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This day the record of the trial of Misek, a negro in Greensville, for Conspiracy was brought. The evidence was too feeble and therefore I have reprieved him for sale and transportation.

Sixteenth day. I had a Council of State, transacted business and received the record of nine slaves condemned to be hanged by the Court of Sussex. One I have reprieved. No news from any other part of the State.

Seventeenth day. Had a Council. Received an express from Amelia to-day, asking arms as families have been murdered in Dinwiddie near the Nottoway line. Colonel Davidson of the thirty-ninth Regiment Petersburgh, states the same by report. I do not exactly believe the report.

Nineteenth day. News from the Colonel of the thirty-ninth says the whole is false as it relates to the massacre of Mrs. Cousins and family in Dinwiddie. The slaves are quiet and evince no disposition to rebel.

Twentieth day. Did little business except to receive and dispatch public letters. The alarm of the country is great in the counties between this and the Blue Ridge Mountains. I am daily sending them a portion of arms though I know there is no danger as the slaves were never more humble and subdued.

Twenty-first day. I went to the council chamber to-day to transact business which required a Council. There are no councillors in town but Daniel. After waiting until I was tired I left the Capitol. Mr. Daniel did not come at half after ten.

Twenty-second day. This day was spent in giving

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orders for arms to be distributed to various counties and regiments.

Twenty-third day. I received the record of the trial of Lucy and Joe of Southampton. They were of the insurgents. What can be done, I yet know not, as I am obliged by the Constitution first to require the advice of the Council, then I do as I please. This endangers the lives of these negroes, though I am disposed to reprieve for transportation I cannot do it until I first require advice of the Council and there are no councillors now in Richmond, nor will there be unless Daniel comes to town in time enough.

Twenty-sixth day. I have been busily employed sending off arms to distant counties this morning, but the rain put a stop to that operation.

Twenty-seventh day. I have received a record of the trial of three slaves, for treason in Southampton. Am recommended to mercy, which I would grant but the forms of our infamous Constitution makes it necessary before the Governor does any act involving discretionary power, first to require advice of Council, and in this case I cannot do so, because there is not one member of the Council of State in Richmond, wherefore the poor wretch must lose his life by their absence from their official duty.

I have received this day another number of the "Liberator," a newspaper printed in Boston. with the express intention of inciting the slaves and free negroes in this and the other States to rebellion and to murder the men, women and children of those states. Yet we are gravely told there is no law to punish such an offence. The amount of it then is this, a man in our States may plot treason in one

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state against another without fear of punishment, whilst the suffering state has no right to resist by the provisions of the Federal Constitution. If this is not checked it must lead to a separation of these states. If the forms of law will not punish, the law of nature will not permit men to have their families butchered before their eyes by their slaves and not seek by force to punish those who plan and encourage them to perpetrate these deeds. I shall notice this in my next message to the General Assembly of this State. Something must be done and with decision.

Twenty-ninth day. No councillors in Richmond.

OCTOBER, 1831.

First day. But little business done. Councillors out of the city except P. V. Daniel, with whom I will not do business unless of necessity where it can not be delayed.

Second day, Sunday. I transacted much business to-day of an official character and some ex officio business.

Fourth day. I transacted business at the Capitol until late, but became so unwell that I had to return home to the Governor's house.

Eighth day. Transacted much business and in the evening went to the Quoit Club. Major Gibbon was there in fine spirit. Chief Justice Marshall was absent to-day. It is among the few days that he has been absent from this club for forty years. His health is declining and I think he will not live long. He is now in his seventy-fourth year. This club meets together to enjoy themselves every other Saturday from May to October.

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Ninth day. This day the distinguished Ornithologist, Mr. Audubon, called on me, bearing a letter of introduction from the Honorable Charles Everett of Massachusetts. This gentleman is an American Ornithologist, and is at the head of men of that branch of science, is accomplished and sensible.

Tenth day. The Supreme Court of Appeals assembled to-day.

At eleven o'clock, my nephew, Colonel William Campbell Preston, of South Carolina, called upon me on his way home to South Carolina from the Anti- Tariff Convention at Philadelphia. He says that the New York members came there for any other purpose than to aid in repealing the tariff. That he has knowledge of the proceeding of the Anti-Masonic Convention in Baltimore. That John C. Springer of New York told Mr. Wirt they would deal fairly with him, that their object was to elect Mr. Calhoun, but if in offering it to him he could make anything of it, he should have the trial, that they would support him. Wirt had the meanness to accept the nomination under these circumstances. He has, though, met the reward of his folly as he is sneered at and ridiculed by the universal public, not one State will vote for him, not even the smallest. If, however, he becomes ashamed of his attitude and withdraws his pretensions as a candidate, then that party will take up Mr. Calhoun. In that event he will be elected and turn out Jackson with all his unworthy officers, men not gentlemen, who lie, mutilate records, alter dates and traduce all men opposed to them to keep themselves in power. The

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American people have much patience and virtue and must send them home with ignominy. Cralle must come here and edit a Calhoun paper, Ritchie of the Enquirer must be overthrown and Pleasants of the Whig must be brought round to aid our cause. I think I can effect all this. According to Ritchie "We shall see."

Eleventh day. This day I gave to Judge Carr a written paper connected with the conduct of Garrison and Knopp, conspirators in Boston, to cause the negroes of the South to engage in an insurrection.

Thirteenth day. I did business to-day though I am far from being well. My health, I fear, is never to be restored. I feel as though it was this climate which has so hastened my depletion, not that there is in it anything positively bad, but so much worse than my own mountain air, that a weak constitution and much enfeebled health is sinking under it.

Fourteenth day. Transacted public business and called in the evening on Mrs. Robertson, the daughter of our cousin Frank Smith. She behaved shabbily and he was cool and exhibited unfriendly feelings, why, I know not, unless that her father knows he has abstracted himself from his relations because he is rich. This Mrs. Robertson is lately married to one of the councillors, a man of good sense but no talents. He is a gentlemen and in advance of a majority of men, though some strong defects exhibit in him.

Fifteenth day. This day my son Benjamin arrived from Thorn Spring. He is in good health. Had much business transacted. The James River Company could not meet as the second Auditor, Mr.

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Brown, is sick, the Treasurer out of town, and Mr. Heath's wife is not expected to live.

Sixteenth day. I saw Judge Brook and talked over the affairs of the country and the course pursued by the Northern conspirators. He thinks they might be punished under the common law. I have as yet not determined whether I will require of the Governor of Massachusetts to have the villains prosecuted and punished.

Seventeenth day. This day I granted a pardon for William V. Neil of Washington County, sentenced to the Penitentiary for Grand Larceny. I had another application for arms from the town of Norfolk. I am disgusted with the cowardly fears of that town. They have exhibited more fear, cowardice and alarm than the whole State besides, even during the insurrection of Southampton.

Eighteenth day. I received yesterday an anonymous letter from Philadelphia, giving me an account of the proceedings of the Northern Conspirators and promising me his name if concealed from the public as the conspirators would fire his residence or injure him. This club of villains, who are maturing plans for treason and rebellion and insurrection in Virginia and the southern states extends from Philadelphia to Boston. They are unheeded by the northern states. If we, to the South, ever feel the influence of their measures, this Union is at an end as we can not consent to be tied up by the confederacy from doing ourselves justice, when the authorities of those states refuse to check the evil. I think I shall be able, in the end to disappoint their plans.

Twentieth day. No public business to-day. The

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James River Company not convened, members sick. Called on Mrs. Ambler, Mrs. Nicholas and Doctor McCaw, Sr.

When I returned I wrote the following letter to L. N. Q., an anonymous writer from Philadelphia, who gives me to understand that the Northern fanatics are in that city plotting treason and insurrection in this State and planning the massacre of the white people of the southern states by the blacks. Allen, a negro of Philadelphia, and two white men of Boston and some of New York, besides a numerous band of white men and negroes in their train. The letter is here recorded in the handwriting of my son, Benjamin Rush Floyd.

Virginia Executive Department, Richmond, Virginia,

October 20th, 1831.

Sir: I have received your communication of the fifteenth instant, for which I feel under obligations to you and am glad to perceive this manifestation of correct and good feeling from the North, and the more pleased to find it from Pennsylvania, where all the scenes and pleasant days of my schoolboyhood are located, to which I have often recurred with, unmixed pleasure.

I know there are many unworthy fanatics in every country, but those of the North seem to think it would be proper to have the minority here put to death the majority that the minority might be free, or in other words, wander at large, as that would be the only change. The condition of our slaves is good. They have for years occupied the position of laborers as they have felt nothing of slavery.

I think I may say to you that the feelings of the Virginians are more strongly enlisted in favor of these people than even the people of the North and would do anything which could be effected

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with safety for their emancipation. We feel the inconvenience and know the difficulty.

This process has been going on gradually and in due time would have ceased; if the process has been too slow to suit the views of these fanatical pretenders to extensive philanthropy it is because we have been tender and mindful of the condition of those people. I think now you will agree with me that we are not bound to consult their interests any longer and are at liberty to act upon our own.

I would not have you believe that any change will take place in relation to our treatment of our Slaves, but as they acquire their freedom hereafter, we will not be bound to make that freedom any matter of interest to the State which heretofore has been done with affectionate sympathy.

I was prepared to expect much from those fanatics from Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, though it never occurred to me that the citizens of those cities would be molested from entertaining any opinion they pleased in relation to the expediency and policy of the measures pursued by them. This, however, appearing from your letter not to be the case proves the affair to be of a more desperate character than even I suspected. I cannot therefore hesitate to offer you every assurance that the injunction you require shall be strictly and fully complied with.

I would, though, be glad to know from yourself, whether the matter you communicate can or may be communicated to the General Assembly withholding your name? That body will soon be here and the Southampton affair will doubtless occupy their earnest attention. Yours respectfully,

John Floyd.

To L. N. Q.

Twenty-second day. Transacted my public business. My nephew by marriage, Mr. Charles C. Johnston, arrived and is with me. He will remain a few days before he goes to Congress. Not well to-day.

Twenty-fourth day. Professor Dew of Williamsburgh called to-day. We talked on Federal politics.

Twenty-sixth day. Met the James River Company,

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also received news of the supposed appearance of Nat, the Southampton leader of insurrection, being in Greenbrier. Not true.

Twenty-eighth day. Had a Council. Mr. Johnston, our nephew, left me to-day to return to Abingdon with a view of preparing for his trip to Congress.

Thirtieth day. Had a Council. Received news that the dead body of the negro which was supposed to be Nat had been taken up and examined by General Smith of Kanawha and found not to answer the description.

NOVEMBER, 1831.

First day. No business done as the second Auditor is sick and the Treasurer is out of town.

Third day. Received news of the capture of Nat. He was taken in Southampton.

Fourth day. This day my wife arrived and her children, John and his wife, William, Lavalette, Nicketti, Coralie, and Woushippakniga.

Seventh day. Received the record of the trial of sundry slaves condemned for insurrection.

Eighth day. Transacted business in Council, in the Board of Public Works, James River Company and Literary Fund.

Tenth day. I saw to-day Mr. White, the delegate from Florida. He spent the day with me and talked much of the Presidential Election. He professed himself friendly to Mr. Calhoun but alleging as cause for not supporting him that the North would not support him on account of his nullification expose,

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that he could not support Clay as the Anti-Masons had refused to take him up, wherefore he thought it the true policy for all those who were not friendly to the election of Jackson to unite on Wirt, who has been elected by the Anti-Masons.

To this I feel opposed because Wirt is not a man to be trusted, he is lax in his morals and can think anything in politics. As to constitutional law, he finds no difficulty in evading it. Moreover, Mr. White stated that Wirt would unite all the fanatics and discontents in the aid of the Anti- Masons if he could and succeed at all events. This is with me highly objectionable. I know that Jackson has disappointed all of the hopes of his friends and party as he has proved himself ignorant and incapable and latitudinous in his politics, and has put the government into the hands of mean people, but this is not so bad and dangerous to liberty as to place the government in the hands of fanatics, knaves, and religious bigots.

This Gentleman, White, I am sure has been sent here to converse with me with a hope to influencing me to take over Wirt's interests. The Calhoun party, believing that the Clay party would go along with us and thereby take the majority of this State against Jackson. I will never sanction success by calling fanatics to aid. If liberty cannot be preserved without, then it can not be preserved at all.

Thirteenth day. Yesterday Senator John Tyler, of Congress, called on me. He will be here to-day as we have much conversation on hand relative to general politics.

Fourteenth day. Transacted the usual business of

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the office of Governor and also the ex officio business.

Fifteenth day. Wirt cannot be elected as President of the United States. He cannot obtain more than six or eight votes.

Seventeenth day. I received letters from John and Lewis Williams, dated Knoxville, Tennessee. They are complimentary as to the mode in which I managed the Southampton insurrection.

Nineteenth day. Business as heretofore. We begin to look for movements in the Legislative world.

Twentieth day. This day I went to the Catholic Church.

Twenty-first day. There are still demands for arms in the lower country. I could not have believed there was half the fear amongst the people of the lower country in respect to their slaves. Before I leave this Government, I will have contrived to have a law passed gradually abolishing slavery in this State, or at all events to begin the work by prohibiting slavery on the West side of the Blue Ridge Mountains.

Twenty-third day. I have reprieved for sale and transportation several slaves.

Twenty-sixth day. I have received more applications for arms.

Twenty-eighth day. I am preparing a message to the General Assembly. It will be ultra States Rights.

DECEMBER, 183?

First day. Members of Congress are passing through this City to Washington. Almost all of

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them are dissatisfied with Jackson's administration. Public business as usual.

Second day. I am busy with my message. Some of my friends to whom I have shown it are afraid it is too bold and strong for the times. I think it right and know it honest, therefore I will send it forth, though it may not suit the palate of the Federal Executive. What is he to me, when the good of the country requires this weak and wicked administration to be stopped in its downward career.

Third day. Mr. John C. Calhoun, the Vice-President of the United States, arrived this day on his way to Congress. He says South Carolina will nullify the tariff unless it is greatly modified.

Fourth day. Mr. Calhoun leaves for Washington to-morrow. He dines this day with me, also Mr. Cralle.

Fifth day. Mr. Calhoun left the city this morning. The General Assembly met to-day in good spirits and elected their officers.

Sixth day. My message was well received, though many think it a bold state paper. It may be their attachment to Jackson has blunted their patriotism. I think so. But it is the true doctrine of the Federal Constitution and States Rights. I will maintain it as long as I am Governor even to the utmost hazard.

Ninth day. The House of Delegates have appointed their Committees. The President's message to Congress has been received. It is in much more subdued tones than heretofore. The old man is afraid of losing his reelection.

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Twelfth day. The river is frozen as far down as City Point and all navigation is stopped, both above and below.

Fourteenth day. Letters from Congress advise me that measures are taken by Clay and his party to sustain the tariff.

Sixteenth day. Nothing of importance in the Assembly. Some of the members begin to talk of a loan for improving the State in Railroads.

Nineteenth day. Letters from Washington City declare that no nullification of the Tariff will take place this year.

Twentieth day. The General Assembly have done little. Congress also seems stationary. I believe because both parties, Tariff and Arbitration, are ascertaining their grounds and maturing their plans for a tremendous debate. The President's hands are found to be too feeble to hold the reigns of the Government of the Confederacy. I fear the worst of consequences from his incapacity.

Twenty-third day. Letters from the South inform me that my message is still well considered and has much increased my standing and popularity there.

Twenty-sixth day. The public business gets on slowly. The question of the gradual abolition of slavery begins to be mooted. The Eastern members, meaning those east of the Blue Ridge Mountains, wish to avoid the discussion, but it must come if I can influence my friends in the Assembly to bring it on. I will not rest until slavery is abolished in Virginia.

Twenty-ninth day. News from Congress shows us

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that little hope is to be entertained of a modification of the tariff to suit Southern interests, if not, then let South Carolina nullify.

JANUARY, 1832.

First day. This being the first day of another year I shall hence use figures for the day of the month.

Second day. There is more conversation about the Presidential election. Jackson has lost all his popularity in Virginia but will still get the vote of this State because he is now less odious than Clay, for neither hold political opinions at this time agreeable to Virginia.

Third day. Still the same conduct in public affairs, the nomination of the Secretaries and Ministers to foreign courts made by the President are still before the Senate of the United States.

Seventh day. Letters from the Vice-President and Senator Tyler, state the aspect of public affairs adverse to the South.

Ninth day. Members begin to talk of debating the question of gradually emancipating the Slaves of Virginia. It has been very adroitly brought about. Summers, Faulkner, Preston and Berry, also Campbell and Brook will be fast friends to the measure. They are talented young men and will manage this affair most excellently well.

Tenth day. The slave question increases.

Eleventh day. Hopes are entertained by my young friends that a debate can be had upon the slave question.

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Twelfth day. Mr. Goode this day made a motion to discharge the Committee on so much of the Governor's message as relates to free negroes and mulattoes and to which a memorial of sundry citizens of Hanover had been referred with a view to prevent debate upon the Slave question involved in that memorial. The abolition party opposed it and hence the slave party have produced the very debate they wished to avoid, and too, have entered upon it with open doors.

Thirteenth day. The debate in the House of Delegates still continues.

Fifteenth day. The debate in the House continued with great ability by Faulkner. This is a fine talented young gentleman.

Sixteenth day. The debate continues with increased ability.

Eighteenth day. I heard from Congress the agent appointed by me last summer to settle the claim of Virginia against the Federal Government for disbursement during the Revolutionary War, reports that they are in a fair way for adjustment which will give us near a million dollars.

Ninteenth day. The debate still goes on.

Twentieth day. Nothing now is talked of or creates any interest but the debate on the abolition of slavery. All is well.

Twenty-first day. The debate in the House is growing in interest and I fear engendering bad and party feelings. It must be checked in erratic tendencies.

Twenty-third day. Many speculations are now made upon the result of this debate. We can carry

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the question, if necessary, by about two votes which will depend upon the views and objects to be developed by the slave part of the state. I think as yet nothing has transpired other than to prove that they must not be hurt, but held in check.

Twenty-fourth day. The debate begins to be carried on in an angry tone. It is not good that it should be so.

Twenty-fifth day. The debate is stopped but the members from the South side of the James River talk of making a proposition to divide the State by the Blue Ridge Mountains sooner than part with their negroes, which is the property of that part of the State.

Twenty-sixth day. The talk of dividing the State continues.

Twenty-seventh day. The cold increases, being two below Zero. The conversation this morning is not so violent about dividing the State. I have no doubt the few malcontents will soon become cool and contented. They will see the fallacy and futility of such a thought.

Our Federal Government is at this time engaged on the tariff and instead of relieving the South are about to repeal the duties on luxuries and retain them on iron, cottons and woolens. If so. South Carolina will nullify the act and thus brine into action the reserved right of the State. All this is owing to the utter inefficiency of President Jackson, who has no influence with Congress and who will probably again be reelected to the Presidency, as the two great contending parties, tariff and arbitration, are fearful of trying their strength directly,

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and Jackson floats like a stick upon the flood, though the tariff party think they are gaining by his inefficiency, which is unquestionably true, and if they succeed in their expectation and desire, the South will be compelled to secede.

Twenty-eighth day. Letters from Congress create a doubt here as to the confirmation of Van Buren.

Twenty-ninth day. All navigation above and below stopped by ice. Nothing of much importance to-day.

Thirty-first day. This day news has been received from Congress that the nomination of Van Buren as Minister Plenipotentiary has been rejected by the Senate of the United States by the casting vote of the Vice-President of the United States.

FEBRUARY, 1832.

First day. The rejection of Van Buren has created much conversation, and forced the profligate, Ritchie, Editor of the Enquirer, to speak out together with that chief of hypocrites, Peter V. Daniel. These men now enjoy much influence though Ritchie's father, in the Revolutionary War was a base Scotch Tory, was tied to a cart tail in Tappahannook and afterwards ducked. These fellows still have in a strong degree a hereditary penchant for monarchy. The surprise is that the community should so soon have forgotten their cause as to have allowed those enemies of their country an influence amongst them.

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Second day. These descendants of the old Tories are still harping upon the rejection of the idol of their party, the corrupt Van Buren. If ever a man met his just fate, surely this has been dealt out to him. He has degraded his country by the instructions given to our Minister to England, his predecessor, and almost every word said of him by the Senators, who made speeches on his nomination is true.

Third day. The General Assembly rejected the bill to-day which was intended to loan money to improve the State. This the members on the East side of the Blue Ridge Mountains did, saying they had no interest in such improvements and in revenge for the debate on the negro subject of abolition. Goode, of Meeklenburgh, said to me the day the debate closed upon the "slave question" as it was called, that the Eastern and Western people were not at all the same people, that they were essentially a different people, that they did not think alike, feel alike, and had no interests in common, that a separation of the State must ensue, and rather than have the subject of abolition again debated he would be glad for a separation. Both sides seem ready to separate the State if any one would propose it. I think that event from appearances highly probable.

Fifth day. The public business still proceeding as usual. But Ritchie, that profligate son of a Scotch Tory, and the Richmond Junta are at work trying to procure a party to nominate in this State Van Buren to be Vice- President. This same Van Buren whom the Senate of the United States only a few days ago, rejected as minister to England because he was unworthy

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having tarnished the honor of his country when Secretary of State, by giving unworthy and degrading instructions to the Minister, McLean, who immediately preceded him. For myself, I think that McLean, now Secretary of the Department of the Treasury, equally unworthy for acting upon those instructions, which he did!

Sixth day. Congress still employed upon the maturation of the Bank scheme tariff and the Senate on Van Buren's nomination as Minister to England.

Seventh day. The General Assembly are now devising a law to give up the public improvements finished by the State into the hands of individual companies.

Ninth day. Van Buren is rejected by the casting vote of the Vice-President as we have already heard. Much excitement is trying to be gotten up by the, Tory party but it will fail.

Sixteenth day. There is no news of interest afloat to-day. This evening I was taken ill and was not able to leave my bed to transact business until the twenty-second, when I joined the procession in celebrating the centennial birthday of General Washington, when I took cold from the dampness and coldness of the day. This compelled me to take my bed again from which I did not rise until the twenty-fourth day of March following.

The illness from which I have recovered was an influenza which has prevailed throughout the State, accompanied with some discharge of blood from the lungs. The scarlet fever has also been prevalent and has attacked old and young and has been exceedingly fatal, more deaths have taken place in this city

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than was ever known before in the same length of time.

Twenty-eighth day. I went this day to the board of public works and James River Board, being the first time for some weeks that I have been out owing to my late indisposition.

Twenty-ninth day. Mr. Richard K. Cralle this day issued his new Journal called the Jeffersonian and Virginia Times. This paper will be devoted to the true States Rights principles which I hope will benefit the country. There is so strong a tendency to a consolidated government from the increasing powers of the Federal Government that unless shortly arrested the State government will cease to exist, become merely nominal or there must be disunion. Ritchie and the other supporters of Jackson and Van Buren now go for patronage regardless of principle. Ritchie's Tory blood and propensities begin strongly to manifest themselves. If they and Jackson again triumph in the election, I think it will be doubtful whether the Union will last very long.

APRIL, 1832.

Eleventh day. This morning at six o'clock I received an express from Williamsburgh informing me that the former Capitol of the State in that City was yesterday consumed by fire. This edifice is that which has been rendered so dear to the memory of all Virginians from its being the same in which Patrick Henry, the greatest orator in the world, thundered forth his irresistible floods of eloquence which produced the American Independence which made freemen of an entire continent.

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Fifteenth day. This day is clear, cloudless and agreeable, just so cool as to require a little fire in the morning and for the first time the weather looks and feels like spring. The wind is from the South-west. The season past has been altogether unusual. Winter before last was severe beyond anything known for sixty-one years, so say the old people. The Summer was in places dry, so much so as to prove destructive to the crop, in other parts there was an unusual quantity of rain, but upon the whole a favorable season for corn and small grain. The winter just past has been very severe and variable. The latter part was as cold as the winter before, the Powhatan or James River was frozen over as far down as City Point. This Spring was singularly backward, as it appears, for this part of the State.

Amongst other calamities, the scarlet fever, as the doctors call it, has raged in this city for a year past and has been singularly destructive to human life. Hardly a family has escaped and some have lost two or three members of their family. The merchants say they have not enough black cloth to supply the demand for mourning apparel. To complete our misfortunes as the scarlet fever begins to decline, I presume it declining, as I have not heard of a death for two days, the measles are beginning to prevail; so has the smallpox frequently appeared during the winter and spring in different parts of the State.

All these things induce me to believe that the constitution of the air or atmosphere on the Earth is changed or operated upon by the approach of the great comet, which comes so near us as to have a decided

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effect upon the motions of the Earth. Moreover disease has prevailed throughout the world more extensively and more fatally than common; tempests at sea have been more frequent and more violent and all the volcanoes of America have exhibited much more motion than usual. So, I understand, have Etna and Vessuvius in Europe.

Whether these things, or rather, whether this state of the Telline Constitution, if I may be allowed to coin a word, produced any effect on the minds of men, I do not know, but it appears to me that the political men of the country have exhibited as much instability in their minds, principles, and opinions as the surrounding elements. Men who have maturely formed opinions which we thought had become a part of themselves, have changed without a blush and seem to think they deserve praise. But the greatest misfortune of the country is that men of the first talents are not now employed in the Federal Government and character has, as it would seem, no claim to respect or preferment, so utterly reckless seem the favorites who move the President about as they please.

Twentieth day. This day letters from the city of Washington have been received which are entitled to full credit. That Sam Houston, who assaulted Stansberry, a member of Congress from Ohio, for words spoken in debate had determined, after consulting President Jackson, to change the ground of defence and place it upon that of a quarrel in a bawdy house and that he meant to summon the whore to the bar of Congress to prove the fact, and also the gunsmith of whom he, Houston, says Stansberry

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purchased a pistol to use against Houston on that account. The story is this, which I omitted to record on the eighteenth.

General Duff Green, the Editor of a newspaper called the United States Telegraph, some year or so ago, detected a plan laid by Eaton, the then Secretary of War, and William B. Lewis, the Second Auditor of the Treasury, and Sam Houston, late Governor of Tennessee, in an attempt to practice a most tremendous fraud upon the Government, perhaps to the amount of two million dollars, which he communicated in person to the President in the presence of Branch, the then Secretary of the Navy, but was so illy received by President Jackson that he left the President under the belief that he, the President had already been privy to the contract and approved. Green, however, went on to prove, as he has done, the intended fraud and defeated it. Congress was about to investigate the subject, and in the debate upon the subject, Mr. Stansberry, a member from the State of Ohio, animadverted freely upon the subject. For this speech, Houston was offended and preparing himself with a tremendous bludgeon and a pistol, waylaid Stansberry at night and coming up behind him, struck him with such violence that he knocked him down into the gutter of the footway, for it was in the street near Stansberry's lodgings. As Stansberry attempted to rise and make resistance Houston repeated the blows with the bludgeon until he crippled Stansberry's right arm and broke to pieces the bones of his left hand. Before Stansberry was so much disabled, he draw a pistol, but

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in attempting to fire at Houston it snapped, and was then knocked out of his hand and he was disabled.

The letter now referred to states that Houston is an inmate at the President's and says that it was in consultation with him that Houston intends to place the quarrel with Stansberry on the footing of a private affair, growing out of a rivalship in a brothel.

This is in accordance with the loose actions of Jackson's life and all those who have always been near his person. They are all without any moral restraint and are as virtuous and correct as Jackson himself. I did believe when Jackson became President he would have the power to restore his country to harmony but he has proved to be inadequate to the task and has nothing to distinguish his administration but the vicious violence of his own temper and his adherents.

Twenty-eighth day. The following letter comes into my hands, I know not how, sent by I know not whom, for the purpose I know not what. It was slipped into this I know not when. I have observed it in this book daily for several months, but not regarding it in any other light than as an old letter of my own, put in this book perhaps to cause the book to open more easily and readily when I wished to write in it. Though so constantly before my eyes, and not needing it, I thought I would examine it when I note it is as follows, thinking it worthy of record. I fear somebody has been in my office and placed it here to create a suspicion in my mind in relation to the fidelity of John Tyler, our Senator in Congress. My wife says she recollects the letter to

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have been received by mail or through the post-office under cover from whom none know.

Ritchie, the writer of the letter, is politically my enemy, so is Mr. Stevenson. Tyler is the man in the world whom I have most trusted as a purely honest man and as a virtuous Statesman. I risked much of my popularity to sustain him as he was a personal friend and a purely States Rights politician. He was at that time assailed with deadly hate by Ritchie and Stevenson and the Richmond Junta. What can now be the meaning of the subjoined letter? Ritchie and Stevenson and the Junta are harnessed to the Van Buren car. I am the friend of Calhoun, so are Tazewell and Tyler. We three have been the head of that party which supports the Resolutions of Virginia and Calhoun. It is true that Tazewell and myself have been very obnoxious, I thought Tyler not less so. He and Tazewell have been sustained in their office and in their course by me. But what puzzles me now is to find Ritchie writing to Stevenson and saying to him to converse with Tyler most frankly. His words are "Converse most frankly with Tyler."

What! Converse frankly with his greatest enemy! These enemies who have pursued him with such steady hate and opposition--whilst I am left to suppose him on the same terms with them that he was, and myself left where I stood when I extended him aid against these unprincipled hypocrites in politics who have taken every side and held every opinion, who have fought on both sides of the question and seem to be regardless of the restraints of the constitution! Truly this is a development.

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The subjoined letter has no date, but the postmark is Richmond December 1st, Free. Endorsed thus: Andrew Stevenson, Washington.

I will copy it in this place as follows:

Friday Night.

My Dear Sir: The night I left you an accident to my wife prevented my hearing about you next day. In the meantime you were flown so that my valedictory note on Wednesday evening did not reach you. It made no odds for it was to bid you adieu, to ask you to deliver a note from me to our friend Archer and to beg you to ask G. D. Green to send his daily Telegraph to the Enquirer. I wish to hear daily from both sides and during the Winter the Enquirer comes out three times a week and will not be altogether unworthy of his acceptance.

You must write to us as often as you can conveniently, though if you are put in the chair, you will of course have less time.

Do write me a line on receiving this to let me know how the land lies. Converse most frankly with Tyler and believe me. Yours truly,

T. Ritchie.

Thirtieth day. News from the City of Washington informs us that the President is outrageously abusive in all his conversations of every member of Congress who differs with him in opinion about any measure, and openly bullies all who do not acquiesce in his declarations that the assault upon Stansberry, a member of Congress, by Houston for words spoken in debate is correct. He, Jackson, says that he wished there were a "dozen Houstons" to beat and cudgel the members of Congress.

In future history these things will have a strange appearance and will be quoted by the enemies of liberty and of Republican Government as proofs of

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the inability of men to preserve a Republican form of Government, or in other words, for man to govern himself.

These are facts--Jackson was violent, ignorant, vindictive and intractable, excessively vain and self conceited. He by good luck gained the battle of New Orleans. This gave him some eclat with the people generally and rendered his name familiar to all. At this moment came the direful struggle between the great parties in Congress founded upon the claim which the majority in Congress from the north of the Potomac made to the right to lay any tax upon the importations into the United States which was intended to act as protection of the Northern manufactories by excluding foreign fabrics of the same kind. Hence all the states to the South of the Potomac became dependent upon the Northern States for a supply of whatever thing they might want, and in this way the South was compelled to sell its products low and buy from the North all articles it needed, from twenty-five to one hundred and twenty-five per cent higher than from France or England. The South protested, and resisted by arguments and remonstrances, all these laws as unconstitutional and oppressive to them. John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, etc., were at the head of that party. It was believed they urged on this party to act, it of course, being very popular with the majority, that they might in turn be made President of the United States by these parties.

At this juncture the Southern Party brought out Jackson who was thought to be a States Rights politician, because his battle of New Orleans made him

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popular with the people of Pennsylvania and with that State, the South could elect Jackson and by his help reduce the odious tariff. In this work of his election I myself have much to answer for as I influenced the State of Virginia to vote for him at least in a very great degree. When he was elected, to our utter consternation, we found him without principle and of very feeble intellect. He gave himself up to the opposite party, was willing to take any course which would keep him in a majority and called around him men of the most depraved morals, habits and principles, without any character before the country and who employ themselves alone in flattering him, draughts of which he swallows as coarse as swill. He declines rapidly from age and infirmity, he is now literally in his dotage and has never since his illness last summer, recovered his mind. His appearance now is not believed by the people, they think these things untrue, and therefore it is that the country seems to foreigners and will appear in history so disadvantageous. These selfish and corrupt villains who are near to him and use him have by the immense patronage of the Federal Government bribed all the printing presses to denounce all these things as lies and all honest men who speak out these things are represented to the people as discontented and disappointed men. I know the people virtuous, honest and pure and would, if they believed these things, hurl all of them headlong from office, Jackson and all, but unfortunately for the country they do not believe.

This security urges on these men to push forward all schemes which will create patronage that

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they may remain in office by its distribution, therefore I now fear the day is near at hand when the South, wearied out with oppression of the North, aggravated by the ill conduct of this base administration, will only find safety from oppression by withdrawing from the Union, thus proving for the thousandth time that ignorance and vice will destroy in a short time that which virtue and talents have been years building up. Surely Jackson has deceived many, very many of our most intelligent and virtuous, as well as myself. I did act for the best but we failed to effectuate the good desired because our instrument was vicious though this we did not know when we embraced his cause. I, myself, it is true suspected him and kept out of his toils, but I suspected him of avarice, hypocricy, etc., not of a sufficient want of judgment, when aided by virtuous men like Calhoun, Tazewell, Hayne, and Hamilton, etc., with a host of others. Now! What are you to think. Day after day he sinks still lower and lower until Jackson's name will soon be a reproach to us, a disgrace to the Country, and I fear, ruin to the Union, though the people themselves are yet simple in their habits and most virtuous and unsuspecting. But the bribed printing presses will not let them know until the awful tumbling to pieces of this beautiful confederacy informs them of the reality of their condition.

MAY, 1832.

First day. This day I wrote to John Tyler, our Senator in Congress and sent him the original letter of Ritchie to Stevenson transcribed into this hook on the twenty-eighth day of last month. This I have done as fair dealing and due to a friend.

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Eighth day. This day I received a letter from Senator Tyler in answer to one I wrote him when I enclosed the letter which I had so curiously received. I refer to what I have copied into the book on the twenty-eighth ultimo from T. Ritchie to Andrew Stevenson. Tyler seems to be puzzled to know what to make of it. Upon the whole he is not so much to blame as I thought at the first blush of the business. It is Ritchie and Stevenson who are the rogues, both to the Republican party and to Tyler.

Twelfth day. Visited the Senior Quoit Club or barbecue. Three of the Judges only were there today. It was a pleasant day.

Thirteenth day. My marriage took place with Laetitia Preston on Sunday, the thirteenth day of May in the year 1804, so that we have been married this day twenty-eight years. She left me today on her return to our residence in the County of Montgomery on the Thorn Spring, accompanied by our son, William and five daughters. We have now living and grown, except three, nine children, four sons and five daughters, finer children no parents ever had, both for size, talents, morals, beauty and good tempers. Their education has been of the best.

Fourteenth day. I feel distressed that my wife and children should be on their journey during this rainy weather. They must have a disagreeable trip to our home as it is two hundred and fifty miles.

I saw Mr. Faulkner to-day who is just from the City of Washington. He gives a most lamentable account of President Jackson. Among other things that four gentlemen from Boston who had made the

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trip on purpose to see the man they had favored so much and fixed such a high value on and thought him a blessing to his country, that when these gentlemen arrived at the City of Washington they called upon Mr. Appleton, their representative in Congress, to introduce them to President Jackson. Mr. Appleton complied with their request and at the usual hour in the morning they all four repaired to the President's house and were formally announced. Instead of being received, they were kept some time standing in the anti-chamber. During this period of their stay they heard much loud and noisy conversation in the next room. After this they perceived Senator Grundy of Tennessee issuing from the room from which the loud talking was heard, leaving the door of the room open, and they perceived that it was President Jackson and Grundy who were in conversation, that Jackson followed Grundy still talking very loudly and looking after Grundy who had passed through the room in which these gentlemen were standing. Mr. Appleton then introduced his Boston friends, but Jackson never deigned to notice them but continued talking after Grundy as though he were present and still in hearing. These gentlemen stood all this time in perfect amazement. Mr. Appleton introduced the gentlemen again, still he bawled after Grundy in the same vehement and boisterous manner, violently abusing the Senators who had voted against Van Buren. In this situation these gentlemen left Jackson, not having been noticed or offered the slightest recognition. Senator Poindexter, Senator Moore and others were the subject of his abuse in terms the most coarse and

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vulgar, such as that "Oh, Poindexter, he is a scoundrel, a villain, I know him, he shall be punished. I wish the American people-knew him as well as I do, he is a damn rascal, and I will have his character known to the people," with much more of this same kind of stuff.

These gentlemen reduced to writing what passed and what will without doubt become history. Mr. Faulkner vouches for the facts and his authority is unquestionable.

Sixteenth day. Some days ago I saw in the newspaper, the National Intelligencer, a letter from Mr. Arnold, a member of Congress from Tennessee, to the editor stating that one Heard had threatened to beat or shoot him for speaking ill of his friend, Houston. Sure enough this day's mail brings us the intelligence that upon the adjournment of the House of Representatives on yesterday, Morgan A. Heard, the person alluded to and named by Mr. Arnold, actually did meet him, Arnold, as he descended the steps of the terrace on the west side of the Capitol and attacked him with a club. The blow was parried by Arnold, whereupon the other drew out a pistol and fired at Arnold, which shot entered the sleeve of his coat, lacerated the skin of his right arm all the way to the shoulder and passed through his coat again near the shoulder. Arnold struck Heard with a sword cane which he had in his hand, which broke the lower part of the staff and thereby left the sword bare, yet the blow felled Heard to the ground, and Arnold was in the act of running him through the body when his arm was arrested by General Duncan, who is a representative from Illinois. Jackson has

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encouraged these attacks upon the members, and Stansberry has so said in his place in the House and pledged himself to prove it if the House would grant an investigation, but the servile, contemptible House refused an inquiry into so flagitious an outrage upon the people, the dignity of the country and the purity of the principles of the Constitution!

Eighteenth day. We were invited very kindly by Mr. Mills, a very rich merchant of this city, to accompany him on a trip of pleasure of the railroad, or rather, it was an expedition he had prepared for us. The travel on the road was very agreeable and very expeditious.

Nineteenth day. News from Washington City is still of a disagreeable character. Since Arnold was shot at, a man by the name of Davis from South Carolina and a pet of General Jackson's, has challenged Mr. Cooke of Ohio, for words spoken in debate. The papers inform us this day that a Mr. Condit, of New Jersey, has offered in the House sundry resolutions asking a committee to investigate the facts as to the general report whether the President has not encouraged those attacks upon the members. The result of this has not yet been ascertained, no votes yet by the House upon those resolutions.

Twentieth day. The times at Washington City are bad, still the mob of bullies is excited by the President to attacks on the Members for their speeches or words spoken in debate and his subservient majority stifles all inquiry or investigation, thus is our liberty melting away, the good and the talented men retiring from office and the vicious and the ignorant fostered by the President. I much

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fear our Republic will fail and that before many years. The scum of a country may be blown off and the pure part left free, but when the dregs are commingled with the mass, the whole is destroyed. The dregs now are courted, sought, are encouraged, protected and given the whole of the executive favor.

Twenty-second day. Nothing has transpired worth recording. The threatenings daily heard for the purpose of intimidating Members of Congress by the bullies of Jackson still rife in the country and other attacks are believed to be in contemplation.

Twenty-seventh day. I went to the chapel to hear Mr. O'Brien, who is a man of talents and a respectable orator. Politics seem to be assuming more interest. The party now favorable to Jackson is striving for the election of Van Buren, the disgraced minister, upon the ground that Jackson favors his election and that party is now contending for the elevation of Mr. Van Buren, that they may make him President to succeed Jackson that thereby they may appropriate the money or patronage of the federal offices to their own use. Mr. Marcy, a senator from New York, and a friend of Van Buren's has in a speech lately said on the floor of the Senate "that the victorious party in these contests for the Presidency is entitled to the spoils by the right of their victory."

Twenty-eighth day. Dined with Mr. Adams at Fairfield.

Twenty-ninth day. I received to-day a letter from Senator Tazewell which required me to write to Mr. Faulkner, a copy of which I here subjoin.