saying, we are impressed with the belief 
that a civil war is inevitable, and I consider this a party-thing and the 
commencement of it. He complained also of the Government's being 
implicated in the dispute between parties and the paper, and added, such 
opposition must or will be noticed. To all which Mr. Hanson replied that 
he would not enter into a political dispute with the Mayor; that he had a 
right to defend his house, which was his castle, and his person, and that 
he and his friends were competent to the protection of both; that it was 
the Mayor's duty to disperse the mob. The Mayor and General Stricker then 
declared their own inability to protect the party in the house while 
there, and proposed that they should surrender themselves into the hands 
of the civil authority, and be taken to the public jail as a place of 
safety, promising an effectual escort on the way, to be composed of Mr. 
Hanson's own friends, in town if he pleased, and also an effectual guard 
at the jail, till they could be released on bail.

"To this many of the party, particularly Mr. Hanson, strongly objected. He 
was indignant at the proposal to go to jail. 'To jail!' said he--'for 
what? For protecting my house and property against a mob who assailed both 
for three hours without being fired upon, when we could have killed 
numbers of them! You cannot protect us to jail, or after we are in jail!' 
Mr. Hanson then, after the Mayor and General went into the front room to 
converse with General Lee, exhorted his friend never to surrender, 
declaring that no reliance could be placed on the assurances of such men, 
who were his bitter enemies, and who, however willing they might be, were 
unable to afford effectual protection, as was proved by their inability to 
disperse the mob then assembled before the house. He repeated over and 
over, that if they surrendered they would all be sacrificed; and from his 
knowledge of the men they had to deal with, particularly John Montgomery, 
who had just before passed into the room, he expected they would all be 
given up to be massacred, either on the way to the jail or in the jail. 
Mr. Hanson then stated his objections to the Mayor and General Stricker, 
who in answer gave the most solemn assurances on their faith as officers 
and their honor as men to afford the promised protection or die in the 
attempt. General Stricker assured them on his honor that he would never 
quit them while there was danger, and if they were attacked he would 
rescue or fall with them. These assurances were repeated frequently with 
the most solemn asseverations and appeals to God. Mr. Hanson

Page 321

having said something to his friends in regard to the house and furniture, 
a pledge was instantly given by the Mayor to leave a guard to defend both. 
General Lee and other gentlemen attempted to get better terms of 
capitulation, such as marching out with arms in their hands to assist in 
protecting themselves. and riding on their horses among the cavalry and in 
carriages. The Mayor and General went out to see if the mob would consent 
to any other terms. While gone Mr. Hanson made two propositions to 
different gentlemen of his party, the one to hold the Mayor and Brigadier-
General as hostages for their safety, and the other offering to give 
himself up to the mob, who would then be appeased, repeating his belief 
that every man would be sacrificed if they surrendered. When the Mayor and 
General Stricker returned, they informed the party in the house that no 
other terms could be obtained from the mob than those first proposed, and 
urged their immediate acceptance, declaring that a delay of five minutes 
might be fatal. Mr. Hanson still vehemently opposed surrendering, and said 
he had nothing to say to the mob, but would negotiate only with the civil 
authority in order to prevent the effusion of blood, which he was as 
anxious to do as any one. General Lee, who had been chosen to command the 
party, was then sought for in the front room up stairs. He was of opinion 
that the proposition of the Mayor and General Stricker ought to be 
accepted, and endeavored to gain over Mr. Hanson to his opinion, by 
expressing the warmest confidence in their sincerity and honor, and their 
competency to afford full protection to and at the jail. General Lee 
probably saw that the defence was wholly desperate.

"The numbers in the house had diminished from about thirty to twenty, by 
sending out detachments for various purposes who could not return, and 
from other causes not now satisfactorily known. This remaining number was 
barely sufficient to man the essential stations. There were none to 
relieve them. The effects of fatigue and want of sleep began to be felt. 
Those of hunger and thirst must soon be added, for their stock of 
provisions and water was small, and a supply was impossible. To a military 
man of judgment and experience like General Lee, these circumstances would 
naturally appear in all their force. He saw the defence necessarily and 
rapidly becoming weaker, while there was reason to believe that the 
attacking force would greatly and rapidly augment. Being a soldier too 
himself, he could not doubt a soldier's honor, nor believe that Gen. 
Stricker, who had served like himself in the war of our Revolution, could 
abandon those who surrendered their arms on the faith of his word. Gen. 
Lee therefore gave his opinion early and strongly in favor of a surrender. 
Several others, no doubt from similar motives, and some in deference to 
his opinion, declared for the same course. But Mr. Hanson, more ardent 
because younger, smarting under wrongs unredressed, and flushed by the 
hope of gaining in the end a glorious victory, and less confiding

Page 322

because better acquainted with the weakness, timidity and disposition of 
the persons on whom they were invited to rely, strongly and pertinaciously 
opposed this sentiment to the last, contending that if the defence was 
really impracticable, which he by no means believed, it was better to die 
there with the arms in their hands, than to surrender for the purpose of 
being led through the streets like malefactors, and in the end massacred 
by the mob, against which he insisted that no effectual protection would 
be afforded or ought to be expected. The opinion of Gen. Lee, however, 
finally prevailed, and the whole party, to the number of between twenty 
and thirty, surrendered themselves into the hands of the civil authority. 
An escort of horse and foot was provided by General Stricker, and they 
were conducted from the house to the jail. This took place between 8 and 9 
o'clock in the morning.

In going to the jail, they were to pass by a large pile of paving stones, 
which had been provided for paving the streets. While the negotiation for 
the surrender was going on, a plan was laid to massacre the party at this 
pile of stones, and a company from Fell's Point, headed by a Mr. Worrel, 
was to join the mob at that place for the purpose. The plan was to drive 
off or knock down the escort with the stones, and then beat the prisoners 
to death. But the pile of stones was passed a few minutes before the party 
from the Point arrived, and thus the scheme was frustrated, not without 
two of the gentlemen receiving severe blows with stones said to be aimed 
at Mr. Hanson. This important fact was related on the same day to a 
gentleman by one of the chiefs of the mob, who very coolly added: 'It is 
only a short delay, for we shall take them out of the jail to-night and 
put them to death.' This intention was publicly and frequently avowed in 
the course of the day, and express invitation to that effect was given in 
the principal Democratic paper of the city, and the preparations for 
carrying it into effect were openly made. A particular incident will show 
how well it was known, or how confidently expected. A youth of the name of 
McCubbin, a clerk in the counting-house of Hollins and McBlair, had opened 
the counting-house in the morning, as usual, and after attending to his 
ordinary business, was led by curiosity or accident into the neighborhood 
of the jail at the moment when the party from the house entered it. Being 
with the crowd, he was hurried into the jail by mistake, and was actually 
locked up with the party. Messrs. Hollins and McBlair, finding his 
situation, and knowing what would probably happen at night, exerted 
themselves to the utmost, with some of their friends, to effect his 
release, which they effected a little before night with very great 
difficulty. Those gentlemen despairing, it must be presumed, of success, 
made no effort, as far as is known, to prevent the catastrophe. Some of 
their friends, however, and particularly Col. James A. Buchanan, exerted 
themselves to the utmost, as it is said and believed, but to no purpose. 
General Stricker and Mr. Johnson being informed of

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the intended massacre, an order was obtained in the legal form to call out 
the military for the protection of the jail. This order was given to Gen. 
Stricker by Mr. Johnson, on the certificates and requisition of two 
magistrates. Gen. Stricker accordingly ordered out the fifth regiment 
(commanded by Col. Joseph Sterrett, a brave man, and to be relied on in 
all situations,) but directed expressly that they should be furnished with 
blank cartridges only. This part of the order might very well deter, and 
no doubt did deter many of the well-disposed militia from turning out. 
They might well suppose that the order might by some means become known to 
the mob, who far from being intimidated by the appearance of soldiers 
known to be unarmed, would naturally consider it, as it was, a pledge for 
their perfect impunity, and might probably slaughter the soldiers 
themselves. The general exasperation, moreover, which prevailed on account 
of the events of the morning, which, as always happens on such occasions, 
had been wholly misrepresented, and were almost universally misunderstood, 
was so high that great numbers of the militia and some entire companies, 
especially one of the cavalry, absolutely refused to turn out; many, it 
may be supposed, were prevented by their fears. Yet notwithstanding all 
these unfavorable circumstances a number did appear, which is stated by 
some to have been sixty, and by others not more than thirty. Col. Sterrett 
was at the head of this fragment of his regiment; Col. Samuel Sterrett, 
who commands one of the companies, was also at his post; so was Major 
Richard K. Heath. The other officers who appeared are not recollected. The 
Brigadier-General himself, after his solemn pledge of his word and honor 
as an officer and a man in the presence of God, did not appear. He was not 
seen with the troops, and if seen in the streets at all, it was in his 
common dress with a rattan in his hand. He nowhere showed himself as the 
commander of the militia, made no call in person on the troops or the 
citizens to rally around him, but contented himself with barely doing what 
was required of him, according to the strict letter, by ordering out a 
part of the militia, and rendered that order futile and nugatory, or 
worse, by combining it with an order to come without effective arms. This 
part of his order was however disobeyed by many, if not all of the militia 
who came out: resolved not to be exposed to massacre by this unaccountable 
conduct of their general, they furnished themselves as well as they could 
with ball-cartridges.

"In the afternoon, while the troops were ordered out, and while they were 
assembling, Mr. Johnson, Mayor, went to the jail, accompanied by Mr. 
Hargrove, register of the city, and together with Gen. Stricker, Judge Job 
Smith, Mr. Wilson, magistrate, Mr. Calhoun, brigade inspector, visited the 
gentlemen in the jail, to inform them of the efforts that were making, and 
would be made for their protection. They renewed their solemn assurances 
of protection, and told the party to rest satisfied, as the military would

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be out in a very short time, when there would be no danger of an attack 
upon the jail. A butcher by the name of Mumma, and two others, understood 
to be prominent in the mob, entered the room in company with the Mayor and 
remained after him. While the interview between the Mayor, General, &c., 
and the gentlemen continued, this butcher was employed in observing and 
most attentively remarking their countenances and their dress. As many of 
them were strangers in Baltimore, his object no doubt was to enable 
himself to identify them, and point them out to his associates, when the 
massacre should commence. This very butcher did stand at the first iron 
grate and knock down the gentlemen as they were brought out. It was by 
him, so stationed, that Mr. Hanson was first recognized and shockingly 
beaten. In the course of the afternoon the gentlemen were apprised from 
various quarters of the fate which awaited them at night, and particularly 
a gentleman of the Democratic party (who is nevertheless a man of honor, 
courage and humanity), after struggling in vain to provide means of 
protection, or to avert the danger, informed them of all they had to 
expect.

"The door of the room in which they were confined was very strong; 
composed of thick iron bars fastened together, so as to make a grate, it 
enabled them to see what was done on the outside, while if kept locked, it 
was capable of affording them a very considerable defence. That they might 
make the most of this feeble resource, in the apprehended absence of all 
others, they sent for the turnkey, and requested him to lock the door and 
give them the key. This he promised, but did not perform. They sent to him 
again and reminded him of his promise, which he repeated and again 
neglected. They saw no more of him until the slaughter commenced.

"The militia having assembled in front of their Colonel's quarters in Gay 
street, at a very considerable distance from the jail, the General, 
instead of putting himself at their head, endeavoring to increase their 
numbers and leading them to the jail, left them standing in Gay street; 
and hearing that the mob had assembled at the jail in great numbers, he 
and the Mayor, accompanied by John Montgomery, Attorney-General of the 
State, went to them a little before sunset to expostulate with them on the 
impropriety of their conduct and persuade them to disperse. The object 
which the mob then thought proper to avow openly, was to prevent the 
gentlemen from being admitted to bail. An assurance being given to them by 
the Attorney-General and the Judge that bail should not be received before 
next day, they are said to have declared themselves satisfied and to have 
promised to disperse. Some of them, no doubt, made such a declaration and 
promise, with what intentions will soon appear. General Stricker and Mr. 
Johnson, Mayor, thought fit to be satisfied with these assurances. Some of 
their friends, supposed to be men of influence among the mob, are

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said to have obtained similar assurances, and to have been equally 
satisfied. Be that as it may, the Brigadier-General, the Mayor of the 
city, and the Attorney-General of the State left the jail with the mob 
still assembled before it, and went into the city proclaiming that 
everything was settled and all danger at an end. On this ground Gen. 
Stricker dismissed a body of militia under Major Heath, which he met on 
his way from the jail, notwithstanding the advice and remonstrance of 
Major Heath, who exhorted them to go once more to the jail before they 
were dismissed and see whether all was safe. From Major Heath he proceeded 
to Colonel Sterrett, and ordered him to dismiss the party which was under 
arms in Gay street, an order which Mr. Sterrett obeyed with a heavy heart. 
Gen. Stricker then proceeded through the town to his own house, which is 
in a part still more distant from the jail, and on his way he proclaimed 
that everything was settled, all danger over, and no further need of any 
protecting force. By this means he dispersed a number of citizens who had 
assembled with a view of giving their aid. When he reached his own house 
he shut himself up and ordered himself to be denied, or was out of the way.

"The dismissal of the military was instantly made known to the mob at the 
jail by their associates stationed for that purpose, and they regarded it, 
as was natural, as the signal for attack. They immediately made a furious 
attack on the outward doors of the jail, which being observed by a 
gentleman who happened at that moment to pass on horseback, he rode full 
speed to Gen. Stricker's house, to give him the information. He was told 
that Gen. Stricker was not at home. Inquiring where he was, and expressing 
a strong desire to see him, in order to give him the information, the 
gentleman was told that 'Gen. Stricker could not be seen; and that if he 
could, it would be unavailing, for he had already done all he could or 
would do.' The gentleman then went in quest of the Mayor, who fearing or 
being informed of what happened, had gone to the jail with two or three 
men supposed to have influence with the mob, whom he had engaged to assist 
him. With them he attempted to prevent the doors from being forced open; 
but his attempts were fruitless, and at length his assistants, fearing for 
his safety and their own, almost forced him away. The attack then 
proceeded without further hindrance or fear of interruption; and when the 
violence of the attack upon the outward door to the east increased, a 
voice from within was heard saying, 'Come round to the other door!'--which 
they were seen to do by some of the gentlemen in prison. There can be no 
doubt that it was in the power of Gen. Stricker to prevent or easily repel 
this attack. Had he put on his uniform, mounted on horseback, put himself 
at the head of such of the military as had assembled, called for more 
force, exhorted the citizens to volunteer, and marched to the jail with 
all the force which he could thus collect--had he, as his duty and 
plighted honor required, taken post at or in the jail, even with the small

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body of militia which had assembled, the mob would unquestionably have 
been deterred or repulsed. But he was blind to all such considerations, 
and left the mob to their course by dismissing the military, and infusing 
a false and fatal security into the citizens. But above all, after the 
massacre, when it was discovered that some of the persons thrown into the 
pile of the supposed slain were not quite dead, and might be restored, 
intelligence of the fact was carried to town. Upon receiving the 
information, a distinguished gentleman went to Gen. Stricker's house and 
had him called out of bed. He communicated to the General the joyful 
tidings, and added, 'the physicians will go out to preserve all they can, 
if you will furnish a guard or go with them.' The General said he was 
fatigued, had lost his rest the night before, and it was an improbable 
tale that any of the prisoners were alive. The gentleman urged and 
remonstrated, offering to bring him a horse immediately, but the General 
flatly declined, and returned to his bed to find repose. God of Heaven! 
did he sleep?--he 'who hath murdered sleep!' slaughtered honor, patriotism 
and courage, ensnared by treachery; betrayed the brave, and handed them 
over to the executioner, to be tortured in a manner until now unknown in 
the annals of all time, to satiate the bloody appetites of cannibals and 
tigers in human form. Have not ages of wickedness and barbarity and guilt 
been crowded into days? An all-wise and good Providence will avenge these 
horrid enormities.

"The mob gained possession of the principal entrance into the prison, but 
there wore still two very strong doors to be forced before they could 
reach the party within. One of these doors detained them more than a 
quarter of an hour. Whether it was finally forced or unlocked is not 
known. When they reached the last door, after a few slight blows it was 
unlocked. Bentley, the jailor, was the first man who entered the room, to 
the best of these deponents' recollection, and was instantly followed by 
the mob; he was probably compelled to unlock the door. From this it 
appears that a very small military guard posted in the first entry of the 
jail, especially with the Brigadier-General and the Mayor at their head, 
would have been a sufficient protection. This was the post in which the 
plighted faith and honor of Gen. Stricker should have placed him; but his 
pledge was forgotten or neglected, and the post was left wholly unguarded.

"When the victims saw the danger approach nearer and nearer they calmly 
prepared for their fate, but resolved to make every possible effort for 
effecting their escape. They had three or four pistols among them, and one 
or two dirks. It was proposed as soon as the last door should be forced 
they should shoot as many of the assailants with these pistols, for which 
there was no second charge, as possible. Mr. Hanson dissuaded from this 
course, saying it would be of no avail to kill one or two of the mob, and 
would only increase their fury and render escape more

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difficult. He strongly recommended that they should all rush among the 
mob, put out all the lights, create as much confusion as possible, and by 
that means many would escape. As for himself, he would be recognized; but 
every man must do the best to save himself. All seemed at once to embrace 
the plan; but when the mob were about entering the last door, Mr. Murray 
and Mr. Thompson presented their pistols, the former saying very 
familiarly, 'My lads, you had better retire, I can shoot either of you.' 
It was replied, 'I can kill you,' by the mob. Murray rejoined, 'I can kill 
any one of you first.' Mr. Thompson was also disposed to fire, but General 
Lee and Mr. Hanson urged to the contrary, and the mob coming in, were 
rushed upon, and the confusion commenced.

"The plan proposed by Mr. Hanson availed many of his friends, who escaped 
almost, and some entirely, unhurt, to the number of nine or ten, who made 
their way through the crowd in the confusion that ensued. But it was 
useless to himself, because he was known to Mumma the butcher, who 
recognized and knocked him down after he had made good his way to the 
lobby, as it is called, or hall of the jail. He was then dreadfully 
beaten, trampled on, and pitched for dead down the high flight of stairs 
in front of the jail. The purpose for which Mumma came into the prison 
room in the evening now appeared. He was posted at the door to mark the 
victims as they came out, and designated them for slaughter by giving each 
a blow or two, which was the signal for his associates, who proceeded to 
finish what he had begun. The fate of Mr. Hanson befel General Lee, 
General Lingan, Mr. Hall, Mr. Nelson, Mr. Kilgour, Major Musgrove, Dr. P. 
Warfield, and Mr. Wm. Gaither, all of whom were thrown down the steps of 
the jail, where they lay in a heap nearly three hours.

"During this whole time the mob continued to torture their mangled bodies, 
by beating first one and then the other, sticking pen-knives into their 
faces and hands, and opening their eyes and dropping hot candle-grease 
into them, &c. Mr. Murray, Mr. Thompson and Mr. Winchester were carried in 
a different direction and not thrown into the heap of supposed slain. 
Major Musgrove was the last who remained in the prison room when the mob 
broke in. While the slaughter of his friends was going on in the passage 
in his view, he calmly walked about the room waiting for a fate which he 
saw no possibility of averting. At length one of the assassins came and 
called him out. He went, and was attacked in the entry, knocked down and 
beaten till he was supposed by the butchers to be dead. Some of the 
victims were rendered wholly insensible by the first blows which they 
received. Others who preserved their senses and recollection, resolved to 
feign death, in hopes of thus escaping farther injury. The brave Gen. 
Lingan lost his life by his endeavors to save it. He so much mistook the 
character of the monsters as to suppose them capable of some feelings of 
humanity. He reminded them that he had fought for their

Page 328

liberties throughout the Revolutionary war, that he was old and infirm, 
and that he had a large and helpless family dependent on him for support. 
These remarks served only to attract their attention to him and to inform 
them that he was still alive. Every supplication was answered by fresh 
insults and blows. At length, while he was still endeavoring to speak and 
to stretch out his hands for mercy, one of the assassins stamped upon his 
breast, struck him many blows in rapid succession, crying out, 'the damned 
old rascal is hardest dying of all of them,' and repeating the opprobrious 
epithet of Tory! These blows put an end to his torment and his life. In a 
few minutes after his removal into jail he expired without a groan. His 
name will be immortal as his soul. While Gen. Lee's mangled body lay 
exposed, upon the bare earth, one of the monsters attempted to cut off his 
nose, but missed his aim, though he thereby gave him a bad wound in the 
nose. Either the same person or another attempted to thrust a knife into 
the eye of Gen. Lee, who had again raised himself up. The knife glanced on 
the cheek-bone, and the General being immediately by the side of Mr. 
Hanson, fell with his head upon his breast, where he lay for some minutes, 
when he was kicked or knocked off. A quantity of his blood was left on Mr. 
Hanson's breast, on observing which one of the mob shortly afterwards 
exclaimed exultingly, 'See Hanson's brains on his breast!'

"During these horrid scenes, several of the gentlemen, Mr. Nelson, Dr. 
Warfield, Mr. Kilgour, Mr. J. E. Hall, and Mr. Hanson, perfectly retained 
their senses. They sustained without betraying any signs of life, or 
gratifying their butchers with a groan or murmur, all the tortures that 
were inflicted on them. They heard without showing any emotion, the 
deliberations of the assassins about the manner of disposing of their 
bodies. At one time it was proposed to throw them all into the sink of the 
jail. Others thought it best to dig a hole and bury them all together 
immediately. Some advised that they should be thrown into Jones Falls, a 
stream which runs in front of the jail. Some that they should be 
castrated. Others again were for tarring and feathering them, and directed 
a cart to be brought for that purpose to carry them about town. Others 
insisted upon cutting all their throats upon the spot, to make sure of 
them. And lastly, it was resolved to hang them next morning and have them 
dissected. Pointing to Hanson, and jobbing him severely with a stick on 
the privates, one exclaimed, 'this fellow shall be dissected.' Being 
particularly desirous of insulting and mangling the body of Mr. Hanson, 
but finding great difficulty in identifying it, they at length thought of 
examining his sleeve-buttons, supposing they should there find the 
initials of his name. It was insisted by some one present that he knew 
Hanson well, and it was not him but Hoffman. Before they seemed to have 
settled the dispute, their attention was attracted to some other object.

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"Dr. Hall, personally unknown to all but one, it is believed, of the 
sufferers, was instrumental in rescuing them from the mob, which he did by 
a stratagem which will endear him to all good men and brighten his course 
through life. He, with the aid of others not now known, induced the mob to 
place the supposed dead bodies under his care until morning, and he 
conveyed them into the jail to the room whence they were first taken. 
There he was assisted by Drs. Birkhead, Smith, Owen, and a gentleman who 
assumed the name of Dr. Page, but is better known by the title of the 
'Boston Beauty,' and was extremely active in assisting Dr. Hall to 
administer drinks and opiates, Having examined their wounds, some of the 
doctors went to town privately for carriages to carry off the bodies. By 
management they had induced nearly all the mob to retire till morning. 
Some of them no doubt being fatigued, retired to rest and refresh 
themselves. A large part followed Mr. Thompson, who had been carried off 
in the manner stated in his narrative. Some perhaps felt sated with the 
cruelties already committed, and withdrew. The remainder were in a measure 
exhausted, and the two Democratic physicians, Drs. Hall and Owen, had the 
address ultimately to prevail on all of them to leave the jail for the 
present. While the physicians were gone for carriages, Mr. Hanson proposed 
to Drs. Hall and Owen to convey him if possible to Mr. Murray's, about 
three miles off, where his family was on a visit. He said it was likely he 
might live until morning, when if he remained in jail he would be again 
taken by the mob. He was told carriages would soon be at the jail, but 
upon discovering impatience, Dr. Owen went out to see if he could be 
safely carried off at once. When he returned, Bentley came with him, and 
Mr. H. again urged his removal, upon which Bentley objected, saying that 
he had no right to permit the prisoners to go away, as they were in 
custody. He was answered by Mr. H. that the jail being broken open and the 
prisoners rescued by the mob and brought back for security, without being 
recommitted, he could pot be blamed. Bentley replied 'very well, do as you 
please.' A person then presented himself and offered to carry Mr. H. off, 
who fell and fainted several times upon attempting to rise. Dr. Owen 
recommended and gave him a glass of brandy, which he took, and was quickly 
invigorated, and enabled with the aid of his deliverer to stand up and 
walk. He asked to be carried to Gen. Lingan, over whose dead body he stood 
for a moment, and was hurried off. When he got to the outward jail door he 
was taken on the back of his deliverer, who ran with him to the Falls, 
conveyed him over, and helped him over into a small garden opposite, where 
he was told to lie until called for. After lying some time wrapped up in a 
blanket he heard a wrangle at the jail, and concluded it was the best time 
to crawl away as well as he could, which he did to a place of safety, 
whence he was conveyed in the morning at daylight some distance from town. 
Mr. Nelson and Mr. J. E. Hall left the jail at the same time Mr.

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Hanson did. The former, though among the most injured, found his way to a 
secure retreat within a few hundred yards of Mr. H., and was taken in a 
cart covered with hay to the same house in the country, where the wounds 
of both of them were dressed, and they were taken to Anne Arundel county 
without delay. Mr. Hall got unassisted to the house of a humane gentleman 
up the Falls, near the jail. This gentleman dressed his wounds, put him to 
bed, and early in the morning sent him further into the country. The names 
of all the others who escaped in this manner are not yet known. By whom or 
with what intention he is ignorant, but Mr. Murray was carried by some 
persons and laid on the ground by the Falls. They left him there, probably 
supposing he was dead, and all went away but one. That person, after all 
the rest were gone, approached Mr. Murray and laid his hand upon him. He 
took the hand of the man and pressed it. He started with surprise and 
dread at feeling his hand pressed by what he had supposed to be a corpse. 
Murray then begged his assistance to escape, which he promised, adding 
that he was one of the mob, but thought 'there should be fair play.' He 
then assisted Murray to rise, and conducted him to a neighboring hovel, 
whence at Murray's request he went into town to inform his friends where 
he was and conduct them to the place. This office he faithfully and 
successfully performed, though so much intoxicated as to be hardly able to 
walk. Murray's friends thus conducted, came and removed him to a place of 
safety.

"Gen. Lee was taken to the hospital, where his wounds were dressed by the 
physician, and he received every assistance of which his deplorable and 
mangled situation admitted. Hence he was next day conveyed to the country, 
and arrived at Little York, where he is said to be doing well. Major 
Musgrove, it is understood, was also taken to the hospital, and carried 
the next day four miles above Ellicott's Mills, on the Montgomery road. A 
mortification having taken place in some of his wounds after he reached 
home, his life was for a time despaired of; but the skill and attention of 
Dr. Charles A. Warfield, Dr. Matthews and Dr. Allen Thomas, have preserved 
this gallant officer, and he is now out of danger.

"Dr. Peregrine Warfield, Mr. Charles J. Kilgour and Mr. William Gaither, 
all of them much mangled, were conveyed, without molestation, in a hack 
brought by the physicians about four o'clock in the morning, to Ellicott's 
Mills, and thence to the house of the father of Dr. P. W., about twenty-
four miles from town. They are all recovering.

"It would remain now to relate the last act of this horrible and bloody 
tragedy, which includes the fate of Mr. Thompson, now safe and recovering 
in Little York, Pennsylvania. He was the unhappy victim reserved, for what 
special cause is unknown, by the butchers for their infernal pastime. His 
narrative, already before the public, saves us the pain of describing the 
unheard--of tortures which untamed ferocity delighted to inflict on him. 
His prayers to put

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an end to his sufferings by death were inhumanly rejected as often as 
repeated.

"Such are the particulars of this atrocious and bloody affair which it has 
hitherto been possible to collect in an authentic shape, and a parallel to 
which is scarcely to be found in the annals of revolutionary France, even 
after the actors in similar scenes there had become hardened by custom and 
familiar to deeds of horror, cruelty and crime. The bloodhounds of 
republican France massacred by thousands those obnoxious to their 
vengeance, but they dispatched their victims quickly, rarely ever 
resorting to such lingering tortures as the exclusive republicans of this 
boasted land of liberty and happiness have the credit of inventing. It is 
proposed, as soon as practicable, to obtain from each of the gentlemen a 
separate statement on oath of what he suffered himself, and of all that 
passed within his observation. Meantime, the above statement must receive 
universal credit, every material circumstance being embraced in the 
introductory affidavit. The intended statements will be published in order 
to give a fuller view of these horrible scenes. While they hold up to 
merited detestation those who, by their active co-operation, connivance, 
or their dastardly and treacherous supineness, contributed to produce the 
catastrophe, they will serve as a beacon to warn the civil and military 
authority of other places of the danger of temporising with the most 
ferocious, ruthless and bloody of all monsters, a mob; while they teach an 
instructive lesson to the honest, but deluded citizen, seduced by the 
syren charms of democracy. The persons named in the above affidavit have 
read with mingled regret and indignation the partial, mutilated and unjust 
report of the local authorities in Baltimore, while they have seen annexed 
to it with grief and amazement the signatures of some worthy and hitherto 
firm and independent citizens. Understanding that the justification made 
for the barbarous cruelties which treachery and black malignity procured 
to be inflicted upon them, is that an extensive conspiracy was formed to 
murder or otherwise molest the citizens of Baltimore, the above named do, 
therefore, solemnly swear that no such conspiracy or association even was 
ever formed, but merely a determination entered into by less than a dozen 
gentlemen in the country to protect the person and property of Mr. Hanson, 
and defend the liberty of the press with their lives if necessary. This 
determination remains unaltered. The letters of Col. Lynn, whose advice 
was volunteered, John Hanson Thomas and Mr. Taney, have been 
disingenuously perverted to an unjust and infamous purpose.

"Rockville, August 12th, 1812."

"Narrative of John Thompson, one of the persons intended to be massacred 
with General Lingan and others, in the jail of Baltimore, on Tuesday, the 
28th of July, 1812:

"On Monday, the 27th of July last, I was invited by Mr. Hanson

Page 332

to his house, and in the evening about twilight I went there, and found 
from 15 to 16 gentlemen in his house, most of them known to me. I was told 
that an attack upon the house was threatened that night, which they had 
made preparations to resist and defeat. I saw some muskets, pistols, and 
swords in the house, for the purpose of defence. After being there some 
time, I understood an arrangement had been made, that in ease of an 
attack, the direction of the defence was appointed to Gen. Lee. About 8 
o'clock, a number of persons were collecting at the front of the house, 
who were very noisy, and began to throw stones at the windows, and they 
broke several of them. The house was in front completely closed, the door 
and inside window-shutters being shut, till the stones broke the glass and 
burst open the shutters. Mr. Hanson spoke from the second story to the 
mob, and told them if they did not desist they would fire upon them, and 
he warned the spectators to go away. Gen. Lee in the house told them not 
to fire unless it should be absolutely necessary and the doors were 
forced. The mob continued to increase and to throw stones more violently, 
which broke the windows of the first and second stories. Gen. Lee directed 
a volley to be fired from the upper story over the heads of the people in 
the street, to frighten them away without injuring them. This was executed 
and nobody was hurt. The mob huzzahed, were still more violent, and broke 
open the lower door. They were then fired upon, and a man fell at the door 
upon the inside thereof, who was immediately taken up and removed by some 
of the mob. This must have happened about 10 o'clock, or after. Judge 
Scott made his appearance and came into the house, the door having 
remained open after it was broken. He requested us to leave the house. He 
was told we should do no such thing; that we could not be secure unless 
the civil authority interfered; that we were lawfully employed with Mr. 
Hanson in protecting him and his house against violence, and whenever the 
mob would disperse or the civil authority interfere, we would retire to 
our homes, and not before.

"During the night we continued to defend ourselves, and never fired but 
after some new and violent attack. I believe it probable several were 
wounded. The mob during the night retired and gathered again, and 
attempted some fresh damage. Just about, or before daylight, the mob 
brought a field-piece, which was planted near the house and in front of 
it, but was prevented from being discharged by the arrival of Capt. 
Barney's troop of horse, and six of them being dismounted, took possession 
of the front room on the first floor, and of the back yard. Hanson and his 
friends occupied the same places which they had done during the night. So 
things remained, until Edward Johnson the Mayor, General Stricker, John 
Montgomery the Attorney-General, James Calhoun, Lemuel Taylor, and several 
others, arrived and proposed that we should leave the house. We answered 
we had no objections to leave the house,

Page 333

provided the mob would retire, or we could get home with safety. The Mayor 
said the mob could not be dispersed, nor would they be satisfied without 
we went to jail, and that we should be protected from them in going to 
jail, and while in it. To this proposal most of us expressly objected. 
Gen. Lee principally carried on the conversation on our part with the 
Mayor and Gen. Stricker. The Mayor, Gen. Stricker, and Attorney-General 
severally, declared and assured us, that we should be protected as well in 
going to the jail as in it, and the Mayor pledged his life and his honor 
that we should be safe, and that he would die with us should we be hurt. 
Gen. Stricker expressed himself in similar terms. Also Montgomery, Taylor, 
Calhoun, and their companions gave us assurance of safety if we went to 
jail. After these assurances, and finding the civil authority would not 
make any exertion to disperse the mob, we consented, with the advice of 
Gen. Lee, to deliver ourselves up to the civil authority. The Mayor 
declared his opinion that we would not be safe in the jail without a 
guard, and he and Gen. Stricker promised there should be one.

"About 8 or 9 o'clock on Tuesday forenoon we left the house, and went 
under the care and custody of the Mayor who preceded us, and we were 
placed between two lines of infantry, consisting, as it appeared, of about 
50 militia: about 20 dragoons mounted advanced before us to the jail. Gen. 
Stricker marched on foot with the infantry, and an immense concourse of 
people were in the streets, some of whom went along, and were abused in 
the most opprobrious language. Some stones were thrown with violence at 
us: one struck Mr. Kilgour and cut him badly in the forehead, and another 
struck Mr. Bigelow and nearly, knocked him down. The distance from 
Hanson's house to the jail was about one mile. At our arrival at the jail-
door, and as we entered it, several of us were struck by some of the mob 
whom we found there. Being delivered into the custody of John H. Bentley, 
the jailor, some time in the forenoon, we were put in a room in the common 
criminal department, where we remained the rest of the day. The dragoons 
and infantry left the jail soon after we were placed in it, and they did 
not return, nor was there any military guard afterwards. In the afternoon 
the Mayor came to us in the jail and assured us that there should be a 
guard, and that preparations were making to send one. He told us he would 
lose his own life before we should be hurt. Gen. Stricker was also at the 
jail, outside of it. The Mayor having been with us about 20 minutes, went 
away, leaving us in the belief that there would be a guard of armed 
militia sent to protect us in the juil. During the afternoon we were told 
several times by persons admitted to see us, that the militia were called 
out and assembling.

"Late in the afternoon two butchers, one named Mumma and the other 
Maxwell, came into our room; the former having a key in his hand. Mumma 
asked the names of several of the prisoners

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--I told him. Mr. Hoffman said he wondered Mr. Bentley should suffer so 
many men to come into their room who had no business there. Mumma answered 
that he came there on Mr. Bentley's business. They were personally known 
to me and some of my fellow-prisoners. We suspected their intentions were 
not good, and I inquired of Mr. Bentley if Mumma was a friend of his. 
Bentley answered 'he pretends to be so.' I replied, 'you ought to know him 
well before you trust the key of our room in his hands,' and I proposed 
that he should lock the door and give me the key through the grate. On the 
inside the door cannot be unlocked, and there was the outer door locked. 
Bentley refused, saying, 'I cannot do so, as you are a prisoner under my 
care.' The door was immediately locked by somebody, and the mob very soon 
began to assemble from various quarters, but no troops were arriving. This 
excited much alarm in our room, it being after sunset, and we apprehended 
we were to be sacrificed.

"About dark the back door of the jail was beset by the mob, who entered it 
without breaking it by force. By whom it was opened I do not know but by 
hearsay. They began to break down the wood and iron gratings in the 
passage leading to our room, which took them at least three-quarters of an 
hour. They had the light of torches. The grating of our room was opened 
instantly without any exertion, which makes me believe it was opened by 
some one having the key, and I believe either by Mumma or Maxwell. The 
first person I recognized at the grating was Henry Keating, who keeps a 
printing-office, and him I should have killed with my pistols but for Gen. 
Lee, who laid hold of my arm and begged me not to fire, and also prevented 
Mr. Murray from firing. It had been agreed that Mr. Murray and myself, 
being the strongest men, should first rush out and make the best of our 
way, and every person was to escape as he could. Some of the mob rushed 
into the room, and Mr. Murray and myself rushed out, both of us armed--I 
had a pistol in each hand, and he a dirk and pistol. We made our way 
through the passage and hall without injury till I was at the front outer 
door, when I was struck on the back of my head with a heavy club by some 
man I had passed, which threw me forward from the head of the steps, and I 
fell headlong down about twelve feet. There I saw a gang of ruffians armed 
with clubs, ready to destroy whomsoever should pass down the steps, and 
six or seven of them instantly assaulted me while down, and beat me about 
the head until I was unable to rise. Some of them dragged me twenty or 
thirty yards while others were beating me with clubs. They then tried to 
make me stand on my feet, and looking round I perceived Lemuel Taylor, and 
I called upon him to prevent those men from taking my life. He told the 
men to desist, and said they had beat me enough, and begged them not to 
take my life. They said they would kill me. He again repeated that I was 
beat enough, and desired that

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I should be let alone, and he would be security for my forthcoming in the 
morning. They disregarded what he had said. They dragged me along, and it 
was proposed to tar and feather me, and as I went along they continued to 
strike me with sticks and clubs. One fellow struck at me with an axe, who 
missed me. When they had dragged me a considerable distance, and into Old 
Town, they met with a cart and put me into it, and dragged it along 
themselves to a place where they got tar. I had left my coat in the jail, 
and they tore my shirt and other clothing, and put the tar on my bare 
body, upon which they put feathers. They drew me along in the cart in this 
condition, and calling me traitor and Tory and other scandalous names, 
they did not cease to beat me with clubs and cut me with old rusty swords. 
I received upon my head, arms, sides, thighs, and back upwards of eighteen 
cuts of the sword. On my head one cut was very deep, besides which my head 
was broken in more than twelve places by other instruments, such as sticks 
and clubs. I received a few blows in my face, and very many severe bruises 
on different parts of my body. My eyes were attempted to be gouged, and 
preserved by means of the tar and feathers, though they were much injured.

"About the same time as I was lying in the cart, a fellow struck both of 
my legs with a bar of iron, swearing, damn my eyes, 'I will break your 
legs.' I drew my legs up, and he was led to think and to say he had broke 
them. Shortly after I received a blow with a club across my eyes, upon 
which I lay as if dead, supposing it would stop their further beating me. 
Remaining so for some time, I was struck upon my thighs, which I bore as 
if dead. A villain said he would see if I was dead, and he stuck a pin 
into my body twice, at which time I did not flinch, but I still remained 
senseless as if dead. Another said he would show if I was dead; he pulled 
a handful of tar and feathers, and set fire to it, and stuck it on my 
back, which put into a blaze what was on my back. I turned over suddenly 
and rolled upon the flame, which put it out before it reached too great a 
height, but I was burnt in several parts. I then raised upon my knees and 
addressed them: 'For God's sake be not worse than savages; if you want my 
life, take it by shooting or stabbing.' Often I begged them to put an end 
to it. Upon this one said, 'don't burn him;' another said, 'we will hang 
him.' One in the shales of the cart turned round and said to me, 'if you 
will tell the names of all in the house, and all you know about it, we 
will save your life.' Believing all the damage was done which could be 
done by them, I did not hesitate to say I would. They took me out of the 
cart upon the causeway at Fell's Point, and carried me to the Bull's Head 
tavern. There I gave them the names of all the persons in the house (most 
of them already known to them,) which they took in writing, and the reason 
of our being in the house was to defend Mr. Hanson and his house against 
violence with which he had been threatened. They detained me

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about an hour at this tavern, and offered me some whiskey, of which I took 
several glasses, being extremely thirsty and weak from the loss of blood. 
They then made me walk with several persons on each side upholding me, 
towards the watch-house, where they said I should be kept till the 
morning, and that I should swear to what I had said before a magistrate by 
9 o'clock, or if I did not they would hang me.

"On my way I was unable to proceed, and stopped twice to rest. When I 
first stopped, some of them said they had got all they could out of me and 
they would now hang me. I rose and went on, and some who were against 
hanging me followed, and I was obliged by weakness to stop again, when it 
was proposed again to hang me; and one person said they would cut off my 
head and stick it on a pole. The vote was taken and carried for hanging 
me, but some said they should not hang me, that my life had been promised 
upon condition of disclosing what I knew, and that the information I might 
give them would be of use to them. I was then moved to the watch-house, 
and delivered to the captain of the watch about two o'clock in the 
morning, who was told they held him responsible for my body at 9 o'clock. 
I laid myself on the floor, a doctor was sent for by the captain of the 
watch, who came, and having removed the tar and feathers, sewed up the 
wounds on my head and dressed them. Between 9 and 10 o'clock the mob was 
gathered at the watch-house, and some were for hanging me, saying that I 
had not sworn to what I had told them before a magistrate before 9 
o'clock, as had been stipulated, and one of them said the rope was ready. 
I observed it was not my fault, that I was not able to go to a magistrate, 
and that I was ready to swear to it if they would bring one. They then 
brought a magistrate of the name of Galt, who took my affidavit, in which 
was stated the names of the persons in the house, the causes of their 
meeting, and the name of the person under whom they were acting in the 
house. It was read aloud, and at this period the Mayor, Lemuel Taylor and 
some others arrived, who said they would take me to the hospital out of 
the hands of these men. Mr. Taylor said he had no idea of seeing me alive. 
The doctor had lent me a shirt, and I was now provided with a pair of 
trowsers. The Mayor sent for a carriage, but the mob said I should not 
ride in it, that a cart was good enough for me, and a cart was brought, 
into which I was placed,--stretched out in the cart and exposed to a hot 
sun!

"About 11 o'clock I was carried to the hospital, the distance of a mile, 
the Mayor accompanying me, amidst the noise of a great concourse of 
people. There I heard the groans of Gen. Lee, in a room adjoining who had 
been said to be dead. After the crowd had dispersed, some of my friends, 
who did not think me safe, sent me a carriage, into which I was put 
without losing a minute, and Gen. Lee was put into the same carriage. We 
were hurried away into the country, in our Wounded; bruised and mangled 
condition.

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We arrived at Yorktown, Pa., on Saturday evening, the first of August, 
where we received the humane and friendly sympathies and attentions of the 
inhabitants, and the medical aid of two gentlemen of the faculty.

"Possessed of a strong constitution and in the prime of life, I cherish 
the hope that I shall survive all the bruises and wounds which have been 
so cruelly and maliciously inflicted by a wicked and lawless mob, and that 
I shall be again restored to the fall use and enjoyment of my bodily 
powers.

"Given under my hand this 6th of August, 1812.

"John Thompson."

Gen. James Macubbin Lingan was a native of Maryland, descended from a 
respectable family, and was brought up in a store in Georgetown. At the 
commencement of the American Revolution he obtained a commission in the 
army--was at the battle of Long Island, where the Maryland Line suffered 
so severely, and was one of those spared to aid in the defence of York 
Island. He escaped the balls of the Hessians who drove in the advanced 
posts of Fort Washington, and became a prisoner when that fortress 
surrendered, and partook of the sufferings which followed. When the new 
constitution went into operation he was appointed collector of the port of 
Georgetown by Washington, the friend of the patriot and soldier. Gen. 
Lingan was one of the most upright of men, and it may justly be said he 
knew no guile. He was beloved by his neighbors, and respected by all who 
knew him. In regard to personal courage he appeared to know no fear. This 
was evinced. in the hour of his death. After having received the fatal 
blow, he reached out his hand to one of his companions, saying, "Farewell, 
I am a dying man, make your escape--return home and take care there"--no 
doubt referring to his wife and fatherless children, who, it is said, he 
left in destitute circumstances. On Tuesday, the first of September, 
funeral honors were paid to the memory of General Lingan in Georgetown. So 
numerous were the mourners, that it was found necessary to substitute for 
a church which had been originally selected, a shady eminence in the 
neighborhood. The procession was composed of clergymen of different 
denominations, several companies of soldiers, a band of Revolutionary 
heroes, then followed strangers of distinction, and an immense number of 
citizens from the counties of Montgomery, Baltimore, Frederick, Charles, 
Prince George's, St. Mary's, and from the cities of Georgetown, 
Washington, and Alexandria. The oration of George W. Parke Custus, the 
orator of the day, was extemporaneous, and riveted the attention of the 
audience; the solemn stillness which reigned was only interrupted by sighs 
and tears. We quote the following from his address: "O Maryland I would 
that the waters of thy Chesapeake could wash this foul stain from thy 
character! O Maryland! would that the recording angel who carries thy

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black deed to heaven's chancery on high, could drop a tear upon it and 
blot it out forever! But no! A voice cries from the tomb of the brave. It 
rises to the God of nature and humanity, and demands a vengeance on the 
murderer!"

Major Henry Lee commanded the party. Light Horse Harry Lee, at the early 
age of nineteen, was devoted to liberty's battles. Greene considered him 
as a man nature had formed for war, and his achievements as commander of 
the Partisan Corps in the Southern army were eminent and deserving. Since 
the Revolution he filled high civil and military stations. He 
distinguished himself as the Governor of the State of Virginia, and as a 
member of the National Legislature. He stated it to be "the duty of the 
historian and the sages of all ages to let no occasion pass of 
commemorating this illustrious man--Washington." That Lee was a man of 
letters, a scholar who had ripened under a truly classical sun, we have 
only to turn to his work on the Southern War, where he was indeed the 
magna pars fui of all which he relates--a work which well deserves to be 
ranked with the commentaries of the famed master of the Roman world, who, 
like our Lee, was equally renowned with the pen as the sword. But there is 
a line--a single line--in the works of Lee which would hand him over to 
immortality though he had never written another. "First in war, first in 
peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen," will last while 
language lasts. What a sublime eulogium is pronounced in this noble line! 
so few words, and yet how illustrative are they of the vast and matchless 
character of Washington. Gen. Henry Lee was the father of Gen. Robert E. 
Lee, late the commander of the Confederate Army. He went to the West 
Indies with the hope of improving his health, but never recovered. Early 
in 1818 he returned to the United States. He stopped at the house of Mrs. 
Shaw, the daughter of his old friend and companion-in-arms, Gen. Greene, 
on Cumberland island, off the coast of Georgia, where he died on the 
twenty-fifth of March, at the age of sixty-two years.

Extracts from a letter dated Yorktown, 7th August, 1812, in regard to the 
injuries sustained by General Lee from the mob: "On the crown of his head 
there was a wound about one inch square, which must have been made with a 
stick or club. It had been sewed up; the bone of the head is not 
fractured, and this wound seemed to cure fast. On his left cheek there is 
a deep cut as if made with a pen-knife; his nose was slit with a knife as 
far as the bridge, and having been immediately sewed up, seems to be 
united and is doing well, and the nose has its natural form. His right eye 
has been dreadfully bruised, and is still closed; it is believed the sight 
will be preserved. The upper lip has been stitched up. He sees out of the 
left eye, which also was severely bruised; and both sides of his head, his 
whole face and his throat, from his ears to the breast-bone, are 
shockingly bruised and much swollen. This arose from efforts to strangle 
him, and to this cause his inability

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to speak or to swallow any solid food at this period is attributed. There 
are some bruises from the club on his left thigh, which are not to be 
regarded now."

The grandfather of Mr. Hanson was appointed by the Maryland Legislature a 
member of the Revolutionary Congress, and afterwards became president of 
Congress, then the first magistrate of the country, being the third 
elected under the old confederation. Mr. Hanson's father was high in the 
confidence of Washington, resided a long time in his family, was for 
several years his private secretary, and was afterward chosen by the 
General as one of his aides; but sickness prevented him from accepting the 
offer, although the place was several months kept open for him. When the 
war ended, the father o